THE NEW PATRIOTISM
The people of the United States are on the verge of one of the great
quiet decisions which determine national destinies. Crises happen in
peace as well as in war, and a peaceful crisis may be as vital and
controlling as any that comes with national uprising and the clash of
arms. Such a crisis, at first uneventful and almost unperceived, is upon
us now, and we are engaged in making the decision that is thus forced
upon us. And, so far as it has gone, our decision is largely wrong.
Fortunately it is not yet final.
The question we are deciding with so little consciousness of what it
involves is this: What shall we do with our natural resources? Upon the
final answer that we shall make to it hangs the success or failure of
this Nation in accomplishing its manifest destiny.
Few Americans will deny that it is the manifest destiny of the United
States to demonstrate that a democratic republic is the best form of
government yet devised, and that the ideals and institutions of the
great republic taken together must and do work out in a prosperous,
contented, peaceful, and righteous people; and also to exercise, through
precept and example, an influence for good among the nations of the
world. That destiny seems to us brighter and more certain of realization
to-day than ever before. It is true that in population, in wealth, in
knowledge, in national efficiency generally, we have reached a place far
beyond the farthest hopes of the founders of the Republic. Are the
causes which have led to our marvellous development likely to be
repeated indefinitely in the future, or is there a reasonable
possibility, or even a probability, that conditions may arise which will
check our growth?
Danger to a nation comes either from without or from within. In the
first great crisis of our history, the Revolution, another people
attempted from without to halt the march of our destiny by refusing to
us liberty. With reasonable prudence and preparedness we need never fear
another such attempt. If there be danger, it is not from an external
source. In the second great crisis, the Civil War, a part of our own
people strove for an end which would have checked the progress of
development. Another such attempt has become forever impossible. If
there be danger, it is not from a division of our people.
In the third great crisis of our history, which has now come squarely
upon us, the special interests and the thoughtless citizens seem to have
united together to deprive the Nation of the great natural resources
without which it cannot endure. This is the pressing danger now, and it
is not the least to which our National life has been exposed. A nation
deprived of liberty may win it, a nation divided may reunite, but a
nation whose natural resources are destroyed must inevitably pay the
penalty of poverty, degradation, and decay.
At first blush this may seem like an unpardonable misconception and
over-statement, and if it is not true it certainly is unpardonable. Let
us consider the facts. Some of them are well known, and the salient ones
can be put very briefly.
The five indispensably essential materials in our civilization are wood,
water, coal, iron, and agricultural products.
We have timber for less than thirty years at the present rate of
cutting. The figures indicate that our demands upon the forest have
increased twice as fast as our population.
We have anthracite coal for but fifty years, and bituminous coal for
less than two hundred.
Our supplies of iron ore, mineral oil, and natural gas are being rapidly
depleted, and many of the great fields are already exhausted. Mineral
resources such as these when once gone are gone forever.
We have allowed erosion, that great enemy of agriculture, to impoverish
and, over thousands of square miles, to destroy our farms. The
Mississippi alone carries yearly to the sea more than 400,000,000 tons
of the richest soil within its drainage basin. If this soil is worth a
dollar a ton, it is probable that the total loss of fertility from
soil-wash to the farmers and forest-owners of the United States is not
far from a billion dollars a year. Our streams, in spite of the millions
of dollars spent upon them, are less navigable now than they were fifty
years ago, and the soil lost by erosion from the farms and the
deforested mountain sides, is the chief reason. The great cattle and
sheep ranges of the West, because of overgrazing, are capable, in an
average year, of carrying but half the stock they once could support and
should still. Their condition affects the price of meat in practically
every city of the United States.
These are but a few of the more striking examples. The diversion of
great areas of our public lands from the home-maker to the landlord and
the speculator; the national neglect of great water powers, which might
well relieve, being perennially renewed, the drain upon our
non-renewable coal; the fact that but half the coal has been taken from
the mines which have already been abandoned as worked out and by
caving-in have made the rest forever inaccessible; the disuse of the
cheaper transportation of our waterways, which involves comparatively
slight demand upon our non-renewable supplies of iron ore, and the use
of the rail instead--these are other items in the huge bill of
particulars of national waste.
We have a well-marked national tendency to disregard the future, and it
has led us to look upon all our natural resources as inexhaustible. Even
now that the actual exhaustion of some of them is forcing itself upon us
in higher prices and the greater cost of living, we are still asserting,
if not always in words, yet in the far stronger language of action, that
nevertheless and in spite of it all, they still are inexhaustible.
It is this national attitude of exclusive attention to the present, this
absence of foresight from among the springs of national action, which is
directly responsible for the present condition of our natural resources.
It was precisely the same attitude which brought Palestine, once rich
and populous, to its present desert condition, and which destroyed the
fertility and habitability of vast areas in northern Africa and
elsewhere in so many of the older regions of the world.
The conservation of our natural resources is a question of primary
importance on the economic side. It pays better to conserve our natural
resources than to destroy them, and this is especially true when the
national interest is considered. But the business reason, weighty and
worthy though it be, is not the fundamental reason. In such matters,
business is a poor master but a good servant. The law of
self-preservation is higher than the law of business, and the duty of
preserving the Nation is still higher than either.
The American Revolution had its origin in part in economic causes, and
it produced economic results of tremendous reach and weight. The Civil
War also arose in large part from economic conditions, and it has had
the largest economic consequences. But in each case there was a higher
and more compelling reason. So with the third great crisis of our
history. It has an economic aspect of the largest and most permanent
importance, and the motive for action along that line, once it is
recognized, should be more than sufficient. But that is not all. In
this case, too, there is a higher and more compelling reason. The
question of the conservation of natural resources, or national
resources, does not stop with being a question of profit. It is a vital
question of profit, but what is still more vital, it is a question of
national safety and patriotism also.
We have passed the inevitable stage of pioneer pillage of natural
resources. The natural wealth we found upon this continent has made us
rich. We have used it, as we had a right to do, but we have not stopped
there. We have abused, and wasted, and exhausted it also, so that there
is the gravest danger that our prosperity to-day will have been bought
at the price of the suffering and poverty of our descendants. We may now
fairly ask of ourselves a reasonable care for the future and a natural
interest in those who are to come after us. No patriotic citizen expects
this Nation to run its course and perish in a hundred or two hundred,
or five hundred years; but, on the contrary, we expect it to grow in
influence and power and, what is of vastly greater importance, in the
happiness and prosperity of our people. But we have as little reason to
expect that all this will happen of itself as there would have been for
the men who established this Nation to expect that a United States would
grow of itself without their efforts and sacrifices. It was their duty
to found this Nation, and they did it. It is our duty to provide for its
continuance in well-being and honor. That duty it seems as though we
might neglect--not in wilfulness, not in any lack of patriotic devotion,
when once our patriotism is aroused, but in mere thoughtlessness and
inability or unwillingness to drop the interests of the moment long
enough to realize that what we do now will decide the future of the
Nation. For, if we do not take action to conserve the Nation's natural
resources, and that soon, our descendants will suffer the penalty of
our neglect.
Let me use a homely illustration: We have all known fathers and mothers,
devoted to their children, whose attention was fixed and limited by the
household routine of daily life. Such parents were actively concerned
with the common needs and precautions and remedies entailed in bringing
up a family, but blind to every threat that was at all unusual. Fathers
and mothers such as these often remain serenely unaware while some
dangerous malady or injurious habit is fastening itself upon a favorite
child. Once the evil is discovered, there is no sacrifice too great to
repair the damage which their unwitting neglect may have allowed to
become irreparable. So it is, I think, with the people of the United
States. Capable of every devotion in a recognized crisis, we have yet
carelessly allowed the habit of improvidence and waste of resources to
find lodgment. It is our great good fortune that the harm is not yet
altogether beyond repair.
The profoundest duty that lies upon any father is to leave his son with
a reasonable equipment for the struggle of life and an untarnished name.
So the noblest task that confronts us all to-day is to leave this
country unspotted in honor, and unexhausted in resources, to our
descendants, who will be, not less than we, the children of the Founders
of the Republic. I conceive this task to partake of the highest spirit
of patriotism.