XXXIII. What we have said in this discourse, is equally adaptable to high
and low policy, both the one and the other of which, are derived from
the bottom of the soul. The first requires a noble innate disposition, a
clear understanding, and firm virtue; the second, cunning, dissimulation,
and hypocrisy. Activity and resolution, are qualities precisely necessary
in both of them; and he who possesses these requisites, whenever there is
occasion to exert his talents, and apply them to practice, will be found
a good politician, although he has never looked into a political book.
XXXIV. I won’t however deny, that historical instances may not afford
some sort of aid, but I assert, that they don’t do it in the way that is
commonly supposed. The study of history, will make no man a politician
who is not such by nature and genius; but he who has the natural
necessary talents for becoming one, may derive some advantage from
it; because it furnishes him with a general knowledge of the various
dispositions and arts of men, and because the reading of many uncommon
events, may prevent his being surprized or alarmed when such occur to
him; and because also, the reverses of fortune which present themselves
at every turn in history, may put him on his guard, and teach him not to
have too much confidence in his own security.
XXXV. It is true, that all these benefits, are attended with their
inconveniences, which are a sort of counterpoise to them; in the first
place, a multiplicity of instances may perplex; and in the second, the
apprehensions of the misfortunes he has seen happen so frequently,
may intimidate a man. The memory being crouded with a great number of
species, occasions, when it is necessary to separate and examine any one
particularly, a prolix discussion, which is much exposed to perplexities
and mistakes. The consideration of the many reverses of fortune people
are liable to, and the strange accidents that frequently befall them,
which no human precaution can guard against, is apt to beget in the mind
a great diffidence, which when a man is obliged to act, often renders his
operations remiss and languid.
XXXVI. But with respect to the various expedients, which present
themselves in history, and by which politicians of former times
accomplished the ends they had in view, I apprehend that they embarras
more than they assist. Even though we could meet with here and there one
adaptable to the matter in question, the selecting it from among such
a multitude of others, and the finding out perfectly its proportions,
requires more pains and study, than it would cost a man to invent a fresh
expedient, which he might derive from the fund of his own understanding.
XXXVII. The books which are wrote expressly upon politics, and which
proceed by cases, conclusions and aphorisms, only teach general rules;
which would occur to, and be taken in or comprehended by, every man of
good understanding, without the assistance of a book; and besides this,
they require so much consideration and attention, and are liable to
so many exceptions, and demand so many limitations and restrictions in
particular instances, that considered in the latitudinary manner in which
they are propounded, they become absolutely useless.
AN APOLOGY FOR, OR VINDICATION OF, THE CHARACTERS Of some Persons who
have been famous IN HISTORY.
I. Not only the people, whose defence we undertake in this discourse,
lived in different times, and were of different ranks, sexes, and
professions, but the subject-matters also, to which the apologies apply,
were of different kinds. This diversity of itself, seems as if it would
require a distinct discourse to apologize for each person separately; and
in truth, some authors have written whole volumes, upon subjects that
were not of any more importance. But as the variety of different matters
which I have proposed to comprehend under this head, obliges me to be as
concise as possible; I conjecture, that for the sake of the convenience
that will result from my doing so, I may be allowed to range them under
one common title. By pursuing this method, I shall prefer the benefit of
the reader to my own; for if I had divided into many discourses, what
might be comprehended under one general head, he would have paid me for
writing a great deal, which was not of more value than so much blank
paper; as in large letters, the titles of so many discourses would have
occupied a considerable space; and I, with little trouble to myself,
should have been paid the same price for the book, as if it had been all
filled with useful matter.