"I wonder if you could forget the _Commercial Advertiser_ long enough

to spend a fortnight with me here at Bar Harbor. You see, I don't like

to issue invitations and have them 'turned down,' so I'm not going to

invite you till you write me that you will come."

In answer to that invitation I passed a fortnight with him. From

beginning to end of the time he forbade all mention of the newspaper of

which he was chief owner and I the responsible editor. But during that

time he "talked into me," as he said at parting, a deal of high thinking

that he ought to have put into print.

His mind had one notable quality in common with Emerson's--the capacity

to fecundate every other mind with which it came into close contact.

One came away, from a conference with him, feeling enriched, inspired,

enlarged, not so much by the thought he had expressed as by the thinking

he had instigated in his listener's mind.

It was so with me on that occasion. I came away full of a thought that

grew and fruited in my mind. Presently--an occasion offering--I wrote

it into a series of articles in the newspaper. These attracted the

attention of Dr. William M. Sloane, now of Columbia University, then

professor of history at Princeton and editor of the _Princeton Review_.

At his instigation I presented the same thought in his _Review_, and a

little later by invitation I addressed the Nineteenth Century Club on

the subject. I called it "The American Idea." In substance it was that

our country had been founded and had grown great upon the idea that

every man born into the world has a right to do as he pleases, so long

as he does not trespass upon the equal right of any other man to do

as he pleases, and that in a free country it is the sole function of

government to maintain the conditions of liberty and to let men alone.

The idea seemed to be successful in its appeal to men's intelligence at

that time, but many years later--only a year or so ago, in fact--I put

it forward in a commencement address at a Virginia College and found

it sharply though silently antagonized by professors and trustees on

the ground that it seemed to deny to government the right to enact

prohibitory liquor laws, or otherwise to make men moral by statute. The

doctrine was pure Jeffersonianism, of course, and the professors and

trustees sincerely believed themselves to be Jeffersonians. But the

doctrine had gored their pet ox, and that made a difference.

[Sidenote: Some Recollections of Mr. Godwin]

One day Mr. Godwin expressed himself as delighted with all I had written

on the American Idea. I responded:

"That is very natural. The idea is yours, not mine, and in all that I

have written about it, I have merely been reporting what you said to me,

as we stood looking at the surf dashing itself to pieces on the rocks at

Bar Harbor."

"Not at all," he answered. "No man can expound and elaborate another

man's thought without putting so much of himself into it as to make it

essentially and altogether his own. I may have dropped a seed into your

mind, but I didn't know it or intend it. The fruitage is all your own.

My thinking on the subject was casual, vagrant, unorganized. I had never

formulated it in my own mind. You see we all gather ideas in converse

with others. That is what speech was given to man for. But the value of

the ideas depends upon the use made of them."

Mr. Godwin had been at one time in his life rather intimately associated

with Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot and statesman. As all old

newspaper men remember, Kossuth had a habit of dying frequently. News

of his death would come and all the newspapers would print extended

obituary articles. Within a day or two the news would be authoritatively

contradicted, and the obituaries would be laid away for use at some

future time. On one of these occasions Mr. Godwin wrote for me a

singularly interesting article, giving his personal reminiscences of

Kossuth. Before I could print it despatches came contradicting the news

of the old Hungarian's death. I put Mr. Godwin's manuscript into a

pigeonhole and both he and I forgot all about it. A year or so later

Kossuth did in fact die, and in looking through my papers to see what I

might have ready for printing on the subject, I discovered Mr. Godwin's

paper. It was not signed, but purported to be the personal recollections

of one who had known the patriot well.

I hurried it into print, thus gaining twelve or fourteen hours on the

morning newspapers.

The next morning Mr. Godwin called upon me, declaring that he had come

face to face with the most extraordinary psychological problem he had

ever encountered.

"The chapter of Kossuth reminiscences that you printed yesterday," he

said, "was as exact a report of my own recollections of the man as I

could have given you if you had sent a reporter to interview me on the

subject; and the strangest part of it is that the article reports many

things which I could have sworn were known only to myself. It is

astonishing, inexplicable."

"This isn't a case of talking your thought into another person," I

answered, referring to the former incident. "This time you put yourself

down on paper, and what I printed was set from the manuscript you gave

me a year or so ago."

This solved the psychological puzzle and to that extent relieved his

mind. But there remained the further difficulty that, cudgel his brain

as he might, he could find in it no trace of recollection regarding the

matter.

[Sidenote: A Mystery of Forgetting]

"I remember very well," he said, "that I often thought I ought to write

out my recollections of Kossuth, but I can't remember that I ever did

so. I remember taking myself to task many times for my indolence in

postponing a thing that I knew I ought to do, but that only makes the

case the more inexplicable. When I scourged myself for neglecting the

task, why didn't my memory remind me that I had actually discharged the

duty? And now that I have read the reminiscences in print, why am I

unable to recall the fact that I wrote them? The article fills several

columns. Certainly I ought to have some recollection of the labor

involved in writing so much. Are you entirely certain that the

manuscript was mine?"

I sent to the composing room for the "copy" and showed it to him. As he

looked it over he said:

"'Strange to say, on Club paper.' You remember Thackeray's Roundabout

paper with that headline? It has a bearing here, for this is written on

paper that the Century Club alone provides for the use of its members.

I must, therefore, have written the thing at the Century Club, and that

ought to resurrect some memory of it in my mind, but it doesn't. No. I

have not the slightest recollection of having put that matter on paper."

At that point his wonderfully alert mind turned to another thought.

"Suppose you and I believed in the occult, the mystical, the so-called

supernatural, as we don't," he said, "what a mystery we might make of

this in the way of psychical manifestation--which usually belongs to the

domain of psycho-pathology. Think of it! As I chastised myself in my own

mind for my neglect to put these things on paper, your mind came under

subjection to mine and you wrote them in my stead. So complete was the

possession that your handwriting, which is clear and legible, became an

exact facsimile of mine, which is obscure and difficult. Then you, being

under possession, preserved no memory of having written the thing, while

I, knowing nothing of your unconscious agency in the matter, had nothing

to remember concerning it. Isn't that about the way the mysticists make

up their 'facts' for the misleading of half-baked brains?"

In later years I related this incident to a distinguished half-believer

in things mystical, adding Mr. Godwin's laughingly conjectural explanation

of it, whereupon the reply came:

"May not that have been the real explanation, in spite of your own and

Mr. Godwin's skepticism?"

I was left with the feeling that after all what Mr. Godwin had intended

as an extravagant caricature was a veritable representation of a

credulity that actually exists, even among men commonly accounted sane,

and certainly learned. The reflection was discouraging to one who hopes

for the progress of mankind through sanity of mind.

LXIV

In the days of which I have hitherto written there was a dignity,

reserve, contentment--call it what you will--in the conduct of newspapers

of established reputation. There was rivalry among them in their endeavors

to publish the earliest news of public events, but it was a dignified

rivalry involving comparatively little of that self-glorification which

has since come to be a double-leaded feature in the conduct of many

newspapers. The era of illustration and exploitation by the use of

pictures had not yet been born of cheapened reproductive processes.

Newspapers were usually printed directly from type because stereotyping

was then a costly process and a slow one. As a consequence, newspapers

were printed in regular columns consecutively arranged, and articles

begun in one column were carried forward in the next. There were no such

legends as "continued on page five," and the like.

Headlines were confined to the column that began the article. The art

of stretching them halfway or all the way across the page and involving

half a dozen of them in gymnastic wrestlings with each other for supremacy

in conspicuity had not then been invented, and in its absence the use of

circus poster type and circus poster exaggeration of phrase was undreamed

of.

Now and then an advertiser anxious for conspicuity would pay a heavy

price to have column rules cut so that his announcement might stretch

over two or more columns, but the cost of that was so great that

indulgence in it was rare even among ambitious advertisers, while in

the reading columns the practice was wholly unknown.

[Sidenote: The Price of Newspapers]

Another thing. It was then thought that when a copy of a newspaper was

sold, the price paid for it ought to be sufficient at least to pay the

cost of its manufacture, plus some small margin of profit. All the great

morning newspapers except the _Sun_ were sold at four cents a copy; the

_Sun_, by virtue of extraordinary literary condensation, used only about

half the amount of paper consumed by the others, and was sold at two

cents. The afternoon newspapers were sold at three cents.

The publishers of newspapers had not then grasped the idea that is

now dominant, that if a great circulation can be achieved by selling

newspapers for less than the mere paper in them costs, the increase

in the volume and price of advertising will make of them enormously

valuable properties.

That idea was not born suddenly. Even after the revolution was

established, the cost of the white paper used in making a newspaper

helped to determine the price of it to the public. It was not until the

phenomenal success of cheap newspapers years afterwards tempted even

more reckless adventurers into the field that publishers generally threw

the entire burden of profit-making upon the advertising columns and thus

established the business office in the seat before occupied by the editor

and made business considerations altogether dominant over utterance,

attitude, and conduct.

There were in the meantime many attempts made to establish a cheaper

form of journalism, but they were inadequately supported by working

capital; they were usually conducted by men of small capacity; they had

no traditions of good will behind them, and above all, they could not

get Associated Press franchises. For the benefit of readers who are

not familiar with the facts, I explain that the Associated Press is an

organization for news-gathering, formed by the great newspapers by way

of securing news that no newspaper could afford to secure for itself.

It maintains bureaus in all the great news centers of the world, and

these collect and distribute to the newspapers concerned a great mass

of routine news that would be otherwise inaccessible to them. If a

president's message, or an inaugural address, or any other public

document of voluminous character is to be given out, it is obvious that

the newspapers concerned cannot wait for telegraphic reports of its

contents. By way of saving time and telegraphic expense, the document

is delivered to the Associated Press, and copies of it are sent to all

the newspapers concerned, with a strict limitation upon the hour of its

publication. Until that hour comes no newspaper in the association is

privileged to print it or in any way, by reference or otherwise, to

reveal any part of its contents. But in the meanwhile they can put it

into type, and with it their editorial comments upon it, so that when

the hour of release comes, they can print the whole thing--text and

comment--without loss of time. The newspaper not endowed with an

Associated Press franchise must wait for twenty-four hours or more

for its copy of the document.

Hardly less important is the fact that in every city, town, and village

in the country, the Associated Press has its agent--the local editor or

the telegraph operator, or some one else--who is commissioned to report

to it every news happening that may arise within his bailiwick. Often

these reports are interesting; sometimes they are of importance, and in

either case the newspaper not allied with a press association must miss

them.

At the time of which I am writing, the Associated Press was the only

organization in the country that could render such service, and every

newspaper venture lacking its franchise was foredoomed to failure.

[Sidenote: The Pulitzer Revolution]

But a newspaper revolution was impending and presently it broke upon us.

In 1883 Mr. Joseph Pulitzer bought the _World_ and instituted a totally

new system of newspaper conduct.

His advent into New York journalism was called an "irruption," and it

was resented not only by the other newspapers, but even more by a large

proportion of the conservative public.

In its fundamental principle, Mr. Pulitzer's revolutionary method was

based upon an idea identical with that suggested by Mr. John Bigelow

when he told me there were too many newspapers for the educated class.

Mr. Pulitzer undertook to make a newspaper, not for the educated class,

but for all sorts and conditions of men. He did not intend to overlook

the educated class, but he saw clearly how small a part of the community

it was, and he refused to make his appeal to it exclusively or even

chiefly.

The results were instantaneous and startling. The _World_, which had

never been able to achieve a paying circulation or a paying constituency

of advertisers, suddenly began selling in phenomenal numbers, while its

advertising business became what Mr. Pulitzer once called a "bewildering

chaos of success, yielding a revenue that the business office was

imperfectly equipped to handle."

It is an interesting fact, that the _World's_ gain in circulation was

not made at the expense of any other newspaper. The books of account

show clearly that while the _World_ was gaining circulation by scores

and hundreds of thousands, no other morning newspaper was losing. The

simple fact was that by appealing to a larger class, the _World_ had

created a great company of newspaper readers who had not before been

newspaper readers at all. Reluctantly, and only by degrees, the other

morning newspapers adopted the _World's_ methods, and won to themselves

a larger constituency than they had ever enjoyed before.

All this had little effect upon the afternoon newspapers. They had their

constituencies. Their province was quite apart from that of the morning

papers. A circulation of ten or twenty thousand copies seemed to them

satisfactory; any greater circulation was deemed extraordinary, and if

at a time of popular excitement their sales exceeded twenty thousand

they regarded it not only as phenomenal but as a strain upon their

printing and distributing machinery which it would be undesirable to

repeat very often.

But the revolution was destined to reach them presently. At that time

none of the morning newspapers thought of issuing afternoon editions.

The game seemed not worth the candle. But presently the sagacity of Mr.

William M. Laffan--then a subordinate on the _Sun's_ staff, later the

proprietor and editor of that newspaper--saw and seized an opportunity.

The morning papers had learned their lesson and were making their appeal

to the multitude instead of the select few. The afternoon newspapers

were still addressing themselves solely to "the educated class." Mr.

Laffan decided to make an afternoon appeal to the more multitudinous

audience. Under his inspiration the _Evening Sun_ was established on the

seventeenth day of March, 1887, and it instantly achieved a circulation

of forty thousand--from twice to four times that of its more

conservative competitors.

[Sidenote: The Lure of the World]

A little later an evening edition of the _World_ was established. Its

success at first was small, but Mr. Pulitzer quickly saw the reason

for that. The paper was too closely modeled upon the conservative and

dignified pattern of the established afternoon newspapers. To his

subordinates Mr. Pulitzer said:

"You are making a three-cent newspaper for a one-cent constituency.

I want you to make it a one-cent newspaper."

What further instructions he gave to that end, I have never heard, but

whatever they were they were carried out with a success that seemed to

me to threaten the very existence of such newspapers as the one I was

editing. I was satisfied that if the newspaper under my control was to

survive it must adopt the new methods of journalism, broaden its appeal

to the people, and reduce its price to the "penny" which alone the

people could be expected to pay when the _Evening Sun_ and the _Evening

World_ could be had for that price.

The board of directors of the newspaper could not be induced to take

this view, and just then one of the editors of the _World_, acting for

Mr. Pulitzer, asked me to take luncheon with him. He explained to me

that Mr. Pulitzer wanted an editorial writer and that he--my host--had

been commissioned to engage me in that capacity, if I was open to

engagement. In the end he made me a proposal which I could not put aside

in justice to myself and my family. My relations with Mr. Godwin and his

associates were so cordial, and their treatment of me had been always so

generous, that I could not think of leaving them without their hearty

consent and approval. The summer was approaching, when the members of

the board of directors would go away to their summer homes or to Europe.

The last regular meeting of the board for the season had been held, and

nothing had been done to meet the new conditions of competition. I was

discouraged by the prospect of addressing a steadily diminishing

audience throughout the summer, with the possibility of having no

audience at all to address when the fall should come.

I hastily called the board together in a special meeting. I told them

of the proposal made to me by the _World_ and of my desire to accept

it unless they could be induced to let me adopt the new methods at an

expense much greater than any of the established afternoon newspapers

had ever contemplated, and much greater than my board of directors

was willing to contemplate. I said frankly that without their cordial

consent, I could not quit their service, but that if we were to go on

as before, I earnestly wished to be released from a responsibility that

threatened my health with disaster.

They decided to release me, after passing some very flattering

resolutions, and in early June, 1889, I went to the _World_ as an

editorial writer free from all responsibility for the news management of

the paper, free from all problems of newspaper finance, and free from

the crushing weight of the thought that other men's property interests

to the extent of many hundreds of thousands of dollars were in hourly

danger of destruction by some fault or failure of judgment on my part.

As I rejoiced in this sense of release, I recalled what James R. Osgood,

one of the princes among publishers, had once said to me, and for the

first time I fully grasped his meaning. At some public banquet or

other he and I were seated side by side and we fell into conversation

regarding certain books he had published. They were altogether worthy

books, but their appeal seemed to me to be to so small a constituency

that I could not understand what had induced him to publish them at all.

I said to him:

"I sometimes wonder at your courage in putting your money into the

publication of such books."

He answered:

"That's the smallest part of the matter. Think of my courage in putting

_other people's money_ into their publication!"

It was not long after that that Osgood's enterprises failed, and he

retired from business as a publisher to the sorrow of every American who

in any way cared for literature.

[Sidenote: The Little Dinner to Osgood]

When Osgood went to London as an agent of the Harpers, some of us gave

him a farewell dinner, for which Thomas Nast designed the menu cards.

When these were passed around for souvenir autographs, Edwin A. Abbey

drew upon each, in connection with his signature, a caricature of

himself which revealed new possibilities in his genius--possibilities

that have come to nothing simply because Mr. Abbey has found a better

use for his gifts than any that the caricaturist can hope for. But those

of us who were present at that little Osgood dinner still cherish our

copies of the dinner card on which, with a few strokes of his pencil,

Abbey revealed an unsuspected aspect of his genius. In view of the

greatness of his more serious work, we rejoice that he went no further

than an after-dinner jest, in the exercise of his gift of caricature.

Had he given comic direction to his work, he might have become a

Hogarth, perhaps; as it is, he is something far better worth while--he

is Abbey.

LXV

I shall write comparatively little here of the eleven years I remained

in the service of the _World_. The experience is too recent to constitute

a proper subject of freehand reminiscence. My relations with Mr. Pulitzer

were too closely personal, too intimate, and in many ways too

confidential to serve a purpose of that kind.

But of the men with whom my work on the _World_ brought me into contact,

I am free to write. So, too, I am at liberty, I think, to relate certain

dramatic happenings that serve to illustrate the Napoleonic methods

of modern journalism and certain other things, not of a confidential

nature, which throw light upon the character, impulses, and methods of

the man whose genius first discovered the possibilities of journalism

and whose courage, energy, and extraordinary sagacity have made of those

possibilities accomplished facts.

It has been more than ten years since my term of service on the _World_

came to an end, but it seems recent to me, except when I begin counting

up the men now dead who were my fellow-workmen there.

I did not personally know Mr. Pulitzer when I began my duties on the

_World_. He was living in Europe then, and about to start on a long

yachting cruise. John A. Cockerill was managing editor and in control

of the paper, subject, of course, to daily and sometimes hourly

instructions from Paris by cable. For, during my eleven years of service

on the _World_, I never knew the time when Mr. Pulitzer did not himself

actively direct the conduct of his paper wherever he might be. Even when

he made a yachting voyage as far as the East Indies, his hand remained

always on the helm in New York.

[Sidenote: John A. Cockerill]

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