CHAPTER XII.

PICTURE-WRITING.

[Sidenote: Lateness of the discovery of letters.]

Though it is true, as we have said before, that every manufactured

article involves a long chapter of unwritten history to account for its

present form, and the perfection of the material from which it is

wrought, there is no one of them, not the most artistic, that will so

well repay an effort to hunt it through its metamorphoses in the ages to

its first starting-point, as will the letters that rapidly drop from our

pen when we proceed to write its name. Each one of these is a

manufactured article at which a long, long series of unknown artists

have wrought, expanding, contracting, shaping, pruning, till at length,

the result of centuries of effort, our alphabet stands clear--a little

army of mute, unpretending signs, that are at once the least considered

of our inherited riches--mere jots and tittles--and the spells by which

all our great feats of genius are called into being. Does unwritten

history or tradition tell us anything of the people to whose invention

we owe them? or, on the other hand, can we persuade the little shapes

with which we are familiar to so animate themselves, and give such an

account of the stages by which they grew into their present likeness, as

will help us to understand better than we did before the mental and

social conditions of the times of their birth? One question, at least,

they answer clearly--we know that while in their earliest forms they

must have preceded the birth of History, they were the forerunners and

heralds of his appearance, and if we are obliged to relegate their

invention to the dark period of unrecorded events, we must place it at

least in the last of the twilight hours, the one that preceded daybreak,

for they come leading sunlight and certainty behind them. It will be

hard if these revealers of other births should prove to be entirely

silent about their own. Another point seems to grow clear as we think.

As letters are the elements by which records come to us, it is not in

records, or at least not in early records, that we must look for a

history of their invention. Like all other tools, they will have lent

themselves silently to the ends for which they were called into being.

For a long, long time, they will have been too busy giving the history

of their employers to tell us consciously anything about themselves. We

must leave the substance of records, then, and look to their manner and

form, if we would unravel the long story of the invention and growth of

our alphabet; and as it is easiest to begin with the thing that is

nearest to us, let us pause before one of our written words, and ask

ourselves exactly what it is to us.

[Sidenote: Writing the art of picturing sound.]

In discussing the growth of language, we surmised that words were at

first descriptive of the things they named, in fact, pictures to the

ear. What, then, is a written word? Is it, too, a picture, and what does

it picture, to the eye? When we have written the words _cat_, _man_,

_lion_, what have we done? We have brought the images of certain things

into our minds, and that by a form presented to the eye; but is it the

form of the object we immediately think of? No, it is the form of its

name; it is, therefore, the picture of a sound. To picture _sound_ is,

surely, a very far-fetched notion, one that may have grown out of many

previous efforts to convey thought from mind to mind; but certainly not

likely to occur first to those who began the attempt to give permanent

shape to the thoughts floating within them. So great and difficult a

task must have baffled the powers of many enterprisers, and been

approached in many ways before the first steps towards accomplishing it

were securely taken. We shall find that the history of our alphabet is a

record of slow stages of growth, through which the idea of sound-writing

has been evolved; the first attempts to record events were made in a

different direction. Since, as we have agreed, we are not likely to find

a record of how events were first recorded, and as the earliest attempts

are likely to have been imperfect and little durable, we must be content

to form our notions of the earliest stage in our grand invention, by

observing the methods used by savages now to aid their memories; and if

we wish to determine the period in the history of the human race when

such efforts are likely to have been first made, we must recall what we

have already learned of the history of primitive man, and settle at what

stage of his development the need for artificial aids to memory would

first press upon him.

Stories and poetry are not likely to have been the first things written

down. While communities were small and young, there was no need to write

painfully what it was so delightful to repeat from mouth to mouth, and

so easy for memories to retain; and when the stock of tradition and the

treasure of song grew so large in any tribe as to exceed the capacity of

ordinary memories (stronger, in some respects, before the invention of

writing than now), men with unusual gifts would be chosen and set apart

for the purpose of remembering and reciting, and of handing down to

disciples in the next generation, the precious literature of the tribe.

Such an order of ‘remembrancers’ would soon come to be looked upon as

sacred, or at least highly honourable, and would have privileges and

immunities bestowed on them which would make them jealous of an

invention that would lessen the worth of their special gift. The

invention of writing, then, is hardly likely to have come from the

story-tellers or bards. It was probably to aid the memory in recalling

something less attractive and more secret than a story or a song that

the first record was made.

So early as the time of the cave-dwellers, there was a beginning of

commerce. Traces have been found of workshops belonging to that period,

where flint weapons and tools were made in such quantities as evidently

to have been designed for purposes of barter, and the presence of amber

and shells in places far from the coast, speaks of trading journeys.

With bargains and exchange of commodities, aids to memory must surely

have come in; and when we think of the men of the Neolithic age as

traders, we can hardly be wrong in also believing them to have taken the

next step in civilization which trade seems to bring with it--the

invention of some system of mnemonics.

[Sidenote: Tallies.]

No man or woman would be likely to trust their bargaining to another

without giving him some little token or pledge by way of safeguard

against mistake or forgetfulness. It would be a very trifling,

transitory thing at first; something in the nature of a tally, or a

succession of knots or woven threads in a garment, allied to the knot

which we tie on our handkerchief overnight to make us remember something

in the morning. It seems hardly worthy of notice, and yet the invention

of that artificial aid to memory is the germ of writing, the little

seed from which such great things have come. Unfortunately, our

discoveries of stone-age relics have not yet furnished us with any

suggestion as to how the men of that epoch arranged and carried out the

aids to memory they probably had; but we can trace the process of

invention among still extant races.

Some tribes of Red Indians, for example, keep records on cords called

wampum, by means of beads and knots. When an embassy is sent from one

chieftain to another, the principal speaker carries one of these pieces

of wampum, and from it reads off the articles of the proposed treaty,

almost as easily as if it were from a note-book.

In the Eastern Archipelago, and in Polynesia proper, cord-records of the

same kind were in use forty years ago, and by means of them the

tax-gatherers in the island of Hawaii kept clear accounts of all

articles collected from the inhabitants of the island. The revenue-book

of Hawaii was a rope four hundred fathoms long, divided into portions

corresponding to districts in the island, and each portion was under the

care of a tax-gatherer, who by means of knots, loops, and tufts of

different shapes, colours, and sizes, managed to keep an accurate

account of the number of hogs, dogs, pieces of sandal-wood, etc., at

which each inhabitant of his district was rated. The Chinese, again,

have a legend that in very early times their people used little cords

marked by knots of different sizes, instead of writing.

But the people who brought the cord system of mnemonics to the greatest

perfection were the Peruvians. They were still following it at the time

of their conquest by the Spaniards; but they had elaborated it with such

care as to make it available for the preservation of even minute details

of the statistics of the country. The ropes on which they kept their

records were called _quipus_, from _quipu_, a knot. They were often of

great length and thickness, and from the main ropes depended smaller

ones, distinguished by colours appropriate to subjects of which their

knots treated--as, white for silver, yellow for gold, red for soldiers,

green for corn, parti-coloured when a subject that required division was

treated of. These dependent coloured strings had, again, other little

strings hanging from them, and on these exceptions were noted. For

instance, on the _quipus_ devoted to population--the coloured strings on

which the number of men in each town and village was recorded had

depending from them little strings for the widowers, and no doubt the

widows and the old maids had their little strings from the coloured cord

that denoted women. One knot meant ten; a double knot, one hundred; two

singles, side by side, twenty; two doubles, two hundred; and the

position of the knots on their string and their form were also of

immense importance, each subject having its proper place on the quipus

and its proper form of knot. The art of learning to read quipus must

have been difficult to acquire; it was practised by special

functionaries, called quipucamayocuna, or knot-officers, who, however,

seem only to have been able to expound their own records; for when a

quipus was sent from a distant province to the capital, its own officer

had to travel with it to explain it; a clumsy and cumbrous way of

sending a letter, it must be confessed.

Knot-records were almost everywhere superseded by other methods of

recording events as civilization advanced; but still they continued to

be resorted to under special circumstances, and by people who had not

the pens of ready writers. Darius made a quipus when he took a thong,

and tying sixty knots on it, gave it to the Ionian chiefs, that they

might untie a knot every day, and go back to their own land if he had

not returned when all the knots were undone. The Scythians, however,

who, about the same time, sent a message to Darius, afford us an example

of another way of attaching special meanings to certain objects, and

thereby giving a peculiar use as aids to memory,--writing letters with

objects instead of pen and ink, in fact. Here, however, symbolism comes

in, and makes the mnemonics at once prettier and less trustworthy as

capable of more than one interpretation. The Scythian ambassadors

presented Darius (as Herodotus tells us) with a mouse, a bird, a frog,

and an arrow, and the message with which they had been intrusted was

that, unless he could hide in the earth like a mouse, or fly in the air

like a bird, or swim in water like a frog, he would never escape the

arrows of the Scythians.

Of this last kind of mnemonic was the bow, too heavy for an ordinary man

to bend, which the long-lived Ethiopians sent to Cambyses; and the

twelve memorial stones which Joshua was directed to place in the river

Jordan, in order that the sons might ask the fathers, and the fathers

tell the sons what had happened in that place; and, again, such were the

yokes and bonds which Jeremiah put round his neck when he testified

against the alliance with Egypt before Zedekiah, and the earthen pot

that he broke in the presence of the elders of the people. Signs joined

with words and actions to convey a fuller or more exact meaning than

words alone could convey. Perhaps we ought hardly to call these last

examples helps to memory; they partake more of the nature of pictures,

and were used to heighten the effect of words. But we may regard them as

a connecting link between the merely mechanical tally, wampum and

quipus, and the effort to record ideas we must now consider--picturing.

It must, however, always be borne in mind that, though we shall speak of

these various methods of making records as stages of progress and

development, it is not to be supposed that the later ones immediately,

or indeed ever wholly, superseded the first any more than the

introduction of bronze and iron did away with the use of flint weapons.

The one method subsisted side by side with the other, and survived to

quite late times, as we see in such usages as the bearing forth of the

fiery cross to summon clansmen to the banner of their chieftain, and the

casting down of the knight’s glove as a gage of battle, or, to come down

to homely modern instances, the tallies and knots on handkerchiefs that

unready writers carry to help their memories even now.

Helps to memory of the kinds which we have been speaking of never get

beyond being _helps_. They cannot carry thought from one to another

without the intervention of an interpreter, in whose memory they keep

fast the words that have to be said; they strengthen tradition, but they

cannot change tradition into history, and are always liable to become

useless by the death of the man, or order of men, to whom they have been

intrusted.

[Sidenote: Picturing.]

A more independent and lasting method of recording events was sure to be

aimed at sooner or later; and we may conjecture that it usually took its

rise among a people at the period when their national pride was so

developed as to make them anxious that the deeds of some conspicuous

hero should be made known, not only to those interested in telling and

hearing of them, but to strangers visiting their country, and to remote

descendants. Their first effort to record an event, so as to make it

widely known, would naturally be to draw a picture of it, such that all

seeing the picture would understand it; and accordingly we find that

the earliest step beyond artificial helps to memory is the making of

rude pictures which aim at showing a deed or event as it occurred

without suggesting the words of a narrative; this is called ‘picturing’

as distinguished from picture-writing. That this, too, was a very early

art we may guess from the fact that rude pictures of animals have been

found among the relics of the earliest stone age. Whether or no we are

justified in conjecturing that the pictures actually found are rough

memorials of real hunting scenes, at least we learn from them that the

thought of depicting objects had come, and the skill to produce a

likeness been attained; and the idea of using this power to transmit

events lies so near to its possession, that we can hardly believe one to

have been long present without the other. To enable ourselves to imagine

the sort of picture-records with which the stone-age men may have

ornamented some of their knives, spears, and hammers, we must examine

the doings of people who have continued in a primitive stage of

civilization down to historic times.

Some curious pictures done by North American Indians have been found on

rocks and stones, and on the stems of pine-trees in America, which

furnish excellent examples of early picturing. Mr. Tylor, in his _Early

History of Mankind_, gives engravings of several of these shadowy

records of long-past events. One of these, which was found on the

smoothed surface of a pine-tree, consists merely of a rude outline of

two canoes, one surmounted by a bear with a peculiar tail and the other

by a fish, and beyond these a quantity of shapes meant for a particular

kind of fish. The entire picture records the successes of two chieftains

named Copper-tail Bear and Cat-fish, in a fishing excursion. Another

picture found on the surface of a rock near Lake Superior is more

elaborate, and interests us by showing a new element in picturing,

through which it was destined to grow into the condition of

picture-writing. This more elaborate picture shows an arch with three

suns in it--a tortoise, a man about to mount a horse, and several

canoes, one surmounted by the image of a bird. All this tells that the

chief called King-fisher made an expedition of three days across a lake,

and arriving safely on land, mounted his horse. The new element

introduced into this picture is symbolism, the same that transformed the

homely system of tallies into the Scythian’s graceful living message to

Darius. It shows the excess of thought over the power of expression,

which will soon necessitate a new form. The tortoise is used as a symbol

of dry land. The arch is, of course, the sky, and the three suns in it

mean three days. The artist who devised these ways of expressing his

thought was on the verge of picture-writing, which is the next stage in

the upward progress of the art of recording events, and the stage at

which some nations have terminated their efforts.

[Sidenote: Picture-writing.]

Picture-writing differs from picturing in that it aims at conveying to

the mind, not a representation of an event, but a narrative of the event

in words, each word being represented by a picture. The distinction is

of immense importance. The step from the former to the latter is one of

the greatest which mankind has ever made in the course of its progress

in civilization. When the step had been made the road toward the

acquisition of a regular alphabet lay _comparatively_ open. It was still

beset with difficulties, but none so great as the difficulty of making

this particular step. Let us try and fully understand this. We will take

a sentence and see how it might be conveyed by the two methods. _A man

slew a lion with a bow and arrows while the sun went down._ Picturing

would show the man with a drawn bow in his hand, the lion struck by the

arrow, the sun on the horizon. Picture-writing would present a series of

little pictures and symbols dealing separately with each word--a man, a

symbol for ‘slew,’ say a hand smiting, a lion, a connecting symbol for

‘with,’ and so on. We see at once how much more elaborate and exact the

second method is, and that it makes the telling of a continuous story

possible. We also discover that these various stages of writing

correspond to developments of language, and that as languages grow in

capacity to express nobler thoughts, a greater stress will be put upon

invention to render the more recondite words by pictures and symbols,

till at last language will outgrow all possibility of being so rendered,

and another method of showing words to the eye will have to be thought

of--for all languages at least that attain their full development. That

a great deal may be expressed by pictures and symbols, however, we learn

from the picturing and picture-writing of past races that have come down

to us, and from the present writing of the Chinese, who with their

radical language have preserved the pictorial character that well

accords with an early stage of language.

The Red Indians of North America have invented some very ingenious

methods of picturing time and numbers. They have names for the thirteen

moons or months into which they divide the year--Whirlwind moon, moon

when the leaves fall off, moon when the fowls go to the south, etc., and

when a hunter setting forth on a long expedition wished to leave a

record of the time of his departure for a friend who should follow him

on the same track, he carved on the bark of a tree a picture of the name

of the moon, accompanied with such an exact representation of the state

of the moon in the heavens on the night when he set out, that his

friends had no difficulty in reading the date correctly. The Indians of

Virginia kept a record of events in the form of a series of wheels of

sixty spokes, each wheel representing the life of a man, sixty years

being the average life of a man among the Indians. The spokes meant

years, and on each one a picture of the principal occurrences of the

year was drawn.

A missionary who accompanied Penn to Pennsylvania says that he saw a

wheel, on one spoke of which the first arrival of Europeans in America

was recorded. The history of this disastrous event for the Indians was

given by a picture of a white swan spitting fire from its mouth. The

swan, being a water-bird, told that the strangers came over the sea, its

white plumage recalled the colour of their faces, and fire issuing from

its mouth represented fire-arms, the possession of which had made them

conquerors. The North American Indians also use rude little pictures,

rough writing we may call it, to help them to remember songs and charms.

Each verse of a song is concentrated into a little picture, the sight of

which recalls the words to one who has once learned it. A drawing of a

little man, with four marks on his legs and two on his breast, recalls

the adverse charm, ‘Two days must you fast, my friend, four days must

you sit still.’ A picture of a circle with a figure in the middle

represents a verse of a love-song, and says to the initiated, ‘Were she

on a distant island I could make her swim over.’ This sort of picturing

seems to be very _near_ writing, for it serves to recall words--but

still only to recall them--it would not suggest the words to those who

had never heard the song before; it is only an aid to memory, and its

employers have only as yet taken the first step in the great discovery

we are speaking of. The Mexicans, though they had attained to much

greater skill than this in the drawing and colouring of pictures, had

not progressed much further in the invention. Their picture-scrolls do

not seem ever to have been more than an elaborate system of mnemonics,

which, hardly less than the Peruvian quipus, required a race of

interpreters to hand down their meaning from one generation to another.

This fact makes us regret somewhat less keenly the decision of the first

Spanish archbishop sent to Mexico, who, on being informed of the great

store of vellum rolls, and folds on folds of cloth covered with

paintings, that had been discovered at Anahuac, the chief seat of

Mexican learning, ordered the entire collection to be burnt in a heap--a

_mountain_ heap, the chroniclers of the time call it--lest they should

contain incantations or instructions for the practice of magical arts.

As some excuse for this notion of the archbishop’s, we will mention the

subjects treated of in the five books of picture-writing which Montezuma

gave to Cortez:--the first book treated of years and seasons; the second

of days and festivals; the third of dreams and omens; the fourth of the

naming of children; the fifth of ceremonies and prognostications.

The few specimens of Mexican writing which have come down to us, show

that, though the Aztecs had not used their picture-signs as skilfully as

some other nations have done, they had taken the first step towards

phonetic, or sound-writing; a step which, if pursued, would have led

them through some such process as we shall afterwards see was followed

by the Egyptians and Phœnicians, to the formation of a true alphabet.

They had begun to write proper names of chiefs and towns by pictures of

things that recalled the _sound_ of their names, instead of by a symbol

suggestive of the appearance or quality of the place or chieftain, or of

the _meaning_ of the names. It is difficult to explain this without

pictures; but as this change of method involves a most important step in

the discovery of the art of writing, we had better pause upon it a

little, and get it clear to our minds. There was a king whose name

occurs in a chronicle now existing, called Itz-co-atle, Knife-snake; his

name is generally written by a picture of a snake, with flint knives

stuck in it; but in one place it is indicated in a different manner. The

first syllable is still _pictured_ by a knife; but for the second,

instead of a snake, we find an earthen pot and a sign for water. Now the

Mexican name for pot is ‘co-mitle,’ for water ‘atle;’ read literally the

name thus pictured would read ‘Itz-comitle-atle,’ but it is clear, since

the name intended was ‘Itz-co-atle,’ that the pot is drawn to suggest

only the first syllable of its name, _co_, and by this change it has

become no longer a picture, but a phonetic, syllabic sign, the next step

but one before a true letter. What great results can be elaborated from

this change we shall see when we begin to speak of Egyptian writing.

We must not leave picture-writing till we have said something about the

Chinese character, in which we find the highest development of which

_direct_ representation of things appears capable. Though we should not

think it, while looking at the characters on a Chinese tea-paper or box,

every one of those groups of black strokes and dots which seem so

shapeless to our eyes is a picture of an object; not a picture of the

sound of its name, as our written words are, but a representation real

or symbolic of the thing itself. Early specimens of Chinese writing show

these groups of strokes in a stage when a greater degree of resemblance

to the thing signified is preserved; but the exigencies of quick

writing, among a people who write and read a great deal, have gradually

reduced the pictures more and more to the condition of arbitrary signs,

whose connection with the things signified must be a matter of habit and

memory. The task of learning a sign for every word of the language in

place of conquering the art of spelling does seem, at first sight, to

put Chinese children in a pitiable condition, as compared with

ourselves. To lessen our compassion, we may recall that the Chinese

language is still in a primitive condition, and therefore comprehends

very much fewer distinct sounds than do the languages we know, the same

sound being used to express meanings by a difference in intonation. This

difference could not easily be given in writing; it is therefore, with

the Chinese, almost a necessity to recall to the mind the thing itself

instead of its name.

[Sidenote: Ideographs.]

Beside the ordinary pictorial signs which convey a direct and simple

idea to the mind, men must in pictorial writing need a great number of

signs for ideas which cannot be pictured. All abstract ideas, for

instance, come under this head. But even some things which could

themselves be drawn are not always so portrayed. When a symbol, and not

a direct picture, is used for the thing or idea represented we call the

symbol an _ideograph_. We see, then, that pictorial signs may be used in

several different ways, sometimes as real pictures, sometimes as

ideographs, which again may be divided into groups as they are used--(1)

metaphorically, as a bee for industry; (2) enigmatically, as, among the

Egyptians, an ostrich feather is used as a symbol of justice, because

all the plumes in the wing of this bird were supposed to be of equal

length; (3) by syndoche--putting a part for the whole,--as two eyeballs

for eyes; (4) by metonomy--putting cause for effect,--as a tree for

shadow; the disk of the sun for a day, etc. This system of writing in

pictures and symbols requires so much ingenuity, such hosts of pretty

poetic inventions, that perhaps there is less dulness than would at

first appear in getting the Chinese alphabet of some six thousand signs

or so by heart. We will mention a few Chinese ideographs in

illustration. The sign for a man placed over the sign for a mountain

peak signifies a hermit; the sign for a mouth and that for a bird placed

side by side signify the act of singing; a hand holding a sweeping-brush

is a woman; a man seated on the ground, a son (showing the respectful

position assigned to children in China); an ear at the opening of a door

means curiosity; two eyes squinting towards the nose mean to observe

carefully; one eye squinting symbolises the colour white, because so

much of the white of the eye is shown when the ball is in that position;

a mouth at an open door is a note of interrogation, and also the verb to

question.

[Sidenote: Determinative signs.]

Even Chinese writing, however, has not remained purely ideographic. Some

of the signs are used phonetically to picture sound, and this use must

necessarily grow now that intercourse with Western nations introduces

new names, new inventions, and new ideas, which, somehow or other, must

get themselves represented in the Chinese language and writing.

The invention of determinative signs--characters put beside the word to

show what class of objects a word belongs to--helps the Chinese to

overcome some of the difficulties which their radical language offers to

the introduction of sound-writing. For example, the word ‘Pa’ has eight

different meanings, and when it is written phonetically, a reader would

have to choose between eight objects to which he might apply it, if

there were not a determinative sign by its side which gives him a hint

how to read it. This is as if when we wrote the word ‘vessel’ we were to

add ‘navigation’ when we intended a ship; and ‘household’ when we meant

a jug or puncheon. The Chinese determinative signs are not, however,

left to each writer’s fancy. Two hundred and fourteen signs (originally

themselves pictures, remember) have been chosen out, and are always used

in this way. The classes into which objects are divided by these

numerous signs are minute, and do not appear to follow any scientific

method or arrangement. There is a sign to show that a written word

belongs to the class noses, another for rats, another for frogs, another

for tortoises. One is inclined to think that the helpful signs must be

as hard to remember as the words themselves, and that they can only be

another element in the general confusion. Probably their frequent

recurrence makes them soon become familiar to Chinese readers, and they

act as finger-posts to guide the thoughts into the right direction.

Determinative signs have always come in to help in the transitional

stage between purely ideographic and purely phonetic writing, and were

used by both Egyptians and Assyrians in their elaborate systems as soon

as the phonetic principle began to be employed among their ideographs.

It is an interesting fact that the Japanese have dealt with the Chinese

system of writing precisely as did the Phœnicians with the Egyptian

hieroglyphics. They have chosen forty-seven signs from the many

thousands employed by the Chinese, and they use them phonetically only;

that is to say, as true sound-carrying letters.

The Dawn of History: An Introduction to Pre-Historic Study · 第 12 / 15 章