economically in a very low stage, it is best served by entire freedom of
trade with the outside world; because such freedom causes the influences
of the incentives, wants, and the means of satisfaction of a higher
civilization to be soonest felt in the country.
B. The further advance which consists in the development of home
industries by the country itself, may, indeed, be rendered exceedingly
difficult by the unrestricted competition of foreign industries, which
are already developed. The carriers on of industry in an old industrial
country have a superiority over those in the new, in the amount of
capital, the lowness of the rate of interest, the skill of undertakers
(_Unternehmer_) and workmen, generally, also in the consideration in
which the whole country hold industry, and the interest they take in
it;[A3-5-1] while in the country which has hitherto been merely
agricultural, it happens only too frequently that industry is
undervalued, and that young industrial talent is, as a consequence,
forced to emigrate. How frequently it has happened that England by
keeping down her prices for a time has strangled her foreign
rivals.[A3-5-2] Even on the supposition of equal natural capacity, the
struggle between the two industries would come to a close similar to
that between a boy of buoyant spirits and an athletically developed man.
What then is to be said of the cases in which the more highly developed
nation is at the same time possessed of the more favorable natural
advantages, such, for instance, as England possesses over Russia in her
incomparable situation in relation to the trade of the world, and which
gives her for all distant countries, without any active commerce, a
monopoly-like advantage; farther, her magnificent harbors, streams, her
well-situated wealth in iron and coal, etc. The advantages of mere
priority weigh most heavily, when the great development of all means of
transportation almost does away with the natural protection afforded by
remoteness; and when, at the same time, a certain universality of
fashion, which, as a rule, is governed by the most highly developed
nations, causes national and local differences of taste, which could be
satisfied only by national or local production, to become
obsolete.[A3-5-3] Under such circumstances, it would be possible, that a
whole nation might be made continually to act the part of an
agricultural district (_plattes Land_), to one earlier developed,
leaving to the latter, almost exclusively, the life of the city and of
industry.[A3-5-4] A wisely conducted protective system might act as a
preventive against this evil, the temporary sacrifices which such a
system necessitates being justifiable where some of the factors of
industrial production unquestionably exist but remain unused, because
others, on account of the mere posteriority of the nation, cannot be
built up. The abusive term "hot-house plant" should not be used where
there is question only of transitory protection, and where there is the
full intention to surrender the grown tree to all the wind, rain and
sunshine of free competition, and where it is foreseen that it shall be
so surrendered.[A3-5-5] [A3-5-6] The want of a certain economic
many-sidedness which must be given to a nation manifests itself in a
particularly urgent manner in times of protracted war. Here the error of
so many free-traders, that different states should comport themselves
towards one another as the different provinces of the same state do, is
most clearly refuted.[A3-5-7]
C. No less important is the political side of the question. Since the
protective system forces capital and labor away from the production of
raw material and into industry, it exerts a great influence on the
relations of the classes or estates of a country to one another. The
immense preponderance possessed in medieval times by the nobility,
agriculture, the country in general as contradistinguished from the
city, by the aristocratic and conservative elements, is curtailed in
favor of the bourgeoisie, of industry, of the cities generally, and of
the democratic and progressive elements. If when the history of a nation
is at its highest point, there is supposed a certain equilibrium of the
different elements, all of which are equally necessary to the prime of a
nation's life, this height is now attained sooner than it would
otherwise be. It is no mere accident that in almost every instance,
those monarchs who humbled the medieval nobility and introduced the
modern era, also established a protective system.[A3-5-8]
D. However, such an education of industry can be attempted with proper
success only on a large scale, that is, on a national basis. The least
hazardous (_unbedenklich_) measure of the system, import-duties supposes
a relatively short boundary line, such as only a great country, even
where its formation is the most favorable imaginable, can
possess.[A3-5-9] The greater the tariff territory (_Zollgebiet_), the
less one-sided is its natural capacity wont to be, the sooner may an
active competition in its interior be built up, while the foreign market
always suffers from uncertainty. Hence all tariff-unions (_Zollverein_)
between related states are to be recommended not only as financially but
also as economically advantageous. Between states not related and of
equal power, so far-reaching a reciprocity, embracing nearly the whole
of economic policy, can scarcely be established; and it would be still
harder for it to continue long. If the states not related are of very
unequal power, the probable consequence would be the early absorption of
the weaker by the stronger.[A3-5-10] [A3-5-11]
[Footnote A3-5-1: What an advantage it has been to English
industry and commerce that the state here so long considered
it a matter of honor to have its subjects well represented
in foreign countries, to extend their market, etc.]
[Footnote A3-5-2: _Hume_, in the parliamentary session of
1828, uses the expression "strangulate," to convey this
idea. As early as 1815, Brougham said: "It was well worth
while to incur a loss on the exportation of English
manufactures in order to stifle in the cradle the foreign
manufactures." The report of the House of Commons on the
condition of the mining district (1854) speaks of the great
losses, frequently in from three to four years, of £300,000
to £400,000, which the employers of labor voluntarily
underwent, in order to control foreign markets. "The large
capitals of this country are the great instruments of
warfare against the competing capital of foreign countries,
and are the most essential instruments now remaining by
which our manufacturing supremacy can be maintained."]
[Footnote A3-5-3: Before the development of the machinery
system, also, the preponderance of the greatest industrial
power could not be nearly as oppressive as later; especially
as in highly developed commercial countries, the wages of
labor are always high. (_List_, Zollvereinsblatt, 1843, No.
44, 1845, No. 5, ff.)]
[Footnote A3-5-4: "Shall the forester wait until the wind in
the course of centuries carries the seed from one place to
another, and the barren heath is converted into a dense
wood?" (_List_, Gesammelte Schriften, III, 123 seq.) When
the Romans had conquered an industrial country, its
industries began generally to flourish better, because of
the greater market opened to them; whereas, those which had
no industries before, continued, for the most part, to
remain producers of the raw material after the conquest,
also. Related to this is the phenomenon, that the provinces
not favored by nature, were much less backward in the middle
ages than they are to-day. Compare the description of the
misery of Mitchelstown, after the Earl of Kingston had
ceased to consume £40,000 there: _Inglis_, Journey through
Ireland, 1835, I, 142. The royal commission appointed to
investigate the misery of Spessart in 1852, show that the
home-made clothing had gone out of use there, and that the
wooden shoes, so well adapted to wooded countries, had been
changed for leather ones. This becoming acquainted with
foreign wants in a region not adapted to industries, without
a large market, greatly increased the distress. As soon as
such a region becomes an independent state, a productive
system would suggest itself.]
[Footnote A3-5-5: _List_ very well remarks that otherwise
most of our fruit trees, vines, domestic animals would be
"hot-house plants." And even men are brought up in the
hot-house of the nursery, the school, etc.
(Zollvereinsblatt, 1843, No. 36.)]
[Footnote A3-5-6: That a posterior people would never be in
a condition to establish industries of their own, where full
freedom of trade prevails, I do not by any means assert.
Compare the list of industries which attained to so
flourishing a condition without the aid of a protective
tariff, that they were able to supply foreign markets, in
_Rau_, Lehrbuch, II, § 206, a. But when Switzerland is so
frequently cited as an illustration in this connection (_J.
Bowring_, On the Commerce and Manufactures of Switzerland,
1836), people forget the many favorable circumstances of
another kind which coöperated here to elevate industry; a
neutrality of three hundred years, during the French
Huguenot War, the Thirty Years' War, the Wars of Louis XIV.,
and as a consequence of this, no military budgets, few taxes
and state debts, etc. In addition to this, at an earlier
period, the many mercenary troops, and afterwards the
foreign travelers.]
[Footnote A3-5-7: As free trade in Holland's best period was
more an international law than a politico-economical system,
so, afterwards, the Dutch protective system grew out of war
prohibitions; and, in times of peace, the newly established
industry was not abandoned. At last, in the time of its
decline, all industries, with a strange logic, sought
protection, even the most ancient one, the one whose growth
was the most natural, the fisheries. (_Laspeyres_, Gesch.
der volksw. Ansch., 134 ff., 146, 159.) The United States,
during the war of 1812, with England, doubled their
protective duties. (_A. Young_, Report on the Customs-tariff
Legislation of the U. S., 1874.)]
[Footnote A3-5-8: Hence, we should not judge the Russian and
the American systems of industrial protection, for instance,
by the same rule. In Russia, it may be necessary to
strengthen artificially the still weak bourgeoisie, and to
awaken numberless slumbering forces and opportunities by
encouragement of their use by state measures. Here, also,
the absolute ruler is called upon, and accustomed to educate
his people. In the United States, on the other hand, there
is no nobility; the whole nation belongs to the class of
burghers, and even the cultivators of the land are raisers
of corn, cattle traders, land speculators etc. Considering
the universal activity and laborious energy of the people,
it is to be expected that every really profitable
opportunity will be turned to account in such a country,
without any suggestion or assistance from the state. Here,
therefore, _A. Walker's_ saying is true: America should
produce no iron, not because it does not know how, because
it has not sufficient capital, because the nature of the
country is not adapted to it, or because it has no natural
protection, but "because we can do better." (Sc. of W., 94
seq.) Since a democracy cannot, properly speaking, educate
the people, the protective duties of the United States are,
for the most part, only attempts by one part of the people,
who claim to be the whole, to prey upon the other parts.]
[Footnote A3-5-9: If we suppose three countries, each in the
form of a square: A = 1 sq. m., B = 100 sq. m., C = 10,000
sq. m.; there is in A for every mile of boundary 1/4 sq. m.
of inland country; in B, 2-1/2 in C, 25.]
[Footnote A3-5-10: Towards the close of the middle ages, the
vigorous commercial policy of Venice, for instance, towards
Greece, or the Mohammedan power, was thwarted by other
Italian cities, Genoa, Pisa, and later, by Florence
especially.]
[Footnote A3-5-11: Why most of the reasons above advanced do
not apply to a corresponding "protection" of agriculture by
duties on corn, see _Roscher_, Nationalökonomik des
Ackerbaues, § 159 ff.]
SECTION VI.
WHY THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM WAS ADOPTED.
This explains why so many nations in the periods of transition between
their medieval age and their higher stages of civilization, adopted the
industrial protective system.[A3-6-1] [A3-6-2] [A3-6-3] [A3-6-4] [A3-6-5]
[A3-6-6]
[Footnote A3-6-1: The fact that among the ancients there was
so little thought bestowed on the protection of industry is
related to the comparative insignificance of their industry.
Compare _Roscher_, Ansichten der Volkswirthschaft, 3 ed.,
1878, vol. 1, p. 23 ff. It occasionally happened in the east
that workers in metal, especially the makers of metallic
weapons, were dragged out of the country. I _Sam._, 13, 19;
II _Kings_, 24, 14 ff.; _Jerem._, 24, 1, 29, 2. Among the
Jews, certain costly products were subjected to export
prohibitions for fear that the heathen might use them for
purposes of sacrifice. (_Mischna_, De Cultu peregr., § 6.)
Persian law, that the king should consume only home
products: _Athen._, V, p. 372; XIV, p. c. 62. The Athenians
went farthest in reducing such provisions to a system. Solon
had strictly prohibited the exportation of all raw material
save oil (_Plutarch_, Sol., 24), and a complaint was allowed
against any one who scoffed at a citizen because of the
industry he carried on in the market. (_Demosth._, adv.
Eubul., p. 1308.) The exportation of corn was always
prohibited; also that of the principal materials used in
ship-building. In war, prohibitions of the exportation of
weapons; importation from enemy countries also prohibited.
No Athenian was permitted to loan money on ships which did
not bring a return cargo to Athens (_Demosth._ adv. Lacrit.,
p. 941), nor carry wheat to any place but Athens. (_Böckh._,
Staatsh. der Ath., I, 73 ff.) In Argos and Ægina, the
importation of Athenian clay commodities and articles of
adornment, prohibited. (_Herodot._, V, 88; Athen., IV, 13;
XI, 60.)
The Athenians imposed a duty of two per cent. both on
imports and exports. Similarly, in Rome, where the higher
duties imposed on many articles of luxury served an
ethico-political purpose. We have, besides, accounts of
prohibitions of the exportation of money: _Cicero_, pro
Flacco, 28 (L., 2, Cod. Just., IV, 63). Plato's advice to
prohibit the importation of luxuries and the exportation of
the means of subsistence (_De Legg._) on ethico-political
considerations; and the Byzantine prohibition of the
exportation of certain articles of display from court
vanity. (Porph. Decaerim, p. 271 ff. Reiske.)]
[Footnote A3-6-2: In Italy's best period, the protective
system bears a specifically municipal complexion; in
democracies, a guild-complexion; the former especially
because of the many differential duties in favor of the
capital.
A very highly-developed protective system in Florence. The
exportation of the means of subsistence forbidden (Della
Decima, II, 13), and so likewise the importation of finished
cloths. (Stat Flor., 1415, V, p. 3; Rubr., 32, 39, 41, 43,
45.) In the streets devoted to the woolen industries, it was
not permitted to give the manufacturers notice to quit their
dwellings, nor to increase their rent, unless the
connoisseurs in the industry had admitted a higher rate of
profit. (Decima, II, 88.) In order to promote the silk
industry, the importation of silk-worms and of the mulberry
leaf was freed from the payment of duties in 1423, the
exportation of raw silk, cocoons and of the mulberry leaf
forbidden in 1443; and in 1440, every countryman was
commanded to plant mulberry trees. (Decima, II, 115.) When
Pisa was subdued, the Florentines reserved to themselves all
the wholesale trade, and prohibited there all silk and
woolen industries. (_Sismondi_, Gesch. der italienischen
Republic, XII, 171.) It was a principle followed by Milan in
its best period, to exempt manufacturers from taxation.
Yearly subsidies, accorded about 1442, to Florentine
silk-manufacturers, who immigrated; in 1493, a species of
_expropriation_, in case of houses which a neighbor needed
for manufacturing purposes. (_Verri_, Mem. Storiche, p. 62.)
Bolognese prohibition of the exportation of manuscripts,
because they wanted to monopolize science. (_Cibrario_, E.
polit. del. medio. Evo., III, 166.) Even in the seventeenth
century, a city like Urbino forbade the exportation of
cattle, wheat, wood, wool, skins, coal, as well as the
importation of cloth, with the exception of the very
costliest kinds. (Constitut. Due. Urbin., I, p. 388 ff., 422
ff.)]
[Footnote A3-6-3: In England, since the fourteenth century,
all genuinely national and popular kings always bore it in
mind both to secure emancipation from the Hanseates, to
invite foreigners skilled in industry to the country (the
Flemings since 1331, although the English people disliked to
see them come; _Rymer_, Foedd., IV, 496) and to adopt
protective measures, especially when they had reason to rely
on the bourgeoisie. (_Pauli_, Gesch. von England, V, 372.)
The precursors of the navigation act, 1381, 1390, 1440.
(_Anderson_, Origin of Commerce.) The prohibition of
exporting raw wool (1337, II Edw. III., c. 1 ff.) lasted
only one year. Wool remained a long time still so much of a
chief staple commodity that in 1354, for instance, £277,000
worth were exported; of all other commodities taken
together, only £16,400. (_Anderson._) On the other hand, the
prohibition to import foreign stuffs (1337), for instance,
was repeated in 1399, and the prohibition to export woolen
yarn and unfulled cloths in 1376, 1467, 1488. The statutes
of employment operated very generally. The statutes provided
that foreign merchants should employ the English money they
received only to purchase English commodities, and their
hosts, with whom they were obliged to live, had to become
security therefor. Thus, in 1390, 4 Henry IV., c. 15, and 15
Henry IV., c. 9; 18 Henry VI., c. 4, 1477. Prohibitions of
the exportation of money, 1335, 1344, 1381. Even in the case
of payment by the bishops to the pope, the exportation of
money was forbidden in 1391, 1406, 1414. Henry VIII. (3
Henry VIII., c. 1) threatened the exportation of money with
the penalty of double payment. Even in 1455, the importation
of all finished silk wares was prohibited for five years.
See a long list of similar prohibitions in _Anderson_. The
prohibitions relating to the exporting of raw materials, and
especially wool, were exceedingly strict in Elizabeth's
time, and stricter yet in the seventeenth century. The
penalty of death was attached to their violation, and
producers subjected to the most burthensome control.
Moderated especially by 8 Geo. I., c. 15. In the eighteenth
century we again find a series of import-premiums for raw
material from the English colonies. Compare _Adam Smith_,
IV, ch. 8.]
[Footnote A3-6-4: _Sismondi_, Histoire des Français, XIX,
126, considers as the beginning of the French industrial
protective system, the edict of 1572, by which, with a view
of promoting the woolen, hemp and linen manufactures, the
exportation of the raw material and the importation of the
finished commodities are prohibited. (_Isambert_, Recueil,
XIV, p. 241.) Yet even Philip IV., in 1302, had prohibited
the exportation of the precious metals, of corn, wine and
other means of subsistence. (Ordonn., I, 351, 372.) About
1332, the decision of the question whether the exportation
of wool also should be forbidden was made to depend on who
offered the most, the raw-producers or those engaged in
industry. (_Sismondi_, X, 67 seq.) The third estate not
unfrequently asked for protective measures from the
parliaments: thus, in 1484, a prohibition against the
importation of cloth and silk stuffs, and against the
exportation of money (_Sismondi_, XIV, 673), claims which
went much further in 1614, when freedom of trade, reform of
the guilds, etc., were desired. Opposition of Sully to the
industrial-political measures of Henry IV., whose
prohibition of foreign and gold stuffs lasted scarcely one
year. (_Forbonnais_, Finances de Fr., c. 44.) The edict of
1664, which, for the first time, created a boundary
tariff-system for the greater part of France, with the
removal of numerous export and import duties of the several
provinces, and the abolition even of the duty-liberties of
the King's court, marks an epoch. The introduction in which
Colbert lets the King speak of his services to the
taxation-system, the marine, colonies, etc., in which he
describes the chaos of those earlier duties, and
demonstrates their desirability of doing away with them, is
very interesting. Colbert, inconsistently enough, allowed a
number of export duties for industrial products to remain,
that he might not alienate any domanial rights.
(_Forbonnais_, I, 352.) The tariff, then very moderate, was,
in 1677, doubled in part, and even trebled, which provoked
retaliation, and led to the war of 1672. Hence, in 1678, the
tariff of 1664 was, for the most part, restored. Colbert
entirely prohibited these commodities, which were still
imported, spite of the tariff: thus, Venetian mirrors and
laces in 1669 and 1671. Among his characteristic measures
are the export-premiums for salt-meats which went to the
colonies in order to draw this business away from Holland to
France. (_Forbonnais_, I, 465.) He caused the transit
between Portugal and Flanders to be made through France by
providing that it should be carried on by means of royal
ships at any price. (_Forbonnais_, I, 438.) Compare
_Clement_, Histoire de la vie et de l'Administration de C.
(1846). _Jonbleau_, Études sur C. ou Exposition du Système
d'Économie Politique suivi de 1661 à 1683 (II, 1856).
Lettres, Instructions et Mémoires de C. publiés par Clément
(1861 ff.).]
[Footnote A3-6-5: In Germany, the tariff projects of the
empire of 1522, contemplated no protection, inasmuch as
imports and exports were equally taxed, but the importation
of the most necessary means of subsistence was left free.
Prohibition of the exportation of the precious metals in
1524; of the exportation of raw wool _mit grossen Haufen_
(R. P. O., of 1548, art. 21; 1566, and in the R. P. O. of
1577, limited to the pleasure of the several districts).
Hence, in Brandenburg, 1572 and 1578, the Saxons,
Pommeranians and Mecklenburghers were prohibited to export
wool and to import cloth, in retaliation. Individual states
had much earlier adopted protective measures: Göttingen, in
1430, prohibited the exportation of yarn, and in 1438, the
wearing of foreign woolen stuffs. (_Havemann_, Gesch. von
Braunschweig und Luneburg, I, 780 seq.) Hanseatic politics
recall in many respects the Venetian. After 1426, the sale
of Prussian ships to non-Hanseates was made as difficult as
possible; and in 1433, the importation of Spanish wool was
prohibited in order to compel the payment of debts by Spain.
(_Hirsch_, Gesch. des Danziger, H. 87, 268.) Prohibition of
the exportation of the precious metals to Russia at the end
of the thirteenth century. _Sartorius_, II, 444, 453, III,
191. The elector, Augustus of Saxony, forbade the
exportation of corn, wool, hemp and flax (Cod. Aug. I.,
1414). The Bavarian L. O., of 1553, prohibits generally the
sale of corn, cattle, malt, tallow, leather or other
_Plennwerthe_ to foreigners; which prohibition was, in 1557,
limited to cattle, malt, tallow, wool and yarn.
The protective system received its most important
development in Prussia. Prohibition by the margrave, about
the end of the thirteenth century, of the exportation of
woolen yarn. (_Stengel_, Pr. Gesch., I, 84.) In the
privilege accorded to the weavers of woolen wares, in 1414,
the importation of the less important cloths is forbidden
for two years. (_Droysen_, Preuss. Gesch. I, 323.) The
prohibition of the exportation of wool of 1582 assigns as a
reason of the prohibition, that the numerous leading weavers
should not be ruined for the sake of a few unmarried
journeymen and sellers. (_Mylius_, C. C. M., V, 2, 207.) In
the prohibitions of 1611 and 1629, the domains, the estates
of prelates and knights were exempted; similarly, in Saxony,
1613-1626; which is one of the many symptoms of the then
growing _Junkerthum_. The great elector, who attached, both
in war and peace, great value to the possession of coasts,
men-of-war and colonies, forbade, for instance, the
importation of copper and brass wares (1654), of glass
(1658), of steel and iron (1666), of tin (1687); farther,
the exportation of wool (1644), leather (1669), skins and
furs (1678), silver (1683), rags (1685). Home commodities
were, for the most part, stamped with the elector's arms,
and all which were not so stamped were prohibited. The
prohibition was generally preceded by a notice that the
elector had himself established or improved a manufactory,
or that the guilds (_Innungen_) had entered complaints
against foreign competition. Not till 1682 did the idea
occur to impose a moderate excise on the home product to be
favored, and a much higher duty on the foreign one; thus in
the case of sugar. (_Mylius_, IV, 3, 2, 16.) Frederick I.
continued this system especially for the forty-three
branches of industry hitherto unknown, and the introduction
of which was contemporaneous with the reception of the
Huguenots. (_Stengel_, 3, 48, 208.) Frederick William I., in
1719 and 1723, threatened the exportation of wool, under
certain circumstances, with death. (_Mylius_, V, 2, 4, 64,
80.) The severity with which he insisted that his officials
and officers should wear only home cloth is characteristic;
and the fact that in 1719 he threatened tailors who worked
foreign cloth, with heavy money fines and the loss of their
guild-rights. At the same time all workers in wool were
freed from military duty, and capitalists who had loaned
money to wool manufacturers were given a preference (1729).
Frederick the Great, who continued nearly all this,
prohibited the exportation of Silesian yarn, with the
exception of the very coarsest and finest, as well as of
that which had been bleached. Its exportation was allowed to
Bohemia only, because from here the linen went back again to
Silesia to be bleached and sold there. (_Mirabeau_, De la
Monarchie Pruss., II, 54.)]
[Footnote A3-6-6: Important beginnings of a protective
system in Sweden, under Gustavus Wasa, and again under
Charles IX., the violent opponent of the supremacy of the
nobility (_Geijer_, Schwed. Gesch. II, 118 ff., 346); while
Christian II., of Denmark, failed in all such endeavors. The
founder of the Russian industrial protection was Peter the
Great, who was in complete accordance with the native
theorist, _I. Possoschkow_: Compare _Brückner_, in the
Baltische Monatschrift, Bd. VI (1862), and VI (1863). Spain
first adopted a real protective system under the Bourbons.
The export prohibitions issued mostly at the request of the
cortes between 1550 and 1560 (_Ranke_, Fürsten und Völker,
I, 400 ff.) must be considered as a remnant of the medieval
scarcity-policy, induced principally by a misunderstood
depreciation of the precious metals.]
SECTION VII.
HOW LONG IS PROTECTION JUSTIFIABLE?
All rational education keeps in view as its object, the subsequent
independence of the pupil. If it desired to continue its guardianship,
the payment of fees, etc., until an advanced age, it would thereby
demonstrate either the pupil's want of capacity or the absurdity of its
methods. The industrial protective system also can be justified as an
educational measure only on the assumption that it may be gradually
dispensed with; that is, that, by its means, there may be a prospect of
attaining to freedom of trade.[A3-7-1] In the case of all highly
civilized nations, the presumption is in favor of freedom of trade, both
at home and abroad, and in such nations, the desire for a protective
system must be looked upon as a symptom of disease.[A3-7-2] [A3-7-3] It
is true, that recently the inferiority of young countries, even when
inhabited by a very active and highly educated people, is greatly
enhanced by the improvement of the means of communication. But this is
richly compensated for by the simultaneous instinct towards emigration,
both of capital and workmen from over-full, highly industrial countries;
whereas, the prohibitions by the state, that extreme of exportation
embargoes, formerly so frequently resorted to, it is no longer possible
to carry out.[A3-7-4] [A3-7-5] Now the young country has the advantage of
being able immediately to use the newest processes of labor, etc.,
without being hindered by the existence there of earlier imperfect
apparatus. It is certain that international freedom of trade must be of
advantage to a people's nationality the moment they have attained to the
maturity of manhood, for the reason that they are thereby forced to make
the most of that which is peculiar to them. Care must be taken not to
confound many-sidedness with all-sidedness.[A3-7-6] The best "protection
of national labor" might consist in this, that all products should be
really individually characteristic (artistic), all individuals really
national, and national also in their tastes as consumers. This ideal has
been pretty closely approximated to by the French in respect to
fashionable commodities, so that they will hardly purchase such from
abroad, even without a protective tariff; and the cultured of most
nations in respect to works of art. Here, too, it is worth considering,
that even the most national of poets, when they are great enough to rise
to the height of the universally human, possess the greatest
universality.[A3-7-7]
[Footnote A3-7-1: _Colbert_ advised the companies in Lyons
to consider the privileges granted them only as crutches, by
means of which they might learn to walk the soonest
possible, it being the intention afterwards to do away with
them. (Journ. des Econom., Mai, 1854, p. 277.) Thiers said,
in the chamber of deputies, in 1834: _Employé comme
représailles, le tarif est funeste; Comme faveur, il est
abusif; Comme encouragement à une industrie exotique, qui
n'est pas importable il est impuissant et inutile. Employé
pour protéger un produit, qui a chance de réussir, il est
bon; mais il est bon temporairement, il doit finer quand
l'education de l'industrie est finie, quand elle est
adulte._ _Schmitthenner_, Zwölf Bücher vom Staate, I, 657
ff., admits that full freedom of trade between England and
Germany would be advantageous to the world in general; but
that England might here secure the entire gain even at the
cost of Germany, in part. _Schmitthenner's_ view is
distinguished from that of _List's_, against which
_Schmitthenner_ zealously seeks to maintain the priority of
his own (II, 365), disadvantageously enough, by this, that
it contains no pledge of subsequent freedom of trade.
_List_, on the contrary, considers universal freedom of
trade, not only as the ideal, but also as the object which
is to be striven for by temporary limitations on trade; an
object, indeed, attainable only where there are a great many
nations highly developed and in an equal degree, just as
perpetual peace supposes a plurality of states equal in
power. Ges. Schr., II, 35; III, 194. Compare, on this point,
_Hildebrand_, N. O. der Gegenwart und Zukunft, I, 87. That
_Carey_ advocates a perpetual protective tariff is connected
with his absolute inability to conceive the Malthusian law
of population. (_Held_, Carey's Socialwissenschaft und das
Merkantilsystem, 1866, p. 166.)
Thus, for instance, the prohibition of foreign cloths in
Florence begins in 1393, that is, at a time when the
protected industry had long been developed, so that its
products were exported on a great scale, but when it began
to fear the young, vigorous, competition of the Flemings.]
[Footnote A3-7-2: How frequently it happened in the
conquests of the French revolution or of Napoleon, or when
the Zollverein was extended, that two territories, now
united to each other, feared an outflanking of their
industries, each by the other, whose competition was
formerly excluded; and that, afterwards, the abolition of
the barriers to trade worked advantageously to both parties!
(_Dunoyer_, Liberté du Travail, VII, ch. 3.) The Belgian
manufacture of (coarse) porcelain flourished under Napoleon,
spite of the competition of Sèvres. It declined after the
separation from France, notwithstanding protective duties of
20 per cent. (_Briavoinne_, Industrie Belge, II, 483.) The
French cotton manufacturers feared, in 1791, that the
incorporation of Mülhausen would necessarily produce their
downfall.]
[Footnote A3-7-3: In Venice, the relations of a workman who
had emigrated and refused to return home were imprisoned. If
this was of no avail, the emigrant was to be put to death.
(_Daru_, Hist. de V., III, 90.) It is said that this was
still the practice in 1754. (Acad. des Sc. mor. et polit.,
1866, I, 132.) Florence, in 1419, threatened its subjects
who carried on the brocade or silk industry, in foreign
countries, with death. Similarly, when the Nürnberg
Rothgiessers were prohibited, under pain of the house of
correction, showing their mills to a stranger. (_Roth_,
Gesch. des N. Handles, III, 176.) In Belgium, enticing
manufacturers of bone lace to emigrate was made punishable.
Austrian prohibition for glass-makers, in 1752; for
scythe-makers, in 1781. Colbert also approved of the
imprisonment of manufacturers desirous to emigrate.
(Lettres, etc., II, 568 ff.) By 5 Geo. I., ch. 28, and 23
Geo. II., ch. 13, the soliciting of an artificer to emigrate
to foreign countries is punished by one year's imprisonment
and £500 fine; and even workmen who do not respond to a call
home within six months lose all their reachable property in
England, and their capacity to inherit there. Every emigrant
had to certify that he was no artificer. The only effect of
this law was that the emigration of artificers to the United
States was made by the way of Canada; the poorer ones, at
most, were kept back by the cost of this circuitous route.
Hence the law was repealed in 1825. Compare Edinb. Rev.,
XXXIX, p. 341 ff.]
[Footnote A3-7-4: The first English prohibition of the
exportation of machinery was made in reference to the Lee
stocking frame, in 1696, the second in 1750; whereupon
others followed very rapidly after 1774. As late as 1825,
prohibitions of the exportation of a large number of
machines and of parts of machines were still in force; but
the Board of Trade might dispense with them. Here it was
considered whether a greater disadvantage was caused to the
industries by permitting the exportation, or to the
manufacturers of the machines by prohibiting it. _Porter_,
Progress, I, 318 ff., recommends full freedom of exportation
especially for the reason that Englishmen can now procure
all new machines, and sell the old ones to foreign
countries. On the other hand, a French manufacturer
purchased old machines _parce que sous le système prohibitif
je gagnerai encore de l'argent avec ces metiers_. (_Rau_,
Lehrbuch, II, § 209.) Similar cases in the United States.
_Cairnes_, Principles, p. 485.]
[Footnote A3-7-5: _Bandrillart_, Manuel, p. 299. Every
nation needs, in order to become fully mature, an industry
of some magnitude. But it may just as well be the silk
industry as the cotton which shall lead to this maturity;
and when the nation has much greater natural capacity for
the former than for the latter, it would do well to reach
its object by the shortest course.]
[Footnote A3-7-6: _Riehl_, die deutsche Arbeit, p. 102 ff.,
107. Shakespeare, the most English of Englishmen, and yet
the most universal of poets! During the last centuries of
the middle ages most nations had come to have national and
even local costumes which were in strong contrast with the
universality of fashions during the age of chivalry. This
must have greatly contributed to the advancement of
industry, even before the introduction of the state
protective system.]
[Footnote A3-7-7: How much more convenient it is for the
statesman, when he does not need to give any thought to the
education of industry, is shown, especially by the great
difficulty of striking precisely the proper height of a
protective tariff. If too low, it fails of its object; and
so, likewise, if too high; because then, in a very
unpedagogical way, it lulls one into a lazy security. And
how impossible it is to make the tariff vary with every
variation in the cost of production, in price, etc.; as List
desired it should, not, however, without a good deal of
variation in his own views. (_Roscher_, Gesch. der N. O.,
II, 989 seq.) How greatly would not List have been obliged
to limit his assumptions, if he had lived to see the
universal exposition of 1862, at which English connoisseurs
expressed their pleasure that England had not remained
behind France and Germany in locomotive building? (Ausland,
19 Oct., 1862.) Hence _Schäffle_ opposes all protective
duties as an educational measure, because the "protected"
classes, by means of diets (_Landtage_), newspapers, etc. so
greatly influence legislation; that is, the educator is
influenced by the pupil! (System, 409 ff.) The usual
calculation of the cost for home undertakers (_Unternehmer_)
can always only strike the average, and hence it is too high
for some and too low for others. (_Rau_, Lehrbuch, II, §
214.) It frequently occurs that large manufacturers already
existing desire a low protective tariff to facilitate their
competition with foreign countries, possible even without
such tariff, but not high enough to encourage others to
compete with them at home.]
SECTION VIII.
INDUSTRIAL-PROTECTIVE POLICY IN PARTICULAR.
If it be once established generally that an industry is to be
artificially promoted, and if there be question only of a choice between
the different measures to be adopted to thus promote it,
moderate[A3-8-1] import duties are not only the most equable, least
subject to abuse, but also attended by the greatest number of secondary
advantages. Here the sacrifice is imposed on all the consumers of the
"protected" commodity, that is, on the entire people, to the extent that
they come in contact with the commodity in question. Export duties on
raw materials, on the other hand, compel one single class of the people
to make sacrifices in order to advance the favored industry.[A3-8-2]
Export premiums for commodities on which labor has been expended are
distinguished from import duties as the offensive from the defensive:
the former promote the artificial trade, the trade which has gone beyond
its natural basis, the latter curtail it.
Premiums, advances without interest, gifts of machinery etc., to persons
engaged in industry would operate very usefully under an omniscient
government.[A3-8-3] But they generally fall to the lot not of the most
skillful manufacturers, but of the most acceptable supplicants, who now
are doubly dangerous to the former as competitors.[A3-8-4] The same is
true to a still greater extent of monopolies granted to undertakings
which it is intended to promote.[A3-8-5] They require, at least, to be
vigilantly superintended in case of sale from one person to another;
otherwise the individual to whom they were first granted is very apt to
withdraw with the capitalized value of the privilege accorded, and his
successors, loaded with a heavy debt in the nature of a mortgage, to
derive no advantage from it.[A3-8-6]
Further, import duties, besides the fiscal advantage which they afford,
have the police advantage that they may, like quarantine provisions,
prevent somewhat the inroads of many economic diseases: thus, for
instance, gluts of the market, and still more, the severe chronic
disease of ruinously low wages.[A3-8-7] But only very moderate hopes
from protective duties should be entertained in all such respects as
these.[A3-8-8]
Prohibition proper operates, as a rule, very disastrously.[A3-8-9] It
spoils those engaged in industry by a feeling of too great security
(mortals' chiefest enemy: Shakespeare). It may even lead to complete
monopoly, when the industry requires very large means and the country is
small. The inducement to smuggling is peculiarly great here. But even
duties, so high that they far exceed the insurance premium of smuggling,
can be of very little advantage either to industry or to the exchequer.
They can only promote the smuggling trade. However, the repeal of an
import prohibition or the abolition of a tariff approaching to a
prohibition should be announced long enough in advance to enable the
capital invested in the protected industry to be withdrawn without too
heavy a loss.
[Footnote A3-8-1: In general, _Mäser_ was in favor of
_Colbert_, and opposed to _Mirabeau_. (P. Ph. II, 26.) He
ridicules the prohibitions of the exportation of raw
material by saying that not only flax-seed, flax-yarn, but
also the linen, must remain in the country. As Raphael Mengs
once ennobled four ells of linen to a value of 10,000
ducats, a hundred Mengs should be sent for, to the end that
all the linen should be exported painted. (v. 25.)]
[Footnote A3-8-2: _Rau_, Lehrbuch, II, § 214, would prefer
to tolerate state premiums (politically so dangerous),
rather than protective duties, because, in the case of the
former, the magnitude of the assumed sacrifice may be
exactly estimated in advance. Similarly, _Bastiat_,
Sophismes, ch. 5.]
[Footnote A3-8-3: Many striking examples in _List's_
Zollvereinsblatt, 1843, No. 47.]
[Footnote A3-8-4: Under _Colbert_, the granting of a
monopoly had frequently no effect but to ruin an already
existing rural industry in the interest of a city
manufactory. Thus, in the case of lace, in Bourges and
Alençon, and soap in the south, etc. The upshot of the
matter in some places was simply that the carriers on of
industry on a small scale were allowed to carry on their
industries in consideration of a payment made to the owners
of the privilege. (Journ. des Econ., 1857, II, 290.) The
King of Denmark bought back, in 1756, at a high price,
industrial privileges which his predecessors had granted
gratis. (_Justi_, Polizeiwissensch., § 444.) The Colbert
monopoly of the Hollander v. Robais (1665), who was the
first to manufacture fine cloths in France, was not
abolished until 1767. (Encycl. Mech. Arts et Manuf., II,
345.)]
[Footnote A3-8-5: Thus, for instance, in 1863, the
apothecary shops of the governmental district of Breslau had
a value of 2,791,227 thalers, of which the land and
inventories of stock were only 29 per cent. The concessions
represented 71 per cent. The sick, in the entire state of
Prussia, were obliged to contribute 1,780,000 thalers a year
to compensate these monopolists. Compare _Brefeld_, Die
Apotheken, Schutz oder Freiheit? (1863).]
[Footnote A3-8-6: _Hermann_, in his review of Dönniges'
System des freien Handels und der Schützzölle (Münch. G. A.
Sept. und Octbr., 1847) calls attention to the point that a
decrease of the cost of production, by merely lowering
wages, is no gain to the national resources, but only an
altered distribution of them, for the most part a very
unfavorable one. But when a nation is advancing on this
road, it may strengthen its exportation by such means, as it
might granting export premiums at the expense of the
workmen. This would lead, on the supposition of entire
freedom of trade, to a corresponding depression of the lower
classes in other countries; and against such contagion a
protective tariff may operate in a manner similar to the
quarantine. This is much exaggerated by _Colton_, Public
Economy of the United States (1849), p. 65, 178. America
needs a protective tariff more than any other nation,
because of its dear workmen and capital. In Europe, the
upper classes rob labor of its product, while in America,
labor itself enjoys its products. Free trade would lower
America to the level of Europe.]
[Footnote A3-8-7: Severe crisis in the woolen industries of
America in 1874 ff., spite of an enormously high protective
tariff. The financial utility of a protective tariff can be
scarcely great, because the intention of the tariff to
permit as little as possible to be imported, and of the tax
to levy as much as possible, are irreconcilable.]
[Footnote A3-8-8: Frederick II., in 1766, forbade the
importation of 490 different commodities which, up to that
time, had only paid high duties. (_Mirabeau_, Monarchie,
Pr., II, 168.) In 1835, France still had 58 import and 25
export prohibitions.
They might, by way of exception, become necessary, in case a
foreign state should desire to make our protective duties
illusory by export premiums. But the exportation of Prussian
cotton stuffs, for instance, has increased, with a moderate
tariff, much more than the Austrian, with full prohibition.
The English silk manufactures were, so long as the
prohibition continued, inferior to the French, even in
respect to the machinery system. (_McCulloch_, Statist., I,
681.)]
[Footnote A3-8-9: In the case of circulating capital this is
generally done rapidly. The machines would have worn out,
and care is taken not to renew them. Buildings also can, for
the most part, serve other purposes. The most difficult
thing of all is for the masses of men, gathered together at
the principal seats of industry, artificially created, to
distribute themselves. Between the two rules: "No leap, but
gradual transition," and "cut the dog's tail off at once,
not piecemeal," the right mean is struck in the abolition of
a prohibitive protection, when, what it is intended to do,
is announced long in advance without maintaining vain hopes,
and a long space of time is left to enable people to make
their arrangements accordingly. This plan was followed in a
model manner in reference to the English silk prohibition,
under Huskisson. It was announced as early as 1824 that
protective duties of 30 per cent. would on the 5th of July,
1826, take the place of the prohibition. The duty on raw
silk was immediately reduced from 4 sh. to 3d. per pound,
and after a time, even to 1d., which so increased the demand
that the number of spindles rapidly increased from 780,000
to 1,180,000. During the 10 years from 1824, the importation
of raw and twisted silk amounted to about 1,941,000 pounds,
and in the 10 years after, to 4,164,000 pounds. The English
exports of silk wares had before 1824 a value of £350,000 to
£380,000; in 1830, of over £521,000; in 1854, of almost
£1,700,000; in 1863, of £3,147,000. Compare _Porter_,
Progress, I, 255 ff. On the other hand, Austria was
over-hasty when it went over from the prohibition of foreign
silk stuffs to duties of 180 florins per cwt. (Oest.
Weltausstellungsbericht von 1867, IV, 140.)]
SECTION IX.
WHAT INDUSTRIES ONLY SHOULD BE FAVORED.
That as a rule only such industries should be favored which, by reason
of the natural capacities of the country and of the people, have a good
prospect of being able soon to dispense with the favors accorded, would
be self-evident were it not for the fact that it has been ignored a
thousand times in practice.[A3-9-1] It is especially necessary to take
the natural station (_Standort_)[A3-9-2] as well as the natural
succession of the different branches of industry into consideration.
Half manufactured articles of foreign raw material should not be
protected until the entire manufactured article has completely outgrown
protection; which condition manifests itself most clearly by a strong,
independent exportation of the article.[A3-9-3] The celebrated tariff
controversy between the cotton spinners and the weavers in the
Zollverein was probably without any conscious plan, but certainly to the
well-being of German industry, settled essentially in accordance with
these principles. In such struggles of the different stages of a branch
of production with one another, it is necessary not only mechanically to
weigh the number of workmen, the amount of capital, etc., on both sides,
but also organically the capacity for development and the influence of
both sides on the entire national life.[A3-9-4] Half-manufactured
articles of a very superior quality should not be kept away, since by
promoting commodities of the first quality they have an educational
influence on the whole industry. Thus, in the case of the duties on
iron, it should not be forgotten, that they enhance the price of all
instruments of industry.[A3-9-5] Just as objectionable are protective
duties for machines or for intellectual elements of training.[A3-9-6]
[Footnote A3-9-1: _Torrens_ calls an industry which can, in
the long run, bear no competition: "A parasitical formation,
wanting the vital energies while permitted to remain, and
yet requiring for its removal a painful operation." (Budget,
p. 49.) Especially frequent in the case of
luxury--industries in which the court was interested. The
oysters which were sent for to Venice under Leopold I., in
order to stock the artificial beds in the garden of the
president of the Exchequer reached Vienna, dead. (_Mailath_,
Gesch., IV, 384.) As to how Elizabeth, and Catharine II. in
Russia, desired to compel the cultivation of silk, and
caused the peasantry to be levied like recruits for that
purpose; as to how the latter petitioned against it in a
thousand ways, and endeavored to destroy the silk worms,
mulberry trees, etc., see _Pallas_, Reise durch das südliche
Russland, I, 154 ff. Frederick II.'s silk-protection is
characterized mainly by the order for church-inspectors to
keep tables (_Tabellen_) concerning it, and to look after
clergymen's and teachers' knowledge of the cultivation of
silk. Tragico-comic endeavors of the Shah Nasreddin to
establish manufactories in Persia: _Pollak_, Persien, II,
138 ff. One of the principal effects of the Mexican
protective system, since 1827, was the establishing of
manufactories on the coast only to cover up smuggling.
(_Wappäus_, Mexiko, 83 ff.)]
[Footnote A3-9-2: When Holland stunted its bleach-yards by
high duties on linen, an industry in which it must always
remain behind many other nations, was favored at the expense
of another for which it possesses incomparable advantages.]
[Footnote A3-9-3: Even before _Colbert's_ time, French
jewelry was prepared from Italian gold wire, and exported in
great quantities. The mere rumor that it was contemplated to
impose heavy duties on gold wire, provoked plans for the
removal of the industry from Geneva to Avignon.
(_Farbonnais_, F. de Fr., I, 275.) When France protects its
raw silk, it makes the purchase of raw material in Italy
cheaper to all its competitors.]
[Footnote A3-9-4: According to _L. Kühne_ (Preuss.
Staatszeitung, 17 Decbr., 1842), the cotton yarn consumption
of Germany amounted to 561,000 cwt. per annum, of which the
home spin-houses yielded 194,000 cwt. Weaving employed
311,500 workmen with 32,250,000 thalers wages, spinning only
16,300 workmen with a little over 1,000,000 thalers wages.
Even if the entire yarn-want (_Garnbedarf_) were spun in the
interior, yet spinning would stand to weaving only as 1:5 in
the number of workmen, and as 1:8 in the amount of wages.
Hence the tariff of the Zollverein defended by Prussia,
placed the tariff on tissues (_Gewebe_) 25 times as high as
on yarn, while their prices stood to each other as 1:3-4.
_List_ (Zollvereinsblatt, 1844, No. 40 ff.) objected that
only by spinning industries of its own could Germany's
cotton-tissue industries become independent; since it was a
very different thing to procure the material to be worked
from the many mutually competing cotton countries, rather
than from an intermediate hand; and indeed, from the most
powerful industrial country of the world. (Compare, however,
_Faucher's_ Vierteljahrsschrift, 1863, Bd. I.) Besides,
there is the great importance of the spinning industries, in
order to come into immediate connection with America, the
most rapidly growing market, to influence Holland, and also
to advance navigation and the manufacture of machinery. In
opposition to _Kühne's_ calculation, _List_ says: A man who
lost eyes, ears, fingers and toes, would undergo only a
small loss of weight.]
[Footnote A3-9-5: Special calculations on this matter in
_Junghanns_, Fortschritt des Zollvereins (1849), I, 179.]
[Footnote A3-9-6: Frederick II. threatened the prosecution
of one's studies at a foreign university with a lifelong
exclusion from all civil and ecclesiastical offices; and, in
the case of the nobility, even with the confiscation of
their property. (_Mylius_, C. C. M. _Contin_, IV, 191,
Noviem C. C., I, 97.)]
INDEX TO NAMES OF AUTHORS
CITED IN THE PRINCIPLES.
[The references are to the sections.]
A.
Académie française, 42.
Agricola, 116, 120.
Ahrens, 16, 77.
Algarotti, 49.
Anacharsis, 116.
Anaxagoras, 38.
Anderson, A. (Origin of Commerce), 188.
Anderson, J. (Nature of Corn Laws), 152, 154.
Anonymous, authors of:
---- Britannia languens, 123, 196.
---- Discourse of Trade, Coyn and Paper-Credit, 48, 50, 90, 108, 123.
---- England's great Happiness, 196.
---- Interest of Money mistaken, 188.
---- Paying old Debts without new Taxes, 49.
---- Virginia's Verger, 9.
---- (W. S.) Compendious or brief Examination of certain ordinary
Complaints, 137.
Antisthenes, 225.
Antoninus, 191.
Arbuthnot, 135.
Aretin, v., II, 118.
Aristippos, 225.
Aristophanes, 79, 202.
Aristotle, 1, 2, 5, 9, 14, 36, 38, 43, 49, 57, 63, 69, 70, 75, 79, 81,
100, 107, 116, 117, 190, 205, 250, 251, 253.
Arnd, 20.
Arnold, 184.
Asgill, 49.
Augustinis, de, 51.
Auxiron, 154.
B.
Babbage, 57, 58, 106.
Baboeuf, 79, 81.
Bacon, 13, 21, 24, 50, 55, 98, 108, 114, 191, 204, 254.
Bandini, 123, 188.
Banfield, 115, 157, 205, 263.
Bastiat, 2, 5, 9, 31, 35, 42, 54, 58, 81, 82, 84, 87, 97, 116, 117, 152,
167, 185, 210, 238, 242, 243.
Baudrillart, 21, 242.
Baumstark, 20, 154.
Bazard, 11, 53, 67, 84, 86, 90, 97, 205, 207.
Beaumont, de, 250.
Beccaria, 19, 49, 57, 79, 125, 126, 140, 256, 263.
Becher, J. J., 98, 114, 214, 254.
Beckmann, J., 225.
Bentham, J., 12, 71, 193, 232, 250, 256.
Berg, v., 76.
Berkeley, 9, 47, 57, 95, 116, 123, 212, 214, 231, 254, 255.
Bernhardi, v., 147, 154.
Bernhardinus, 191.
Bernoulli, 3, 246, 248.
Besold, 137, 191.
Bible, 11, 16, 36, 41, 63, 69, 81, 84, 190, 202, 204, 218, 225, 239,
245, 255, 264.
Biel, 22, 116, 120.
Blackstone, 42, 86 87, 199.
Blanc, L., 81, 82, 98, 167, 178.
Blanqui, 169.
Böckh, 135, 137.
Boden, 183.
Bodin, J., 37, 137, 254.
Bodz-Reymond, 97.
Boisguillebert, 1, 9, 12, 49, 96, 97, 100, 111, 117, 123, 154, 214, 215.
Booth, 243.
Bornitz, 3, 114.
Bossuet, 77, 191.
Botero, G., 9, 210, 241, 242, 245.
Boussingault, 32, 34.
Boxhorn, 39, 94.
Brentano, 166, 175, 176, 177.
Bridge, 238.
Brissot, 77.
Broggia, 9, 116.
Buat, 16.
Buchanan, 152, 153, 154, 164.
Buckle, 209, 263.
Bülau, 17, 97.
Buonarotti, 79.
Buquoy, Count, 22, 34, 129, 147.
Burke, 11, 220; II, 5, 106, 140, 155.
Büsch, 2, 9, 42, 95, 96, 117, 123, 126, 170, 183, 263.
C.
Cabanis, 37.
Cabet, 79, 82, 250.
Cæsar, Jul., 16.
Calvin, 49, 79, 114, 191.
Campanella, 79.
Canard, 22, 42, 47, 95, 101, 106, 123, 152, 188, 195, 215.
Cancrin, Count, 64, 98.
Cantillon, 47, 49, 90, 98, 106, 123, 126, 128, 137, 144, 154, 161, 167,
185, 193.
Carey, 5, 42, 148, 154, 155, 157, 166, 172, 199, 214, 243, 253, 263.
Carli, 137.
Casper, 246.
Cato, Cens., 43, 190, 222.
Cazaux, 22, 127, 145.
Celtes, 41.
Cervantes, 55.
Chadwick, 218, 248.
Chalmers, Th., 216, 217, 242.
Cherbuliez, 202.
Chevalier, M., 11, 40, 66, 70, 89, 97, 116, 120, 121, 124, 128, 129,
136, 137, 139, 142, 143, 173, 199, 216, 217, 220.
Child, Sir J., 42, 97, 98, 114, 123, 154, 157, 188, 192, 193, 197, 199,
241, 242, 254.
Chrysippos, 250.
Cibrario, 17, 137.
Cicero, 9, 46, 49, 75, 100.
Cieszkowsky, 89.
Clemens, Rom., 81.
Cleonard, 54.
Cliquot de Blervache, 108.
Cobden, R., 98.
Coke, R., 196.
Colbert, 232, 255.
Colton, 12, 25, 42, 116, 201.
Columella, 40, 59, 71.
Comte, Ch., 37, 71.
Condillac, 21, 49, 107, 129.
Condorcet, 263.
Considérant, 51, 88, 183.
Constant, B., 168.
Contzen, Ad., 49, 226.
Cooper, Th., 12.
Corpus Juris civilis, 69, 83, 117, 201.
Corpus Juris canonici, 41.
Corvaja, 82.
Cournot, 22.
Court, P. de la, 94, 97, 98, 108, 114, 185, 254.
Culpeper, Sir Th., 154, 188, 192, 199.
D.
Dankwardt, 16, 56.
Dante, 191, 250.
Darjes, 19, 76, 96, 106, 192, 254.
Darwin, 242.
Davanzati, 116, 123.
Davenant, 9, 10, 21, 97, 103, 116, 124, 157, 242, 254.
Decker, Sir M., 10, 41.
Defoe, D., 222.
Demosthenes, 21, 42, 43, 89, 231.
Diderot, 57.
Dietzel, C., 42, 90.
Diogenes, 225.
Dithmar, 19.
Dohm, 49, 263.
Doubleday, 242.
Drobisch, 13, 129.
Droz, 46, 92, 214.
Dufau, 18.
Dumont, 225.
Dunoyer, 16, 17, 21, 26, 38, 42, 50, 54, 111, 145, 178, 203, 216, 242.
Dupont de Nemours, 5, 97, 108, 147.
Duport, St. Clair, 139.
Dutot, 96, 100, 116, 212.
E.
Eden, Sir F. M., 57, 140, 213.
Edinburgh Review, 116, 154, 176, 242.
Eiselen, 51, 95, 195.
Enfantin, 250.
Engel, 161, 162, 214, 240, 243, 246, 248.
Epicharmos, 47.
Erasmus, 41, 79, 191.
Euler, 238.
Euripides, 37, 226.
Everett, 243.
F.
Fallati, 18, 21.
Faucher, J., 1.
Faucher, L., 178, 215.
Faust, M., 137.
Faxardo, Saavedra, 9, 254.
Fénélon, 225.
Ferguson, 11, 16, 21, 44, 50, 63, 115, 210, 217, 224, 225, 226, 255.
Fichte, J. G., 12, 82, 97, 123, 129, 204, 250.
Filangieri, 225, 254.
Fix, 4.
Fleetwood, 143.
Forbonnais, 68, 97, 116, 123, 173, 190, 200, 214, 254, 255.
Forster, 79.
Fortrey, Sam, 196.
Fourier, Ch., 51, 66, 81, 85, 97, 183, 207, 250.
Fox, 77.
Franklin, B., 12, 33, 41, 42, 49, 71, 89, 97, 98, 107, 116, 128, 173,
178, 203, 218, 219, 225, 232, 241, 242, 255.
Frégier, 223.
Friedländer, 4.
Friedrich II. (Emperor), 49, 83.
Friedrich, M., 16, 114, 244, 254.
Fullarton, 123, 125.
Fuoco, 11, 22, 121, 146, 154, 202.
G.
Galiani, 8, 9, 42, 47, 98, 100, 104, 116, 120, 126, 128, 129, 140, 142,
167, 187, 197.
Gallatin, 136.
Ganilh, 12, 42, 51, 52, 55, 116, 123, 147, 180, 188, 196, 214, 216.
Garcilasso, de la Vega, 9.
Garnier, 16, 50, 137.
Garve, 30, 50, 52, 99, 115, 173, 231.
Gasparin, 161.
Gavard, 17.
Gee, 116.
Geiler v. Kaisersberg, 39.
Genovesi, 4, 16, 64, 97, 102, 123.
Gerstner, 253.
Gessler, 261.
Gibbon, 234.
Gioja, 2, 30, 42, 47, 51, 64, 191.
Gobbi, 32.
Godwin, 243, 250, 254.
Goethe, 11, 25, 36.
Goldsmith, 254.
Gournay, 49, 108.
Graham, 243.
Graswinckel, 87.
Gratian, 47.
Graumann, 125.
Graunt, 245.
Gray, 243.
Gregorius Tolosan, 48, 55.
Grotius, H., 77, 87, 187, 191.
Guérard, 143.
Günther, 194.
H.
Hackluyt, 9.
Haller, K. L. v., 14, 256.
Hamann, 117.
Hamilton, 90, 152.
Hanssen, 40, 126, 139, 140, 144.
Harless, 81.
Harrington, J., 98, 205, 253.
Harris, 47, 57, 128, 180.
Hegel, 3.
Held, 146.
Helferich, 86, 137.
Helvétius, 11, 38, 231.
Herakleides, 225.
Herbart, 16, 22.
Herbert, 101, 142.
Herber, J. G. v., 265.
Hermann, F. B. W., 1, 2, 3, 11, 17, 42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 51, 101, 103,
106, 108, 110, 113, 115, 118, 129, 137, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 150,
152, 153, 154, 166, 172, 180, 181, 183, 186, 196, 196a, 199, 204, 208,
211, 212, 216, 219, 231, 246, 259.
Herodotus, 37.
Herrmann, E., 101, 207.
Heuschling, 154.
Hildebrand, B., 5, 13, 18, 79, 90, 146, 205.
Hippokrates, 37.
Hobbes, 42, 47, 50, 77, 107, 116, 118.
Hoffmann, J. G., 97, 117, 119, 159, 205, 246, 249.
Homer, 71, 250.
Hood, 168.
Hopkins, 159.
Horn, 245, 247, 248, 254.
Horneck, v. 19, 114, 116, 254.
Howlett, 39.
Hufeland, 2, 5, 12, 13, 46, 51, 59, 66, 87, 106, 107, 111, 118, 152,
195, 221.
Hugo, G., 24, 69, 81.
Humboldt, A. v., 32, 36, 61, 98, 106, 136, 139, 214.
Hume, D., 11, 36, 42, 47, 50, 71, 96, 98, 116, 117, 121, 123, 125, 126,
137, 154, 185, 200, 214, 225, 242, 263, 264.
Hutcheson, 5, 11.
Hutton, U. v., 225.
I.
Iambulos, 79.
Isokrates, 57, 231.
Ivernois, Sir F. d', 239, 246.
J.
Jacob, W., 120, 135, 137.
Jakob, H. L. v., 16, 49, 71, 106, 107, 127, 128, 147, 153, 195, 217,
219.
Jarke, 202.
Jevons, 22, 129.
Johnson, S., 93.
Jones, R., 148, 154.
Jselin, 67.
Jung, 76, 156; II, 53, 101, 173.
Justi, v., 9, 17, 116, 199, 237, 254.
K.
Kant, 11, 87.
Kauffmann, 3, 9, 126.
Kautz, 29.
Kees, v. 194.
King, Ch., 48.
King, G., 103.
King, Lord, 124.
Knapp, 246.
Knies, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 18, 28, 42, 89, 95, 107, 116, 117, 139, 169, 189,
213, 265.
Kosegarten, 117, 202.
Kraus, 17, 128, 137, 197, 265.
Krause, 170.
Kröncke, 22, 147.
Krug, L., 192, 254.
Kudler, 49, 128.
L.
Lafitte, 202.
Lang, 22.
Laspeyres, 129.
Lassalle, 45, 84, 163, 196a.
Lau, 245.
Lauderdale, Lord, 8, 9, 50, 51, 99, 103, 104, 106, 117, 128, 132, 147,
200, 214, 217, 221, 231, 263.
Lavergne, L. de, 139.
Law, 42, 96, 101, 107, 115, 116, 117, 121, 123, 127, 254.
Legoyt, 245.
Leib, 48, 237b.
Leibnitz, 13, 114, 140, 254.
Leopoldt, II, 87, 145.
Leplay, 65.
Letronne, 137, 214.
Libanios, 174.
Liebig, J. v., 162.
Linguet, 69, 174.
List, Fr., 45, 46, 50, 64, 98, 154, 260.
Liverpool, Lord, 118, 120, 142.
Livy, 231.
Locke, J., 5, 42, 47, 77, 100, 107, 116, 123, 129, 152, 154, 158, 188,
191, 193, 194, 199, 254.
Lotz, 5, 17, 20, 49, 50, 98, 99, 100, 115, 123, 128, 144, 166, 169, 195,
202.
Louis XIV., 221.
Lowe, 129, 219.
Lueder, 37, 50, 117.
Luther, M., 41, 49, 57, 114, 128, 191, 254.
M.
Mably, 79, 81.
Macculloch, 21, 40, 42, 43, 47, 50, 93, 107, 112, 113, 151, 164, 166,
173, 188, 197, 212, 253, 264.
Machiavelli, 21, 191, 238, 242, 244.
Macleod, 89, 90, 107, 115, 123, 154.
Macpherson, 143.
Malthus, 3, 9, 33, 42, 43, 50, 55, 79, 80, 98, 100, 107, 111, 112, 128,
129, 147, 152, 153, 157, 159, 163, 164, 166, 183, 185, 188, 205, 214,
216, 217, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244, 247, 258, 263.
Malthusians, 217, 254.
Mandeville, 11, 57, 225.
Mangoldt, v., 6, 16, 22, 30, 43, 51, 53, 59, 63, 71, 106, 129, 146, 149,
153, 157, 167, 177, 181, 195, 205, 220.
Mariana, 100, 114, 231.
Marlo, K., 71, 79, 178, 207, 242, 250, 251, 258.
Martineau, H., 176.
Marx, K., 22, 42, 47, 107, 189.
Masius, 237.
Massie, 42.
Melanchthon, 79, 100, 191.
Mélon, 42, 90, 91, 97, 123, 225, 254.
Menander, 174.
Mendelsohn, 77.
Menger, 2, 5, 101, 112.
Mengotti, 50.
Mercier de la Rivière, 22.
Mercantilists, 9, 47, 48, 96, 97, 116, 121, 126, 225, 236, 254; new,
116.
Merivale, 172.
Meyer, G., 246.
Michaelis, 135.
Mill, J., 47, 126, 216.
Mill, J. S., 5, 20, 22, 34, 38, 40, 42, 46, 51, 74, 79, 88, 90, 97, 106,
107, 111, 113, 121, 126, 150, 152, 153, 157, 163, 164, 166, 170, 172,
176, 177, 178, 180, 183, 186, 188, 192, 195, 197, 213, 216, 221, 243,
250, 259, 262, 264.
Minard, 223.
Mirabeau, Marq. de, 95, 97, 98, 117, 144, 147, 191, 210, 214, 254, 263.
Mirabeau, Son, 256.
Mischler, 1.
Mittermaier, 94.
Mohl, R., 242, 253, 258, 259, 262.
Moleschott, 162.
Moncada, 137.
Montaigne, M., 98, 236.
Montanari, 100, 116, 123, 125, 127, 188, 220.
Montchrêtien de Vatteville, 9, 16, 48, 57.
Montecuccoli, 16.
Montesquieu, 37, 77, 89, 95, 116, 118, 123, 185, 192, 199, 205, 220,
221, 237, 238, 240, 248.
Moreau de Jonnès, 18.
Morelly, 79.
Morhof, 19.
Moritz (Marschall von Sachsen), 255.
Morrison, 176, 178.
Mortimer, Th., 173, 175; II, 53.
Morus, Th., 79, 98, 117, 147, 166.
Möser, J., 42, 63, 69, 91, 117, 161, 169, 173, 191, 200, 226, 242, 248,
254, 256.
Müller, Ad., 3, 5, 11, 12, 22, 28, 42, 50, 55, 64, 116, 117, 120, 202.
Mun, Th., 48, 116.
Muret, 239.
Murhard, K., 52.
N.
Nau, 19.
Nebenius, 89, 120, 137, 150, 182, 184, 186, 187, 195, 199, 219.
Necker, 103, 163, 204, 254.
Neri, P., 100, 118, 120.
Neumann, F. J., 6, 16, 100, 246.
Newmarch, 137.
Niebuhr, B. G., 92.
North, Sir D., 9, 12, 47, 48, 97, 98, 114, 116, 121, 123, 152, 154, 179,
191.
O.
Obrecht, 237a;
II, 164.
Oppenheim, 116.
Oresmius, 116, 120.
Ortes, 16, 34, 38, 117, 194, 217, 242.
Owen, R., 66, 128.
P.
Pagnini, 100, 137.
Paley, 50, 254.
Palmieri, 9.
Paoletti, 173.
Paris, Comte de, 176.
Patricius, 48, 246, 254.
Paucton, 143.
Paullus, Jul., 116.
Perikles, 231.
Périn, 11, 254.
Petty, Sir W., 16, 47, 48, 57, 107, 116, 123, 127, 129, 154, 164, 193,
214, 254.
Philemon, 69.
Physiocrates, 5, 8, 47, 49, 97, 101, 106, 128, 147, 154, 159, 214, 221,
225, 254.
(Pinto), 90, 98, 123, 221, 225.
Pitt, 254.
Plato, 9, 12, 21, 23, 42, 57, 61, 62, 79, 116, 190, 211, 250, 251.
---- Eryxias, 116.
Plinius (Major), 71, 79, 117, 120, 225, 231.
Plotinos, 79.
Plutarch, 73.
Pölitz, 17; II, 194.
Pollexfen, 9.
Porter, 129, 205.
Postlethwayt, 173.
Price, 238.
Prittwitz, v., 17, 51, 214, 263.
Proudhon, 5, 66, 70, 77, 81, 82, 85, 97, 185.
Puchta, G. F., 11, 14.
Purves, 253.
Q.
Quesnay, 42, 44, 47, 49, 98, 101, 116, 121, 123, 125, 137, 147, 154,
214, 221, 254.
Quételet, 18, 248.
R.
Rae, 45, 59.
Raleigh, Sir W., 140, 241, 252, 254.
Rau, K. H., 3, 5, 6, 9, 20, 22, 33, 38, 42, 43, 49, 50, 58, 64, 101,
106, 109, 110, 111, 112, 116, 118, 120, 129, 131, 137, 143, 144, 145,
146, 147, 153, 156, 161, 166, 168, 179, 181, 194, 195, 208, 212, 216,
225, 253.
Raumer, F. v., 49.
Raynal, 49, 62, 214.
Read, 195.
Reformers, 47.
Reitemeyer, 135.
Reybaud, 78, 79.
Ricardo, 1, 5, 22, 43, 44, 66, 90, 106, 107, 109, 111, 126, 129, 147,
148, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 157, 164, 173, 175, 183, 184, 185, 186,
188, 195, 197, 201, 202, 212, 216, 263.
Ricardo's School, 47, 128, 157, 183, 197, 200.
Richelieu, 16.
Riedel, 16, 31, 65, 106, 118, 179, 195; II, 139, 187.
Riehl, 41, 56, 169, 230.
Ritter, K., 37.
Rivet, 258.
Rodbertus, 97, 135, 154, 201.
Roesler, 90, 157, 173, 193, 195, 207.
Rossi, 9, 42, 46, 243, 248.
Rössig, 19.
Rousseau, J. J., 16, 57, 62, 79, 169, 202, 205, 229, 254.
Rümelin, 18.
S.
Sadler, Th., 239, 242, 243, 245.
St. Chamans, 8, 90, 116, 123, 144, 214.
St. Just, 79.
St. Simon, 54, 70, 80, 84, 86, 90.
St. Simonists, 54, 70, 80, 84, 86, 90.
Sallustius, 14, 21.
Salmasius, 89, 97, 114, 116, 191, 193.
Sartorius, 29, 128.
Say, J. B., 1, 12, 16, 20, 22, 42, 43, 47, 50, 51, 53, 55, 58, 71, 87,
90, 98, 104, 106, 108, 115, 129, 137, 144, 145, 147, 151, 154, 169, 183,
195, 199, 200, 212, 216, 218, 223, 231, 243, 256, 263.
Say, L., 4, 9.
Scaruffii, 134.
Schäffle, 1, 2, 3, 4, 12, 30, 42, 43, 44, 47, 79, 89, 102, 110, 114,
117, 129, 152, 159, 176, 196a, 207, 208, 218, 246, 250, 251, 258.
Schiller, Fr., 30, 169, 204.
Schleiermacher, 16, 55, 63.
Schlettwein, 128, 145.
Schlazer, U. L. v., 18, 144.
Schlözer, Chr. v., 42, 116, 117, 128, 168, 185, 254.
Schmalz, 17, 19, 152, 195.
Schmitthenner, 42, 44, 50, 54, 95, 99, 108, 116, 117, 121, 224, 253.
Schmoller, 42, 147.
Schön, J., 11, 50, 97, 195.
Schröder, v., 9, 19, 42, 53, 54, 90, 116, 199, 210, 221.
Schulze, F. G., 20, 69, 96.
Schüz, 11.
Scialoja, 13, 17, 38, 41, 51.
Seckendorff, B. L. v., 19, 114, 116, 237, 254.
Seneca, L., 51, 69, 79, 100, 190, 214.
Seneca, M., 251.
Senior, 2, 22, 33, 34, 40, 46, 58, 102, 110, 112, 115, 121, 126, 129,
130, 142, 143, 148, 152, 155, 161, 165, 166, 167, 169, 173, 180, 181,
183, 185, 187, 189, 195, 200, 212, 242.
Serra, 33, 48, 181.
Shakespeare, 191.
Shuckburgh, 132, 137.
Sismondi, 12, 22, 44, 50, 54, 55, 93, 97, 98, 106, 109, 117, 123, 128,
144, 145, 147, 153, 154, 168, 174, 195, 201, 210, 214, 215, 216, 221,
231, 242.
Smith, Ad., 1, 2, 5, 11, 12, 20, 39, 40, 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 52, 55, 57,
58, 59, 66, 71, 81, 91, 97, 98, 104, 106, 107, 111, 112, 113, 116, 117,
119, 120, 121, 123, 125, 128, 129, 130, 131, 134, 135, 137, 144, 147,
148, 153, 154, 157, 161, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168, 171, 172, 174, 176,
179, 183, 185, 186, 192, 193, 195, 197, 202, 213, 214, 218, 221, 226,
236, 238, 242.
Smith, Th., 116, 137.
Socialists, 6, 9, 12, 22, 53, 62, 66, 81, 82, 85, 88, 97, 117, 147, 148,
202, 205, 214, 242, 254, 265.
Soden, Graf, 16, 51, 92, 129, 194, 212.
Soetbeer, 138.
Socrates, 9, 71, 100, 250, 251.
Solera, 120.
Solly, 214.
Sonnenfels, v., 160, 194, 254.
Spinoza, 88, 254.
Spittler, 81.
Stahl, F. J., 24, 78.
Stein, K. v., 254, 265.
Stein, L. v., 14, 16, 46, 79, 98, 207.
Steinlein, 30, 47, 61.
Steuart, Sir J., 16, 20, 25, 34, 42, 71, 100, 104, 117, 123, 127, 134,
137, 147, 157, 199, 201, 213, 224, 239, 242, 253, 254, 263.
Stoics, 72.
Storch, H., 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 17, 27, 46, 50, 53, 55, 62, 71, 91, 96,
106, 115, 116, 117, 120, 145, 147, 165.
Strabo, 37, 61.
Struensee, v., 90, 96, 119, 210.
Süssmilch, 239, 245, 247, 254, 256.
T.
Tacitus, 41, 238, 250, 251.
Temple, Sir W., 41, 57, 98, 104, 115, 157, 185, 188, 214, 222, 231, 254.
Tengoborsky, 40, 139.
Thaer, 69, 112, 129, 131.
Thiers, 77.
Thomas, Aquin, 21, 49, 57, 191.
Thomasius, Chr., 19, 114.
Thornton, H., 101, 123, 125, 193.
Thornton, W., 164, 166, 176, 253.
Thucydides, Pref., 16, 36, 63, 229.
Thünen, v., 22, 106, 117, 149, 151, 154, 158, 161, 165, 173, 178, 183,
195.
Tocqueville, 71.
Tooke, Th., 100, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 112, 113, 123, 128, 137, 139,
157, 179, 188, 193.
Torrens, 9, 58, 107, 126, 130, 157, 164, 260, 262.
Townsend, 242.
Tucker (Progress of the U. S.), 71.
Tucker, J., 1, 16, 54, 57, 97, 98, 102, 130, 200, 216, 219, 254, 256,
262.
Turgot, 5, 9, 37, 42, 47, 49, 57, 70, 71, 90, 92, 95, 115, 116, 117,
152, 159, 163, 178, 188, 191, 193, 194, 221, 232.
Twiss, 121.
U.
Ulloa, 116.
Umpfenbach, 39, 82, 152, 173.
Ure, 173, 176.
Ustariz, 241.
V.
Varro, 71.
Vasco, 192, 194.
Vauban, 9, 78, 147, 254.
Vaughan, R., 107.
Verri, 8, 9, 16, 42, 49, 55, 97, 98, 100, 101, 116, 123, 159, 205, 214,
232, 254.
Viaaxnes, 191.
Villegardelle, 81.
Virgilius, 117.
Voltaire, 11, 98, 210, 225, 254, 255.
W.
Wagner, Ad., 13, 90.
Wakefield, D., 51, 64, 89.
Wakefield, E. G., 130, 185, 259.
Walker, A., 151, 152, 176, 195, 202, 206, 242.
Wallace, 242.
Wappäus, 246, 248.
Watts, 176.
Weinhold, 258.
Weishaupt, 214.
Wells, 10.
West, 154.
Weyland, 242, 243.
Whately, 17, 21, 110, 149.
Wirth, M., 185.
Wit, J. de, 92, 108.
Wolf, Chr. v., 175, 256.
Wolkoff, 35, 42, 43, 161, 186.
Woodward, 88.
X.
Xenophon, 9, 21, 57, 98, 100, 116.
Y.
Young, A., 32, 40, 42, 110, 137, 143, 242, 254.
Z.
Zachariä, K. S., 29, 37, 83, 87, 97, 128, 214, 229.
Zeno, 98.
Zincke, 49.
Zwinglius, 191.
DAVID ATWOOD, STEREOTYPER AND PRINTER, MADISON, WIS.
Transcriber's Notes:
Footnotes were moved to the end of the section to which they pertain.
Because footnote numbers in the original begin at '1' for each section,
the section number has been added before the footnote number, e.g. the
first footnote in section 156 appears as: [156-1].
In the Index to Names of Authors, references to sections 1 - 143 pertain
to Volume 1. See https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27698.
The square root symbol is indicated by 'sqrt' followed by the figure in
parentheses.
In Footnote 174-8, the year '1700' in column B is as printed in the
original, but may be a typo for '1800.' Column header codes were added to
the tables in Footnotes 247-4 and 253-4 so that the tables would fit the
page in standard view.
Punctuation, including accents in French and Spanish, was standardized.
Hyphenated words were standardized. For consistency with the remaining
text, an umlaut was added to 'coöperate.' Duplicate words, e.g. 'the the,'
were removed. Obsolete and alternative spellings were retained.
Other changes:
Section Footnote Alteration
145 - 'praticable' to 'practicable'
145 4 - 'higly' to 'highly'
146 1 - 'innocousness' to 'innocuousness'
154 7 - 'analagous' to 'analogous'
156 2 - 'diffcult' to 'difficult' and header added to right
columns of table for clarity
161 4 - beginning of word, line 12 is missing.
162 'CXLII' to 'CLXII'
163 'themslves' to 'themselves'
164 5 - 'Sclavic' to 'Slavic'
167 8 - 'Hildebraud' to 'Hildebrand'
169 8 - '80' to '0.80' francs
174 2 - 'collossal' to 'colossal'
175 1 - 'domicil' to 'domicile'
176 1 - 'Spiers' to 'Spires' ('Speyer' in German)
177 4 - 'Eninb.' to 'Edinb.'
177 8 - 'tradesmens'' to 'tradesmen's'
178 5 - 'anterest' to 'interest'
183 4 - added '5' to '5/12'; numerator is blank in the original.
184 3 - 'Haudbuch' to 'Handbuch'
185 2 - 'Peleponnesian' to 'Peloponnesian'
186 9 - 'Staatswirthschatliche' to 'Staatswirthschaftliche'
191 10 - 'Samalsius' to 'Salmasius'
192 3 - 'analagous' to 'analogous'
193 - 'exceeedingly' to 'exceedingly'
194 1 - 'Confedration' to 'Confederation'
205 6 - 'anuum' to 'annum'
205 8 - in last paragraph, added decimal to '131.2'
207 4 - 'capaple' to 'capable'
207 8 - 'passsionnées' to 'passionnées'
208 4 - anchor missing in original; placed in likely position.
212 - 'pnrposes' to 'purposes'
213 1 - 'Smilh' to 'Smith'
213 3 - 'analagous' to 'analogous'
214 - 'civlization' to 'civilization'
214 8 - 'carricature' to 'caricature' and
'rêciprocquement' to 'réciproquement'
217 - 'but' to 'butt' ... butt-ends of the gun ...
219 2 - 'partment' to 'department'
220 5 - 'Similarlly' to 'Similarly'
221 2 - 'Lois' to 'Louis'
224 - 'itfelf' to 'itself'
228 13 - 'childrens'' to 'children's'
230 3 - 'candalabras' to 'candelabras'
231 1 - 'accounr' to 'account'
232 - 'palateable' to 'palatable'
232 5 - anchor missing in original; placed in likely position.
234 3 - 'as' to 'an' ... as an excuse.
235 - 'in stead' to 'instead'
237 2 - 'ærarium' to 'ærarian'
237a 5 - 'capiital' to 'capital'
237b 2 - 'chimnies' to 'chimneys'
237c 2 - 'Silesea' to 'Silesia'
237d 6 - 'Rheinish' to 'Rhenish'
238 1 - 'Teleogically' to 'Teleologically'
238 1 - 'Worterbuche' to 'Wörterbuch'
239 2 - 'sociétié' to 'société' and 'diviseé' to 'divisée'
239 3 - 'Enquéte ... occulte' to 'Enquête ... occultes'
240 - 'uniformily' to 'uniformly'
242 - 'incontestibly' to 'incontestably'
242 - 'grevious' to 'grievous'
242 5 - 'imposees' to 'imposées'
242 10 - 'Chateanneuf' to 'Châteauneuf'
242 10 - 'Familes' to 'Familles'
242 15 - 'Reflessioni ... Populazione' to
'Riflessioni ... Popolazione'
243 7 - 'extraordinay' to 'extraordinary'
244 5 - 'Germanans' to 'Germans'
244 6 - 'civtilzed' to 'civilized'
245 5 - added 'of' to phrase '... one of the principal ...'
245 8 - 'Persannes' to 'Persanes'
245 12 - 'Prussaia' to 'Prussia'
246 11 - 'Gessellschaft' to 'Gesellschaft'
247 7 - 'Pommeranian' to 'Pomeranian'
248 8 - 'geater' to 'greater'
249 3 - 'legitamatized' to 'legitimatized'
249 7 - 'Vicbahn' to 'Viebahn'
249 10 - 'Chatelet' to 'Châtelet'
249 14 - 'Mediceinische' to 'Mediceische'
249 15 - 'Duchatelet' to Du Châtelet'
250 3 - 'frauzösischen' to 'französischen'
250 4 - 'Plutatch' to 'Plutarch'
250 5 - 'Thesmophoriazasuses' to 'Thesmophoriazusae'
250 7 - 'rennaissance' to 'renaissance'
250 7 - 'Pausam.' to 'Pausan.'
250 10 - 'Weltjkonomie' to 'Weltökonomie'
251 - 'p lyandry' to 'polyandry'
251 2 - 'transkaukasia' to 'Transkaukasia'
252 1 - 'Litthuanian' to 'Lithuanian'
253 - 'earlist' to 'earliest' and 'manifest' to 'manifests'
253 1 - 'Akadamie' to 'Akademie'
253 7 - 'Schmithenner' to 'Schmitthenner'
254 2 - 'Politche' to 'Politiche'
254 4 - 'Phillippe' to 'Philippe'
256 8 - 'Freidrichs' to 'Friedrichs'
256 9 - 'Salsburg' to 'Salzburg'
256 10 - 'end' to 'und'
256 12 - 'Spiers' to 'Spires'
258 17 - 'Un' to 'An'; 'Milleleuropa' to 'Mitteleuropa'; and
'kultivirten' to 'kultivieren'
259 5 - 'Sclavic' to 'Slavic'
262 2 - 'Appollo' to 'Apollo'
262a 4 - 'Appenines' to 'Apennines'
262a 6 - 'bivouacing' to 'bivouacking'
263 1 - 'histoirique' to 'historique'
264 2 - 'controvery' to 'controversy'
Apx 2 1 - 'ausgebeuteteten' to 'ausgebeuteten'
2 1 3 - 'univesrsalissima' to 'universalissima'
2 1 5 - 'commerzio' to 'commercio'
2 2 12 - 'Mauth' to 'Maut'
2 4 - 'Realisirung' to 'Realisierung'
2 4 3 - 'Menreinfuhr' to 'Mehreinfuhr'
2 5 5 - 'an' to 'au'
2 6 1 - 'Astarta' to 'Astarte'
2 6 4 - 'Nymweg' to 'Nijmegen'
3 4 7 - 'resourcess' to 'resources'
3 7 1 - 'repressailles' to 'représailles' and
'Mercantilsystem' to 'Merkantilsystem'
Index 'Obrecht, 238a' to 'Obrecht, 237a'