CHAPTER XI. YORKTOWN_Washington and His Comrades in Arms: A Chronicle of the War of Independence

The critical stroke of the war was near. In the South, after General

Greene superseded Gates in the command, the tide of war began to turn.

Cornwallis now had to fight a better general than Gates. Greene arrived

at Charlotte, North Carolina, in December. He found an army badly

equipped, wretchedly clothed, and confronted by a greatly superior

force. He had, however, some excellent officers, and he did not scorn,

as Gates, with the stiff military traditions of a regular soldier, had

scorned, the aid of guerrilla leaders like Marion and Sumter. Serving

with Greene was General Daniel Morgan, the enterprising and resourceful

Virginia rifleman, who had fought valorously at Quebec, at Saratoga, and

later in Virginia. Steuben was busy in Virginia holding the British in

check and keeping open the line of communication with the North. The

mobility and diversity of the American forces puzzled Cornwallis. When

he marched from Camden into North Carolina he hoped to draw Greene into

a battle and to crush him as he had crushed Gates. He sent Tarleton with

a smaller force to strike a deadly blow at Morgan who was threatening

the British garrisons at the points in the interior farther south. There

was no more capable leader than Tarleton; he had won many victories; but

now came his day of defeat. On January 17, 1781, he met Morgan at the

Cowpens, about thirty miles west from King's Mountain. Morgan, not quite

sure of the discipline of his men, stood with his back to a broad river

so that retreat was impossible. Tarleton had marched nearly all night

over bad roads; but, confident in the superiority of his weary and

hungry veterans, he advanced to the attack at daybreak. The result was a

complete disaster. Tarleton himself barely got away with two hundred

and seventy men and left behind nearly nine hundred casualties and

prisoners.

Cornwallis had lost one-third of his effective army. There was nothing

for him to do but to take his loss and still to press on northward

in the hope that the more southerly inland posts could take care of

themselves. In the early spring of 1781, when heavy rains were making

the roads difficult and the rivers almost impassable, Greene was luring

Cornwallis northward and Cornwallis was chasing Greene. At Hillsborough,

in the northwest corner of North Carolina, Cornwallis issued a

proclamation saying that the colony was once more under the authority of

the King and inviting the Loyalists, bullied and oppressed during nearly

six years, to come out openly on the royal side. On the 15th of March

Greene took a stand and offered battle at Guilford Court House. In the

early afternoon, after a march of twelve miles without food, Cornwallis,

with less than two thousand men, attacked Greene's force of about

four thousand. By evening the British held the field and had captured

Greene's guns. But they had lost heavily and they were two hundred miles

from their base. Their friends were timid, and in fact few, and their

numerous enemies were filled with passionate resolution.

Cornwallis now wrote to urge Clinton to come to his aid. Abandon New

York, he said; bring the whole British force into Virginia and end the

war by one smashing stroke; that would be better than sticking to

salt pork in New York and sending only enough men to Virginia to steal

tobacco. Cornwallis could not remain where he was, far from the sea. Go

back to Camden he would not after a victory, and thus seem to admit a

defeat. So he decided to risk all and go forward. By hard marching he

led his army down the Cape Fear River to Wilmington on the sea, and

there he arrived on the 9th of April. Greene, however, simply would not

do what Cornwallis wished--stay in the north to be beaten by a second

smashing blow. He did what Cornwallis would not do; he marched back into

the South and disturbed the British dream that now the country was held

securely. It mattered little that, after this, the British won minor

victories. Lord Rawdon, still holding Camden, defeated Greene on the

25th of April at Hobkirk's Hill. None the less did Rawdon find his

position untenable and he, too, was forced to march to the sea, which

he reached at a point near Charleston. Augusta, the capital of Georgia,

fell to the Americans on the 5th of June and the operations of the

summer went decisively in their favor. The last battle in the field of

the farther South was fought on the 8th of September at Eutaw Springs,

about fifty miles northwest of Charleston. The British held their

position and thus could claim a victory. But it was fruitless. They

had been forced steadily to withdraw. All the boasted fabric of royal

government in the South had come down with a crash and the Tories who

had supported it were having evil days.

While these events were happening farther south, Cornwallis himself,

without waiting for word from Clinton in New York, had adopted his own

policy and marched from Wilmington northward into Virginia. Benedict

Arnold was now in Virginia doing what mischief he could to his former

friends. In January he burned the little town of Richmond, destined in

the years to come to be a great center in another civil war. Some twenty

miles south from Richmond lay in a strong position Petersburg, later

also to be drenched with blood shed in civil strife. Arnold was already

at Petersburg when Cornwallis arrived on the 20th of May. He was now in

high spirits. He did not yet realize the extent of the failure farther

south. Virginia he believed to be half loyalist at heart. The negroes

would, he thought, turn against their masters when they knew that the

British were strong enough to defend them. Above all he had a finely

disciplined army of five thousand men. Cornwallis was the more confident

when he knew by whom he was opposed. In April Washington had placed

La Fayette in charge of the defense of Virginia, and not only was La

Fayette young and untried in such a command but he had at first only

three thousand badly-trained men to confront the formidable British

general. Cornwallis said cheerily that "the boy" was certainly now his

prey and began the task of catching him.

An exciting chase followed. La Fayette did some good work. It was

impossible, with his inferior force, to fight Cornwallis, but he could

tire him out by drawing him into long marches. When Cornwallis advanced

to attack La Fayette at Richmond, La Fayette was not there but had

slipped away and was able to use rivers and mountains for his defense.

Cornwallis had more than one string to his bow. The legislature of

Virginia was sitting at Charlottesville, lying in the interior nearly

a hundred miles northwest from Richmond, and Cornwallis conceived

the daring plan of raiding Charlottesville, capturing the Governor of

Virginia, Thomas Jefferson, and, at one stroke, shattering the civil

administration. Tarleton was the man for such an enterprise of hard

riding and bold fighting and he nearly succeeded. Jefferson indeed

escaped by rapid flight but Tarleton took the town, burned the public

records, and captured ammunition and arms. But he really effected

little. La Fayette was still unconquered. His army was growing and the

British were finding that Virginia, like New England, was definitely

against them.

At New York, meanwhile, Clinton was in a dilemma. He was dismayed at the

news of the march of Cornwallis to Virginia. Cornwallis had been so long

practically independent in the South that he assumed not only the right

to shape his own policy but adopted a certain tartness in his despatches

to Clinton, his superior. When now, in this tone, he urged Clinton to

abandon New York and join him Clinton's answer on the 26th of June was

a definite order to occupy some port in Virginia easily reached from

the sea, to make it secure, and to send to New York reinforcements.

The French army at Newport was beginning to move towards New York and

Clinton had intercepted letters from Washington to La Fayette revealing

a serious design to make an attack with the aid of the French fleet.

Such was the game which fortune was playing with the British generals.

Each desired the other to abandon his own plans and to come to his

aid. They were agreed, however, that some strong point must be held in

Virginia as a naval base, and on the 2d of August Cornwallis established

this base at Yorktown, at the mouth of the York River, a mile wide where

it flows into Chesapeake Bay. His cannon could command the whole width

of the river and keep in safety ships anchored above the town. Yorktown

lay about half way between New York and Charleston and from here a fleet

could readily carry a military force to any needed point on the sea.

La Fayette with a growing army closed in on Yorktown, and Cornwallis,

almost before he knew it, was besieged with no hope of rescue except by

a fleet.

Then it was that from the sea, the restless and mysterious sea, came

the final decision. Man seems so much the sport of circumstance that

apparent trifles, remote from his consciousness, appear at times to

determine his fate; it is a commonplace of romance that a pretty face

or a stray bullet has altered the destiny not merely of families but of

nations. And now, in the American Revolution, it was not forts on the

Hudson, nor maneuvers in the South, that were to decide the issue, but

the presence of a few more French warships than the British could muster

at a given spot and time. Washington had urged in January that France

should plan to have at least temporary naval superiority in American

waters, in accordance with Rochambeau's principle, "Nothing without

naval supremacy." Washington wished to concentrate against New York,

but the French were of a different mind, believing that the great

effort should be made in Chesapeake Bay. There the British could have

no defenses like those at New York, and the French fleet, which was

stationed in the West Indies, could reach more readily than New York a

point in the South.

Early in May Rochambeau knew that a French fleet was coming to his aid

but not yet did he know where the stroke should be made. It was clear,

however, that there was nothing for the French to do at Newport, and,

by the beginning of June, Rochambeau prepared to set his army in motion.

The first step was to join Washington on the Hudson and at any rate

alarm Clinton as to an imminent attack on New York and hold him to that

spot. After nearly a year of idleness the French soldiers were delighted

that now at last there was to be an active movement. The long march from

Newport to New York began. In glowing June, amid the beauties of nature,

now overcome by intense heat and obliged to march at two o'clock in the

morning, now drenched by heavy rains, the French plodded on, and joined

their American comrades along the Hudson early in July.

By the 14th of August Washington knew two things--that a great French

fleet under the Comte de Grasse had sailed for the Chesapeake and that

the British army had reached Yorktown. Soon the two allied armies, both

lying on the east side of the Hudson, moved southward. On the 20th of

August the Americans began to cross the river at King's Ferry, eight

miles below Peekskill. Washington had to leave the greater part of his

army before New York, and his meager force of some two thousand was soon

over the river in spite of torrential rains. By the 24th of August the

French, too, had crossed with some four thousand men and with their

heavy equipment. The British made no move. Clinton was, however,

watching these operations nervously. The united armies marched down

the right bank of the Hudson so rapidly that they had to leave useful

effects behind and some grumbled at the privation. Clinton thought his

enemy might still attack New York from the New Jersey shore. He knew

that near Staten Island the Americans were building great bakeries as if

to feed an army besieging New York. Suddenly on the 29th of August the

armies turned away from New York southwestward across New Jersey, and

still only the two leaders knew whither they were bound.

American patriotism has liked to dwell on this last great march of

Washington. To him this was familiar country; it was here that he had

harassed Clinton on the march from Philadelphia to New York three long

years before. The French marched on the right at the rate of about

fifteen miles a day. The country was beautiful and the roads were good.

Autumn had come and the air was bracing. The peaches hung ripe on the

trees. The Dutch farmers who, four years earlier, had been plaintive

about the pillage by the Hessians, now seemed prosperous enough and

brought abundance of provisions to the army. They had just gathered

their harvest. The armies passed through Princeton, with its fine

college, numbering as many as fifty students; then on to Trenton, and

across the Delaware to Philadelphia, which the vanguard reached on the

3d of September.

There were gala scenes in Philadelphia. Twenty thousand people witnessed

a review of the French army. To one of the French officers the city

seemed "immense" with its seventy-two streets all "in a straight line."

The shops appeared to be equal to those of Paris and there were pretty

women well dressed in the French fashion. The Quaker city forgot its old

suspicion of the French and their Catholic religion. Luzerne, the French

Minister, gave a great banquet on the evening of the 5th of September.

Eighty guests took their places at table and as they sat down good news

arrived. As yet few knew the destination of the army but now Luzerne

read momentous tidings and the secret was out: twenty-eight French ships

of the line had arrived in Chesapeake Bay; an army of three thousand men

had already disembarked and was in touch with the army of La Fayette;

Washington and Rochambeau were bound for Yorktown to attack Cornwallis.

Great was the joy; in the streets the soldiers and the people shouted

and sang and humorists, mounted on chairs, delivered in advance mock

funeral orations on Cornwallis.

It was planned that the army should march the fifty miles to Elkton, at

the head of Chesapeake Bay, and there take boat to Yorktown, two hundred

miles to the south at the other end of the Bay. But there were not ships

enough. Washington had asked the people of influence in the neighborhood

to help him to gather transports but few of them responded. A deadly

apathy in regard to the war seems to have fallen upon many parts of the

country. The Bay now in control of the French fleet was quite safe for

unarmed ships. Half the Americans and some of the French embarked and

the rest continued on foot. There was need of haste, and the troops

marched on to Baltimore and beyond at the rate of twenty miles a day,

over roads often bad and across rivers sometimes unbridged. At Baltimore

some further regiments were taken on board transports and most of them

made the final stages of the journey by water. Some there were, however,

and among them the Vicomte de Noailles, brother-in-law of La Fayette,

who tramped on foot the whole seven hundred and fifty-six miles from

Newport to Yorktown. Washington himself left the army at Elkton and rode

on with Rochambeau, making about sixty miles a day. Mount Vernon lay

on the way and here Washington paused for two or three days. It was the

first time he had seen it since he set out on May 4, 1775, to attend the

Continental Congress at Philadelphia, little dreaming then of himself as

chief leader in a long war. Now he pressed on to join La Fayette. By the

end of the month an army of sixteen thousand men, of whom about one-half

were French, was besieging Cornwallis with seven thousand men in

Yorktown.

Heart-stirring events had happened while the armies were marching to

the South. The Comte de Grasse, with his great fleet, arrived at the

entrance to the Chesapeake on the 30th of August while the British fleet

under Admiral Graves still lay at New York. Grasse, now the pivot upon

which everything turned, was the French admiral in the West Indies.

Taking advantage of a lull in operations he had slipped away with his

whole fleet, to make his stroke and be back again before his absence had

caused great loss. It was a risky enterprise, but a wise leader takes

risks. He intended to be back in the West Indies before the end of

October.

It was not easy for the British to realize that they could be outmatched

on the sea. Rodney had sent word from the West Indies that ten ships

were the limit of Grasse's numbers and that even fourteen British ships

would be adequate to meet him. A British fleet, numbering nineteen ships

of the line, commanded by Admiral Graves, left New York on the 31st of

August and five days later stood off the entrance to Chesapeake Bay. On

the mainland across the Bay lay Yorktown, the one point now held by the

British on that great stretch of coast. When Graves arrived he had an

unpleasant surprise. The strength of the French had been well concealed.

There to confront him lay twenty-four enemy ships. The situation was

even worse, for the French fleet from Newport was on its way to join

Grasse.

On the afternoon of the 5th of September, the day of the great rejoicing

in Philadelphia, there was a spectacle of surpassing interest off Cape

Henry, at the mouth of the Bay. The two great fleets joined battle,

under sail, and poured their fire into each other. When night came the

British had about three hundred and fifty casualties and the French

about two hundred. There was no brilliant leadership on either side. One

of Graves's largest ships, the Terrible, was so crippled that he

burnt her, and several others were badly damaged. Admiral Hood, one

of Graves's officers, says that if his leader had turned suddenly and

anchored his ships across the mouth of the Bay, the French Admiral with

his fleet outside would probably have sailed away and left the British

fleet in possession. As it was the two fleets lay at sea in sight of

each other for four days. On the morning of the tenth the squadron from

Newport under Barras arrived and increased Grasse's ships to thirty-six.

Against such odds Graves could do nothing. He lingered near the mouth of

the Chesapeake for a few days still and then sailed away to New York

to refit. At the most critical hour of the whole war a British fleet,

crippled and spiritless, was hurrying to a protecting port and the

fleurs-de-lis waved unchallenged on the American coast. The action

of Graves spelled the doom of Cornwallis. The most potent fleet ever

gathered in those waters cut him off from rescue by sea.

Yorktown fronted on the York River with a deep ravine and swamps at the

back of the town. From the land it could on the west side be approached

by a road leading over marshes and easily defended, and on the east side

by solid ground about half a mile wide now protected by redoubts and

entrenchments with an outer and an inner parallel. Could Cornwallis hold

out? At New York, no longer in any danger, there was still a keen desire

to rescue him. By the end of September he received word from Clinton

that reinforcements had arrived from England and that, with a fleet of

twenty-six ships of the line carrying five thousand troops, he hoped to

sail on the 5th of October to the rescue of Yorktown. There was delay.

Later Clinton wrote that on the basis of assurances from Admiral Graves

he hoped to get away on the twelfth. A British officer in New York

describes the hopes with which the populace watched these preparations.

The fleet, however, did not sail until the 19th of October. A speaker in

Congress at the time said that the British Admiral should certainly hang

for this delay.

On the 5th of October, for some reason unexplained, Cornwallis abandoned

the outer parallel and withdrew behind the inner one. This left him in

Yorktown a space so narrow that nearly every part of it could be

swept by enemy artillery. By the 11th of October shells were dropping

incessantly from a distance of only three hundred yards, and before this

powerful fire the earthworks crumbled. On the fourteenth the French

and Americans carried by storm two redoubts on the second parallel. The

redoubtable Tarleton was in Yorktown, and he says that day and night

there was acute danger to any one showing himself and that every gun was

dismounted as soon as seen. He was for evacuating the place and marching

away, whither he hardly knew. Cornwallis still held Gloucester, on the

opposite side of the York River, and he now planned to cross to that

place with his best troops, leaving behind his sick and wounded. He

would try to reach Philadelphia by the route over which Washington had

just ridden. The feat was not impossible. Washington would have had a

stern chase in following Cornwallis, who might have been able to live

off the country. Clinton could help by attacking Philadelphia, which was

almost defenseless.

As it was, a storm prevented the crossing to Gloucester. The defenses

of Yorktown were weakening and in face of this new discouragement the

British leader made up his mind that the end was near. Tarleton and

other officers condemned Cornwallis sharply for not persisting in the

effort to get away. Cornwallis was a considerate man. "I thought it

would have been wanton and inhuman," he reported later, "to sacrifice

the lives of this small body of gallant soldiers." He had already

written to Clinton to say that there would be great risk in trying to

send a fleet and army to rescue him. On the 19th of October came the

climax. Cornwallis surrendered with some hundreds of sailors and about

seven thousand soldiers, of whom two thousand were in hospital. The

terms were similar to those which the British had granted at Charleston

to General Lincoln, who was now charged with carrying out the surrender.

Such is the play of human fortune. At two o'clock in the afternoon the

British marched out between two lines, the French on the one side, the

Americans on the other, the French in full dress uniform, the Americans

in some cases half naked and barefoot. No civilian sightseers were

admitted, and there was a respectful silence in the presence of this

great humiliation to a proud army. The town itself was a dreadful

spectacle with, as a French observer noted, "big holes made by bombs,

cannon balls, splinters, barely covered graves, arms and legs of blacks

and whites scattered here and there, most of the houses riddled with

shot and devoid of window-panes."

On the very day of surrender Clinton sailed from New York with a

rescuing army. Nine days later forty-four British ships were counted off

the entrance to Chesapeake Bay. The next day there were none. The

great fleet had heard of the surrender and had turned back to New York.

Washington urged Grasse to attack New York or Charleston but the French

Admiral was anxious to take his fleet back to meet the British menace

farther south and he sailed away with all his great array. The waters

of the Chesapeake, the scene of one of the decisive events in human

history, were deserted by ships of war. Grasse had sailed, however, to

meet a stern fate. He was a fine fighting sailor. His men said of him

that he was on ordinary days six feet in height but on battle days six

feet and six inches. None the less did a few months bring the British

a quick revenge on the sea. On April 12, 1782, Rodney met Grasse in a

terrible naval battle in the West Indies. Some five thousand in both

fleets perished. When night came Grasse was Rodney's prisoner and

Britain had recovered her supremacy on the sea. On returning to France

Grasse was tried by court-martial and, though acquitted, he remained in

disgrace until he died in 1788, "weary," as he said, "of the burden of

life." The defeated Cornwallis was not blamed in England. His character

commanded wide respect and he lived to play a great part in public life.

He became Governor General of India, and was Viceroy of Ireland when its

restless union with England was brought about in 1800.

Yorktown settled the issue of the war but did not end it. For more

than a year still hostilities continued and, in parts of the South,

embittered faction led to more bloodshed. In England the news of

Yorktown caused a commotion. When Lord George Germain received the first

despatch he drove with one or two colleagues to the Prime Minister's

house in Downing Street. A friend asked Lord George how Lord North

had taken the news. "As he would have taken a ball in the breast," he

replied; "for he opened his arms, exclaiming wildly, as he paced up and

down the apartment during a few minutes, 'Oh God! it is all over,' words

which he repeated many times, under emotions of the deepest agitation

and distress." Lord North might well be agitated for the news meant the

collapse of a system. The King was at Kew and word was sent to him.

That Sunday evening Lord George Germain had a small dinner party and the

King's letter in reply was brought to the table. The guests were curious

to know how the King took the news. "The King writes just as he always

does," said Lord George, "except that I observe he has omitted to mark

the hour and the minute of his writing with his usual precision." It

needed a heavy shock to disturb the routine of George III. The

King hoped no one would think that the bad news "makes the smallest

alteration in those principles of my conduct which have directed me in

past time." Lesser men might change in the face of evils; George III was

resolved to be changeless and never, never, to yield to the coercion of

facts.

Yield, however, he did. The months which followed were months of

political commotion in England. For a time the ministry held its

majority against the fierce attacks of Burke and Fox. The House of

Commons voted that the war must go on. But the heart had gone out of

British effort. Everywhere the people were growing restless. Even

the ministry acknowledged that the war in America must henceforth be

defensive only. In February, 1782, a motion in the House of Commons for

peace was lost by only one vote; and in March, in spite of the frantic

expostulations of the King, Lord North resigned. The King insisted that

at any rate some members of the new ministry must be named by himself

and not, as is the British constitutional custom, by the Prime Minister.

On this, too, he had to yield; and a Whig ministry, under the Marquis

of Rockingham, took office in March, 1782. Rockingham died on the 1st of

July, and it was Lord Shelburne, later the Marquis of Lansdowne, under

whom the war came to an end. The King meanwhile declared that he would

return to Hanover rather than yield the independence of the colonies.

Over and over again he had said that no one should hold office in his

government who would not pledge himself to keep the Empire entire. But

even his obstinacy was broken. On December 5, 1782, he opened Parliament

with a speech in which the right of the colonies to independence was

acknowledged. "Did I lower my voice when I came to that part of my

speech?" George asked afterwards. He might well speak in a subdued

tone for he had brought the British Empire to the lowest level in its

history.

In America, meanwhile, the glow of victory had given way to weariness

and lassitude. Rochambeau with his army remained in Virginia. Washington

took his forces back to the lines before New York, sparing what men he

could to help Greene in the South. Again came a long period of watching

and waiting. Washington, knowing the obstinate determination of the

British character, urged Congress to keep up the numbers of the army so

as to be prepared for any emergency. Sir Guy Carleton now commanded the

British at New York and Washington feared that this capable Irishman

might soothe the Americans into a false security. He had to speak

sharply, for the people seemed indifferent to further effort and

Congress was slack and impotent. The outlook for Washington's allies in

the war darkened, when in April, 1782, Rodney won his crushing victory

and carried De Grasse a prisoner to England. France's ally Spain had

been besieging Gibraltar for three years, but in September, 1782,

when the great battering-ships specially built for the purpose began a

furious bombardment, which was expected to end the siege, the British

defenders destroyed every ship, and after that Gibraltar was safe.

These events naturally stiffened the backs of the British in negotiating

peace. Spain declared that she would never make peace without the

surrender of Gibraltar, and she was ready to leave the question of

American independence undecided or decided against the colonies if she

could only get for herself the terms which she desired. There was a

period when France seemed ready to make peace on the basis of dividing

the Thirteen States, leaving some of them independent while others

should remain under the British King.

Congress was not willing to leave its affairs at Paris in the capable

hands of Franklin alone. In 1780 it sent John Adams to Paris, and John

Jay and Henry Laurens were also members of the American Commission. The

austere Adams disliked and was jealous of Franklin, gay in spite of his

years, seemingly indolent and easygoing, always bland and reluctant to

say No to any request from his friends, but ever astute in the interests

of his country. Adams told Vergennes, the French foreign minister, that

the Americans owed nothing to France, that France had entered the war

in her own interests, and that her alliance with America had greatly

strengthened her position in Europe. France, he added, was really

hostile to the colonies, since she was jealously trying to keep them

from becoming rich and powerful. Adams dropped hints that America might

be compelled to make a separate peace with Britain. When it was proposed

that the depreciated continental paper money, largely held in France for

purchases there, should be redeemed at the rate of one good dollar

for every forty in paper money, Adams declared to the horrified French

creditors of the United States that the proposal was fair and just. At

the same time Congress was drawing on Franklin in Paris for money to

meet its requirements and Franklin was expected to persuade the French

treasury to furnish him with what he needed and to an amazing degree

succeeded in doing so. The self interest which Washington believed to be

the dominant motive in politics was, it is clear, actively at work.

In the end the American Commissioners negotiated directly with Great

Britain, without asking for the consent of their French allies. On

November 30, 1782, articles of peace between Great Britain and the

United States were signed. They were, however, not to go into effect

until Great Britain and France had agreed upon terms of peace; and it

was not until September 3, 1783, that the definite treaty was signed. So

far as the United States was concerned Spain was left quite properly to

shift for herself.

Thus it was that the war ended. Great Britain had urged especially

the case of the Loyalists, the return to them of their property and

compensation for their losses. She could not achieve anything. Franklin

indeed asked that Americans who had been ruined by the destruction of

their property should be compensated by Britain, that Canada should

be added to the United States, and that Britain should acknowledge her

fault in distressing the colonies. In the end the American Commissioners

agreed to ask the individual States to meet the desires of the British

negotiators, but both sides understood that the States would do nothing,

that the confiscated property would never be returned, that most of

the exiled Loyalists would remain exiles, and that Britain herself

must compensate them for their losses. This in time she did on a scale

inadequate indeed but expressive of a generous intention. The United

States retained the great Northwest and the Mississippi became the

western frontier, with destiny already whispering that weak and grasping

Spain must soon let go of the farther West stretching to the Pacific

Ocean. When Great Britain signed peace with France and Spain in January,

1783, Gibraltar was not returned; Spain had to be content with the

return of Minorca, and Florida which she had been forced to yield to

Britain in 1763. Each side restored its conquests in the West Indies.

France, the chief mainstay of the war during its later years, gained

from it really nothing beyond the weakening of her ancient enemy. The

magnanimity of France, especially towards her exacting American ally, is

one of the fine things in the great combat. The huge sum of nearly eight

hundred million dollars spent by France in the war was one of the chief

factors in the financial crisis which, six years after the signing of

the peace, brought on the French Revolution and with it the overthrow

of the Bourbon monarchy. Politics bring strange bedfellows and they have

rarely brought stranger ones than the democracy of young America and the

political despotism, linked with idealism, of the ancient monarchy of

France.

The British did not evacuate New York until Carleton had gathered there

the Loyalists who claimed his protection. These unhappy people made

their way to the seaports, often after long and distressing journeys

overland. Charleston was the chief rallying place in the South and from

there many sad-hearted people sailed away, never to see again their

former homes. The British had captured New York in September, 1776, and

it was more than seven years later, on November 25, 1783, that the last

of the British fleet put to sea. Britain and America had broken forever

their political tie and for many years to come embittered memories kept

up the alienation.

It was fitting that Washington should bid farewell to his army at New

York, the center of his hopes and anxieties during the greater part of

the long struggle. On December 4, 1783, his officers met at a tavern to

bid him farewell. The tears ran down his cheeks as he parted with these

brave and tried men. He shook their hands in silence and, in a fashion

still preserved in France, kissed each of them. Then they watched him as

he was rowed away in his barge to the New Jersey shore. Congress was

now sitting at Annapolis in Maryland and there on December 23, 1783,

Washington appeared and gave up finally his command. We are told that

the members sat covered to show the sovereignty of the Union, a quaint

touch of the thought of the time. The little town made a brave show and

"the gallery was filled with a beautiful group of elegant ladies." With

solemn sincerity Washington commended the country to the protection of

Almighty God and the army to the special care of Congress. Passion had

already subsided for the President of Congress in his reply praised the

"magnanimous king and nation" of Great Britain. By the end of the

year Washington was at Mount Vernon, hoping now to be able, as he said

simply, to make and sell a little flour annually and to repair houses

fast going to ruin. He did not foresee the troubled years and the

vexing problems which still lay before him. Nor could he, in his modest

estimate of himself, know that for a distant posterity his character and

his words would have compelling authority. What Washington's countryman,

Motley, said of William of Orange is true of Washington himself: "As

long as he lived he was the guiding star of a brave nation and when he

died the little children cried in the streets." But this is not all. To

this day in the domestic and foreign affairs of the United States the

words of Washington, the policies which he favored, have a living and

almost binding force. This attitude of mind is not without its dangers,

for nations require to make new adjustments of policy, and the past

is only in part the master of the present; but it is the tribute of a

grateful nation to the noble character of its chief founder.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

In Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. VI (1889),

and in Larned (editor), Literature of American History, pp. 111-152

(1902), the authorities are critically estimated. There are excellent

classified lists in Van Tyne, The American Revolution (1905), vol. V of

Hart (editor), The American Nation, and in Avery, History of the United

States, vol. V, pp. 422-432, and vol. VI, pp. 445-471 (1908-09). The

notes in Channing, A History of the United States, vol. III (1913),

are useful. Detailed information in regard to places will be found in

Lossing, The Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, 2 vols. (1850).

In recent years American writers on the period have chiefly occupied

themselves with special studies, and the general histories have been

few. Tyler's The Literary History of the American Revolution, 2

vols. (1897), is a penetrating study of opinion. Fiske's The American

Revolution, 2 vols. (1891), and Sydney George Fisher's The Struggle

for American Independence, 2 vols. (1908), are popular works. The short

volume of Van Tyne is based upon extensive research. The attention

of English writers has been drawn in an increasing degree to the

Revolution. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century,

chaps. XIII, XIV, and XV (1903), is impartial. The most elaborate and

readable history is Trevelyan, The American Revolution, and his George

the Third and Charles Fox (six volumes in all, completed in 1914). If

Trevelyan leans too much to the American side the opposite is true of

Fortescue, A History of the British Army, vol. III (1902), a scientific

account of military events with many maps and plans. Captain Mahan, U.

S. N., wrote the British naval history of the period in Clowes (editor),

The Royal Navy, a History, vol. III, pp. 353-564 (1898). Of great value

also is Mahan's Influence of Sea Power on History (1890) and Major

Operations of the Navies in the War of Independence (1913). He may be

supplemented by C. O. Paullin's Navy of the American Revolution (1906)

and G. W. Allen's A Naval History of the American Revolution, 2 vols.

(1913).

CHAPTERS I AND II.

Washington's own writings are necessary to an understanding of his

character. Sparks, The Life and Writings of George Washington, 2 vols.

(completed 1855), has been superseded by Ford, The Writings of George

Washington, 14 vols. (completed 1898). The general reader will probably

put aside the older biographies of Washington by Marshall, Irving, and

Sparks for more recent Lives such as those by Woodrow Wilson, Henry

Cabot Lodge, and Paul Leicester Ford. Haworth, George Washington, Farmer

(1915) deals with a special side of Washington's character. The

problems of the army are described in Bolton, The Private Soldier under

Washington (1902), and in Hatch, The Administration of the American

Revolutionary Army (1904). For military operations Frothingham, The

Siege of Boston; Justin H. Smith, Our Struggle for the Fourteenth

Colony, 2 vols. (1907); Codman, Arnold's Expedition to Quebec (1901);

and Lucas, History of Canada, 1763-1812(1909).

CHAPTER III.

For the state of opinion in England, the contemporary Annual Register,

and the writings and speeches of men of the time like Burke, Fox, Horace

Walpole, and Dr. Samuel Johnson. The King's attitude is found in Donne,

Correspondence of George III with Lord North, 1768-83, 2 vols. (1867).

Stirling, Coke of Norfolk and his Friends, 2 vols. (1908), gives

the outlook of a Whig magnate; Fitzmaurice, Life of William, Earl

of Shelburne, 2 vols. (1912), the Whig policy. Curwen's Journals and

Letters, 1775-84 (1842), show us a Loyalist exile in England. Hazelton's

The Declaration of Independence, its History (1906), is an elaborate

study.

CHAPTERS IV, V, AND VI.

The three campaigns--New York, Philadelphia, and the Hudson--are covered

by C. F. Adams, Studies Military and Diplomatic (1911), which makes

severe strictures on Washington's strategy; H. P. Johnston's "Campaign

of 1776 around New York and Brooklyn," in the Long Island Historical

Society's Memoirs, and Battle of Harlem Heights (1897); Carrington,

Battles of the American Revolution (1904); Stryker, The Battles

of Trenton and Princeton (1898); Lucas, History of Canada (1909).

Fonblanque's John Burgoyne (1876) is a defense of that leader; while

Riedesel's Letters and Journals Relating to the War of the American

Revolution (trans. W. L. Stone, 1867) and Anburey's Travels through

the Interior Parts of America (1789) are accounts by eye-witnesses.

Mereness' (editor) Travels in the American Colonies, 1690-1783 (1916)

gives the impressions of Lord Adam Gordon and others.

CHAPTERS VII AND VIII.

On Washington at Valley Forge, Oliver, Life of Alexander Hamilton

(1906); Charlemagne Tower, The Marquis de La Fayette in the American

Revolution, 2 vols. (1895); Greene, Life of Nathanael Greene (1893);

Brooks, Henry Knox (1900); Graham, Life of General Daniel Morgan (1856);

Kapp, Life of Steuben (1859); Arnold, Life of Benedict Arnold (1880). On

the army Bolton and Hatch as cited; Mahan gives a lucid account of

naval effort. Barrow, Richard, Earl Howe (1838) is a dull account of a

remarkable man. On the French alliance, Perkins, France in the American

Revolution (1911), Corwin, French Policy and the American Alliance of

1778 (1916), and Van Tyne on "Influences which Determined the French

Government to Make the Treaty with America, 1778," in The American

Historical Review, April, 1916.

CHAPTER IX.

Fortescue, as cited, gives excellent plans. Other useful books are

McCrady, History of South Carolina in the Revolution (1901); Draper,

King's Mountain and its Heroes (1881); Simms, Life of Marion (1844).

Ross (editor), The Cornwallis Correspondence, 3 vols. (1859), and

Tarleton, History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern

Provinces of North America (1787), give the point of view of British

leaders. On the West, Thwaites, How George Rogers Clark won the

Northwest (1903); and on the Loyalists Van Tyne, The Loyalists in the

American Revolution (1902), Flick, Loyalism in New York (1901), and

Stark, The Loyalists of Massachusetts (1910).

CHAPTERS X AND XI.

For the exploits of John Paul Jones and of the American navy, Mrs. De

Koven's The Life and Letters of John Paul Jones, 2 vols. (1913), Don C.

Seitz's Paul Jones, and G. W. Allen's A Naval History of the American

Revolution, 2 vols. (1913), should be consulted. Jusserand's With

Americans of Past and Present Days (1917) contains a chapter on

"Rochambeau and the French in America"; Johnston's The Yorktown Campaign

(1881) is a full account; Wraxall, Historical Memoirs of my own Time

(1815, reprinted 1904), tells of the reception of the news of Yorktown

in England.

The Encyclopœdia Britannica has useful references to authorities for

persons prominent in the Revolution and The Dictionary of National

Biography for leaders on the British side.

Index

Abraham, Plains of (QC), American army on, 50.

Adams, Abigail, 49.

Adams, John, in Continental Congress, 8; journey from Boston to

Philadelphia, 9-10; on committee to draft Declaration of Independence,

75-76; excepted from British offer of pardon, 86, 92; opinion of

Philadelphia, 120, 165; criticism of Washington, 149; sent to Paris on

American Commission, 270-271.

Albany (NY), plan to concentrate British forces at, 133.

Allen, Colonel Ethan, 40.

André, Major John, at Philadelphia, 195; treats with Arnold, 241-242;

capture, 242-243; hanged as spy, 243.

Annapolis (MD), Congress at, 275.

Anne, Fort, 129.

Armed neutrality, 206.

Army, American, camp at Cambridge, 27-28; Washington reorganizes, 30-35;

food and clothing, 30-31, 32 153-156, 166; composition, 31-32, 43;

officers, 32-35, 43-44; after Canadian campaign, 51; desertions, 100,

159-160; plundering by, 111; pay, 111, 158-159, 209; in 1777, 112;

condition under Gates, 145; Washington wishes national, 151; needs

of engineers, 152; hospital service, 152-153, 166-167; weapons and

artillery, 156-158; religion in, 160-161; supplies from France, 184;

after Valley Forge, 197; mutinous, 209, 246.

Army, British, food for, 36; press-gangs, 176; flogging, 176; relations

between officers and men, 176-177; difficulties of raising, 178; see

also Germans.

Army, French, in America, 235-236.

Arnold, Benedict, at Ticonderoga, 40; through Maine to Canada, 43,

44-45; at Quebec, 45-46; at Crown Point, 52-53; Coke denounces King's

reception of, 71; Washington's trust in, 110, 172-173; at Stillwater,

143; describes American Army, 155; treason, 173, 195, 240-243; at West

Point, 238; life at Philadelphia, 239; tried by court-martial, 239;

reprimanded by Washington, 239-240; in Virginia, 251.

Articles of Confederation, 163.

Assanpink River, Washington on, 105.

Atrocities, 180, 212; see also Indians, Prisons.

Augusta (GA), British take, 211-212; falls to Americans, 250.

Baltimore (MD), Congress flees to, 100.

Barbados, Washington visits, 22.

Barras, French naval commander, 261.

Baum, Colonel, at Bennington, 131, 132.

Beaumarchais sends munitions to America, 183-184.

Bemis Heights (NY), battle, 143.

Bennington (VT), battle of 131-132.

Berthier, French officer, 231.

Biggins Bridge, Tarleton's victory at, 216.

Bordentown (NJ), Germans at, 102.

Boston, defiance of British in, 2; seige, 3, 4, 35-36; Washington's

journey to, 9-10; American camp, 27-28; evacuated by British, 48-49;

effect of Washington's success at, 81; Howe feigns setting out for, 114;

safe, 116; Burgoyne's force at, 146; Loyalists in, 212.

Braddock, General Edward, Washington with, 22-23.

Brandywine (PA) battle of, 119-120, 133, 148; La Fayette at, 169; Greene

at, 171.

Brant, Joseph (Thayendanegea), 134.

Breed's Hill (MA) 4-5; see also Bunker Hill.

Broglie, Comte de, suggested as commander of American army, 185.

Borglie, Prince de, with French armies in America, 232.

Brooklyn Heights (NY), Washington on, 88-91.

Buford, Colonel Tarleton attacks, 217.

Bunker Hill, battle of, 4-7, 33; Washington learns of, 10; significance,

21; officers at, 33, 35.

Burgoyne, General John, on British behavior at Bunker Hill, 7; ordered

to meet Howe, 68, 112, 113, 124-125; Howe deserts, 116, 130; life and

character, 123-124; at Lake Champlain, 125 et seq.; Indian Allies,

125-126, 138-140, 144; takes Fort Ticonderoga, 127; lack of supplies,

129-130; at Fort Edward, 129; 130, 141; and Bennington, 131-132; at

Saratoga, 132, 141, 143; learns of failure of St. Leger, 136; crosses

Hudson, 141; at Stillwater (Freeman's Farm), 142-143; surrender at

Saratoga, 68, 122, 143-147, 149; effect on France of surrender of, 186;

effect of surrender in England, 190, 192.

Burke, Edmund, and conciliation, 69; and Independence, 190.

Byron, Admiral, sent to aid Howe, 200.

Cahokia, Clark at, 223.

Cambridge, American camp, 3, 27-28; Washington at, 10, 30-31, 34, 35,

146.

Camden (SC), battle of, 219-220, 236.

Canada, campaign against, 37, 38-47; Washington's idea of, 40 France

and, 188; Loyalists take refuge in, 227-228.

Carleton, Sir Guy, Governor of Canada, 42; commands at Quebec, 45-46;

operations on Lake Champlain, 52-53; Howe and, 95; superseded by

Burgoyne, 124; commands at New York, 269; and Loyalists, 274.

Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, on commission to Montreal, 50.

Carroll, John, on commission to Montreal, 50.

Catherine II advises England against war, 179.

Catholics, Quebec Act, 38-39, 41; disabilities in England, 208.

Chadd's Ford (PA), Washington at, 118, 119.

Champlain, Lake, plan for conquest of Canada by way of, 43; operations

on, 52-53, 95; Burgoyne at, 125 et seq.; Arnold at, 238.

Charleston (SC), on side of Revolution, 37; British expedition to,

82-83; Prevost demands surrender, 213-214; Lincoln at, 215-217;

surrenders, 217.

Charlestown (MA), location, 3; burned, 5, 7.

Charlotte (NC), Greene at, 247.

Charlottesville (VA), Cornwallis plans raid of, 252.

Chatham, William Pitt, Earl of, and conciliation with America, 69, 190;

political status, 192, 193.

Cherry Valley, massacre, 229.

Chesapeake Bay, Howe on, 116, 117; see also Yorktown.

Chew, Benjamin, house as central point in battle at Germantown, 122.

Clark, G.R., expedition, 223.

Clinton, General Sir Henry, 236; at Charleston, 82, 215; at New York,

116, 130, 133; up the Hudson, 143, 145; succeeds Howe in command, 195;

march from Philadelphia, 196, 197, 198; retreats at Monmouth Court

House, 199; reaches Newport, 202; sails for Charleston, 217-218;

proclamation, 218; Rodney relieves, 237; and Cornwallis, 253; delay in

reinforcing Cornwallis, 262-263, 265.

Coke, of Norfolk, wealth, 20, 69-70; and Toryism, 70-71; on American

question, 71-72; and Washington, 71, 72, 189.

Colonies, attitude toward England, 55 et seq.; state of society in, 60;

population, 177-178; see also names of colonies.

Continental Congress, Washington at, 1, 259; selects leader for army,

7-9; Howe's conciliation, 92-93; flees to Baltimore, 100; loses able

men, 110; hampers Washington, 100; Gates and, 142; repudiates Gates

terms to Burgoyne, 146; Gates lays quarrel with Washington before,

150; and enlistment, 151; at York, 162, 163; ineptitude, 163-164, 236,

269-270, gives Southern command to Gates, 219; Test Acts, 226; and

French alliance, 244; borrows money from France, 271; at Annapolis, 275.

Conway, General, and Stamp Act, 69.

Conway, General Thomas, 110; "Conway Cabal" against Washington, 149,

150; leaves America, 151.

Cornwallis, Lord, 230; at Charleston, 82, crosses Hudson, 97; goes to

Trenton, 104-105; at Princeton, 106; and Howe, 115; at the Brandywine,

119; goes to Charleston, 216; at Camden, 219; in North Carolina, 221,

247-248; proclamation, 249; Guilford Court House, 249; advance down Cape

Fear River, 250; in Virginia, 251-252; and Clinton, 253; Yorktown, 254

et seq.; surrender, 264-266.

Countess of Scarborough (ship), Jones captures, 205.

Cowpens, battle of, 172, 248.

Cromwell, Oliver, as military leader, 170.

Crown Point (NY), capture of, 52-53; Burgoyne at, 126.

Dartmouth, Earl of, Minister of England, 63.

Deane, Silas, envoy to France, 184-185.

Declaration of Independence, 75-80.

Delaware Bay, British fleet in, 116.

Delaware River, Washington crosses, 102.

Denmark and armed neutrality, 206-207.

Detroit, force to check Clark from, 223.

Devonshire, Duke of, costly residence, 18.

Dickinson, John, of Pennsylvania, on Declaration of Independence, 78.

Dilworth, Cornwallis marches on, 119.

Dinwiddie, Governor, Washington and, 16.

Donop, Count von, at Trenton, 102, 104.

Dorchester Heights (MA), American troops on, 47-48.

Dumas, French officer with Rochambeau, 231.

Dunmore, Lord, Governor of Virginia, 224.

East River, location, 87; British on, 93.

Edward, Fort, St. Clair retires to, 127; Burgoyne at, 129, 130-141;

Indian raids at, 140; Burgoyne seeks to return to, 143.

Elkton (MD), Howe at, 116, 118; American army at, 258.

Emerson, chaplain, diary quoted, 35.

England, in eighteenth century, 16-19; state of society, 19, 59;

Parliament votes tax on colonies, 23; politics, 24-25, 64 et seq., 268;

attitude toward the colonies, 54-55, 58; prosperity, 59; difficulties in

raising army, 178; France and, 182-183, 187-188, 191-192, 195-196, 206,

270; Whig attitude after French intervention, 189-190; and Spain, 187,

203-204, 206; navy in 1779, 204; domestic affairs, 207; treaty of peace,

272; see also Army, British.

Estaing, Count d', French admiral, 195; at the Delaware, 196-197; at

Sandy Hook, 200-201; at Newport, 201-202; at Savannah, 214-215.

Eutaw Springs, battle of, 250.

Falmouth (Portland, ME), destroyed, 81.

Ferguson, Major Patrick, 216; King's Mountain, 221-222; killed, 222.

Fersen, Count, with French army, 232.

Finance, value of continental money, 209; Franklin procures money in

France, 271.

Florida returned to Spain, 273.

Foch, general, quoted, 101.

Fox, C.J., and carelessness of ministers, 68; urges conciliation, 69.

France, French in Canada, 38; alliance with, 182 et seq.; and England,

182-183, 187-188, 191-192, 195-196, 206, 270; treaty of friendship with

America (1778), 187; and Canada, 188; and Spain, 203; promises soldiers

to Washington, 210; help in 1780, 230 et seq.; bibliography of alliance,

280.

Franklin, Benjamin, on Lexington, 2; on George III, 25; member of

commission to Montreal, 50; on committee to meet Howe, 93; satirizes

British ignorance, 138; in Congress, 164; induces Hessians to desert,

180; sent to Paris, 185; and Loyalists, 225, 270, 271.

Fraser, General, killed, 143.

Frederick the Great, of Prussia, estimate of Washington, 105; urges

France against England, 187.

Gage, General Thomas, 72; at Boston, 3, 4-5.

Gates, General Horatio, 98, 110, 172, 173; in command of Lee's army,

99-100; joins Washington, 100; discourages Washington, 103; against

Burgoyne, 142-145; intrigue, 149-151; menaces Clinton in New Jersey,

198; command in the South, 219; Camden, 219; Greene supersedes, 247.

George III, American opinions of, 25; Hamilton on, 39; character, 60-62;

speech in Parliament, 62-63; Washington and, 63, 86; statue destroyed in

New York, 80; ready to give guarantees of liberty, 115; effect of news

of Ticonderoga on, 127-128; on taxing of America, 190; and Chatham, 193;

news of Yorktown, 267-268.

George, Fort, Burgoyne's supplies from, 129.

Georgia, British in, 211-212, 217.

Germain, Lord George, failure to send orders to Howe, 68, 125;

instructions to Burgoyne, 112; plans campaign from England, 130-131;

censures Howe, 194; in Seven Years' War, 230; news of Yorktown, 267.

Germans, hold line of the Delaware, 102; plundering, 111; at Bennington,

131-132; with Burgoyne, 144, 145; Steuben's part in Revolutionary War,

174-176; benefit to British, 179-180; desertions, 180-181, 199.

Germantown, Howe's camp at, 121; battle of, 122, 148; Greene at, 171.

Gibraltar, Spain besieges, 270; not returned to Spain, 273.

Gloucester, Cornwallis holds, 263.

Gordon, Lord Adam, on Philadelphia, 215; opinion of Charleston, 215.

Gordon, Lord George, leads London riot, 208.

Grasse, Comte de, commands French fleet, 256; at Chesapeake Bay, 260,

261-262; sails south, 265; Rodney captures, 266, 270.

Great Britain, see England.

Greene, General Nathanael, 110; at Bunker Hill, 4; advocates

independence, 75; commands Fort Washington, 96-97; harasses Cornwallis,

105; at Germantown, 122; at Valley Forge, 170-171; in Rhode Island, 201;

on Congress, 236; supersedes Gates in South, 247; Guilford Court House,

249; at Hobkirk's Hill, 250.

Grey, Sir Charles, Howe and, 115.

Guilford Court House, 249.

Hamilton, Alexander, 238; and Washington, 16, 168; on Quebec Act, 39.

Hancock, John, desires post as Commander-in-Chief, 8.

Harlem River, location, 87.

Hastings, Marquis of, 6; see also Rawdon, Lord.

Henry, Patrick, speech, 57.

Henry, Cape, naval battle off, 261.

Herkimer, General Nicholas, battle of Oriskany, 135.

Hessians, see Germans.

Hillsborough (NC), Cornwallis issues proclamation at, 249.

Hobkirk's Hill, Rawdon defeats Greene at, 250.

Holkham, Lord Leicester's residence at, 18; Coke's residence at, 69-70,

71.

Holland joins England's enemies 206, 246.

Hood, Sir Samuel, British admiral, 261.

Howe, Richard, Lord, commands fleet reaching New York, 84, 86; Whig

sympathy, 85; personal characteristics, 85; letter to Washington, 86-87;

seeks peace, 92-93; takes fleet to Newport, 100; proclamation, 101;

and evacuation of Philadelphia, 196-197; expects naval flight off Sandy

Hook, 200-201; at Newport, 202; refuses to serve Tory Admiralty, 207.

Howe, General Sir William, at Bunker Hill, 5; succeeds Gage in command,

5, 36; evacuates Boston, 47-48; and Burgoyne, 68, 112, 116-117, 130,

142; personal characteristics, 84; attitude toward Revolution, 84; lands

army on Staten Island, 86; battle of Long Island, 87-90; in New York,

93-95; plans to meet Carleton, 95; battle of White Plains, 96; Fort

Washington, 96-97; takes Fort Lee, 98; and Lee, 99, 112-113; at Trenton,

100; proclamation, 101, 111; goes to New York for Christmas, 102;

dilatoriness, 109, 110; takes Philadelphia, 109, 112, 120, 149; plan

for 1777, 112-113; sails for Chesapeake Bay, 115-116; at the Brandywine,

118-119, 133; and Pennsylvanians, 120-121; at Germantown, 121-122;

leaves Philadelphia, 194; Clinton succeeds, 195.

Hudson River, advantages of plan to sail up, 82; location of mouth, 87;

British on, 93, 96-98; Washington guards, 209-210, 211, 236, 237-238,