'frank,' was the livre tournois,[28] of 20 sous. It was, subject to
exchange, of the same value as the pound Scots,[29] 1s. 8d. sterling, which
greatly simplifies calculations. The £ s. d. French was equal to the
£ s. d. Scots, and one twelfth of the value of the £ s. d. English or
sterling.
[28] The livre parisis contained 25 sous.--Major's _Greater
Britain_ (S.H.S.), p. 32, note.
[29] See pp. 3 and 4 and _passim_.
(2) _Ecu, écu blanc_, or _d'argent_, a silver coin worth 3 livres,[30] or
5s. sterling, thus of the same value as the English crown, and sometimes
called crown by Lauder.
[30] The value varied a little, but it was three livres in 1653.--
_Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et de Belles Lettres_
(1857), Tome 21, 2'me partie, p. 350.
(3) _Ecu d'or_, or _couronne_, golden crown. It was worth about 5 livres 12
sous,[31] equal to 9s. 4d. sterling. (P. 155, 'I receaved some 56 ll. in 10
golden crowns.')
[31] The exact value in 1666 in livres tournois was 5 ll. 11s. 6d.--
_Mémoires, ut supra_, p. 256.
(4) _Pistole_. A Spanish gold coin current in France. Its standard value
was 10 livres tournois, equal to 16s. 8d. That fairly corresponds with a
proclamation in Ireland in 1661 fixing it at 16s. Littré (_Dict._ s.v.),
states the value of the coin a good deal higher, though he gives the
standard as above. But its value gradually increased, like that of other
gold coins, and in later Irish proclamations is much higher.
The British gold coins _Jacobus_ and _Carolus_ were also used by Lauder in
France, and are explained below.
2. _In Scotland and England._[32]
[32] See Cochran Patrick's _Records of the Coinage of Scotland_
(1876); Ruding's _Annals of the Coinage_ (1817); and _Handbook of
the Coins of Great Britain and Ireland_ in the British Museum, by
H.A. Grueber (1899); Burns, _Coinage of Scotland_.
(1) _Jacobus_ (2) _Carolus_. James VI. on his accession to the throne of
England, with a view to the union of the kingdoms, issued a coinage for
both countries, which was in this sense uniform that each Scottish coin was
commensurable and interchangeable with an English coin. The ratio of the
Scots to the English £ s. d., which during centuries was always becoming
lower, was finally fixed at 1 to 12. The English 20s. and Scots 12 l.
pieces of equal value now issued were called the unite. The double crown or
10s. piece was the Scots 6 l. piece, the crown the Scots 3 l. piece, and so
on.
The unite was so called from the leading idea of union, just as the double
crown had the legend, _Henricus Rosas Regna Jacobus_. As Henry VII. united
the Red and White Roses, James was to unite the two kingdoms. It seems
probable that James intended the unite as a 20s. or pound piece to be the
standard and pivot of the coinage of both countries, as the pound or
sovereign has now become. This enlightened policy, though it had lasting
effects, soon broke down in detail. In England the shilling proved too
strong for the unite, and in Scotland the merk maintained its hold. To
prevent the exportation of gold, the value of the unite of 154 grains[33]
was raised to 22s. in 1612, though the king had himself proposed rather to
lower the weight of silver. That caused confusion, 'on account of the
unaptness for tale' of the gold pieces at their enhanced value, and a
lighter 20s. piece of 140 grains was issued in 1619 for England only, known
as the laurel piece, from the wreath round the king's head. In Scotland the
original unite remained, and was sometimes called the 20 merk piece, to
which value it roughly corresponded. It was repeated in the coinage of
Charles I., the last sovereign who coined gold in Scotland prior to the
Revolution. Thus it was the only Scottish 20s. sterling piece. Charles I.'s
unite or double angel (20s. piece) for England was of the same lighter
weight as the laurel. In 1661 the value of the gold coin was again
heightened, the old unite to 23s. 6d., and the lighter English unite to
21s. 4d.
[33] The weights are given in round numbers.
The above information is necessary in order to identify the two gold coins
which Lauder used. He generally calls the larger the Jacobus and the
smaller the Carolus. At p. 80 the one is mentioned as 'the Scotes and
English Jacobuses, which we call 14 pound peices,' and the other as 'the
new Jacobus, which we cal the 20 shiling sterling peice.' At p. 154 he
speaks of '10 Caroluses, or 20 shiling peices,' so that the new Jacobus and
the Carolus are the same. While there was only one weight of Scots gold
piece of the issue value of 20s. sterling, in England during the reigns of
James I., Charles I., and Charles II. there were four: 1, the sovereign of
James I. (172 grains); 2, the unite or double angel of James (154 grains),
the same as in Scotland; 3, the laurel of James, the unite of Charles I.,
and the broad of Charles II. (140 grains); 4, the guinea[34] of Charles
II., first struck in 1663 (131 grains). Now Lauder's larger coin was a
Scots or English Jacobus, therefore it is the unite of James VI.; and his
smaller coin is called both a Carolus and a new Jacobus, therefore it is
the coin of 140 grains. The two pieces are mentioned in a proclamation by
the Privy Council in 1661 heightening certain coins.[35]
[34] Once mentioned by Lauder, p. 220.
[35] This table may be compared with Louis XIII.'s valuation of some of
these coins (p. 80). The Scots piece there mentioned with two
swords, and the legend _Salus_, etc., is no doubt the sword and
sceptre piece of James VI. (1601-4). But the issue value of the
whole piece, not the half piece, was 611. Scots.
£ s. D. Scots. £ s. D. Scots.
formerlie current at now to be current at
The Double Angel [36] 13.06.08 14.04.08
The Single Angel 6.13.04 7.02.04
The Dager Peice 6.13.04 7.02.04
The Scots Ryder 6.13.04 7.02.04
The New Peice[37] 12.00.00 12.16.00
The Halfe 6.00.00 6.08.00
The Quarter 3.00.00 3.04.00
The Rose Noble, Scots
and English. 10.13.04 11.07.04
The Hary Noble 9.06.08 9.19.00
[36] Lauder's Jacobus.
[37] Lauder's Carolus.
(3) _Dollar_. In Lauder's accounts the reader is struck by the prominent
position of the dollar. While debts and obligations were calculated in
pounds Scots or merks, dollars supplied the currency for household and
other payments, just as pounds do at the present day. They were foreign
coins of various denominations and various intrinsic value, but of inferior
fineness to the Scots standard of silver money, which was eleven penny
fine--eleven parts silver to one part alloy. They passed current for more
than their intrinsic value, and the native silver money was withdrawn from
the country. All through the reigns of Charles I. and Charles II. the
subject gave great concern to the Mint, the Parliament, the Privy Council,
and bodies with commercial interests like the Convention of 'Burrowis.' In
1631 the Privy Council issued a proclamation 'considering the greit
skarsitie of His Majestie's proper coynes ... occasioned by the frequent
transport theirof and importing of dollours in place of the same,'
prohibiting the receipt of any dollars for coal or salt after 1st November
next to come. 'That in the mean tyme the maisters and owners of the
coalhewes and saltpans may give tymous advertisement to the strangers
trading with them for coal and salt that they bring no dollours with them
for the pryce of the salt and coal,' and that merchants exporting bestial
or other commodities to England are to 'make return of the pryces' not in
dollars, but either in H.M. proper coin or in the following foreign coins,
the value and weight of which is fixed by the proclamation: Spanish
pistolet, French crown, rose noble, half rose noble, quartisdiskue, single
ryall. The proper method of dealing with the difficulty was matter of great
controversy.
In 1633 George Foulis, master coiner, says in a memorial, 'In the first it
is to be considerit that _the most pairt of the moneys presently in
Scotland is only dollouris_.
'Secondlie, these dollouris are not all alike in wecht, some wheirof are 15
drops wecht, some 14-1/2 and many others lesser in wecht.
'Thirdlie, they are different in fineness, some 10, some 10-1/2, others
baser. The best 15 drop and 10 1/2 fineness will not answer to the King's
money in wecht or fynness to 54s. Scots.'
The best of these dollars was the Rex or Rix Dollar (Reichsthaler, dalle
imporiale). In the reign of Charles I. the baser dollars which gave most
trouble to the authorities were the dog dollars and the cross dollars. In
the reign of Charles II. we hear more of the leg dollar, which approached
the rex dollar in value, and had got a pretty strong footing.
On 14th January 1670, the Privy Council issued a proclamation on the
narrative, 'Forasmuch as there hath been of late imported into this kingdom
great numbers of those dollars commonly called leg dollars Haveing the
impression of a man in armes _with one leg _and a shield ... covering the
other leg ... which does usually pass at the rate of 58s. Scots money, and
seeing that upon tryall of the intrinsick worth and value thereof they are
found to fall short of the foresaid rate, and that in the United Provinces
where the forsaid dollars are coyned, the passe only at the rate of crosse
dollars, Therupon the King's Mtie with advice of his P.Cs. doth declare
that (the rex or bank dollars now passing at 58s. Scotts) the true and just
value at which the forsaids legs dollars ought to passe and be current in
this kingdome is 56s. Scotts money....'
Thus we get the authorised value of these dollars at the period of Lauder's
accounts. The accounts themselves show that the current value varied
indefinitely, and is sometimes different in two consecutive items.[38]
[38] With regard to the etymology of 'leg,' Mr. Hallen in his
introduction to the _Account Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston_
(S.H.S.), p. xxxiii, gives some strong and perhaps convincing
reasons in favour of Liége. But the descriptions in the
Proclamation above quoted, and the fact that Lauder sometimes
calls them 'legged,' seem to show that the popular etymology in
Scotland was the man's leg on the coin.
Charles II. struck four merk-pieces at the issue value of 53s. 4d. Scots in
two issues, the first in 1664, the second in 1675-1682. The second, and
only the second issue, came at some later but unknown period to be known to
numismatists as dollars. But I do not think there is any reason to suppose
that Lauder called those pieces dollars. The accounts are in the period of
the first issue, and Lander's dollar was of higher value. Probably his
dollars were all foreign coins, generally rex dollars, as he often calls
them. When they are leg dollars, he appears always so to distinguish them.
(4) _The Merk_, 13s. 4d. Scots, was raised in value by James VI. to 13-
1/2d. sterling, to make it interchangeable with English money. He coined
none after his accession to the throne of England, and probably intended
that no more should be coined. But the merk had too strong a hold in
Scotland, and half merks were struck by Charles I., and various multiples
and parts of merks by Charles II. at the old issue value of 13s. 4d. the
merk. On the other hand, in 1651 Parliament 'cryed up' the 12s. Scots
piece--equal to the English shilling--to one merk; and in 1625 the Britain
crown or 31. Scots piece is officially described as 'known as the five merk
piece,' though its issue value was only five shillings. This illustrates
the confusion and uncertainty of the relative value of coins, of which
parenthetically two other examples may be given. On 20th June 1673 Lauder
notes the receipt of his year's salary as one of the assessors for the
burgh, 'being 150 lb. Scots, which is about 229 merks,' whereas with the
merk at 13s. 4d. (the standard value), 150 lb. is exactly 225 merks. In the
same way he constantly states the same salary indifferently at 1501. Scots
or £12 sterling, whereas 1501. Scots ought to have been equal to £12, 10s.
sterling.
(5) _Shilling_. Lauder applies the name without distinction to the English
shilling, 12s. Scots piece, which at page 80 he calls our shilling, and to
the shilling Scots. The context generally shows which he means.
(6) _Groat_. Lauder's groat is the English groat of four pence, sterling.
The groat Scots of less value had not been coined for a century.
(7) _Penny_. As in the case of the shilling, Lauder uses the name
indifferently for English pence and pennies Scots, but more often English.
Such coins as testoons, placks, bodles, bawbees and turners, do not appear
in his accounts, but some of them are casually mentioned in the text of the
MSS., and are explained in footnotes.
LANGUAGE AND SPELLING
No alteration has been made on the text of the MSS. except the substitution
of capital letters for small ones, where capitals would now be used. In
this matter Lauder's practice is capricious, and it may safely be said that
it was governed by no rule, conscious or unconscious. He spells the pronoun
I with a capital, and usually begins a sentence with one. But names of
persons and places are very often spelt with small letters. The use of
capitals was not yet fixed, as it is now, and the usage of different
languages, such as English, French and German, as it came to be fixed, is
not identical. Some changes in the punctuation have also been made in
transcription for the sake of clearness, but the punctuation, which is
scanty, has not been systematically altered. In the MSS. some single words
have been erased, or rubbed off, at the top and the foot of the page. The
blanks are indicated, and as a rule, but not quite invariably, explained in
footnotes. MSS. X and H are printed entire, with two unimportant omissions,
one in each, which are noted and explained, and as regards MS. H, with the
exception of some detached pages of accounts, and a catalogue of some
books. Of these it was thought that the Appendix contains enough. From MS.
K only extracts are given. The remainder contains more accounts, and a
further catalogue of books, without the prices, and other memoranda and
reflections, now of no interest. The spelling is to a large extent
arbitrary.[39] It is less regular than, for example, the contemporary Acts
of Parliament, but more regular than the letters of some of Lauder's
contemporaries, in high positions.[40] A word is often spelt in different
ways on the same page. There are, however, many constant peculiarities,
some of which may have a linguistic interest, thus 'laugh' 'rough' 'enough'
'through' are spelt with a final _t_. The use of a final but silent _t_ Mr.
Mackay in his introduction to Pitscottie,[41] p. cxl, says is a distinct
mark of Scots of the middle period. 'Voyage,' 'sponge,' and 'large' are
sometimes spelt without the final _e_. 'Knew,' 'slew,' 'blew' are spelt
'know,' 'slow,' 'blow.' 'Inn' is spelt 'innes.' 'See' is always spelt 'sy'
or 'sie,' and 'weigh,' 'wy.' But these are only examples, taken at random.
'One,' 'off,' 'too,' 'thee' are spelt 'on,' 'of,' 'to,' 'the,' a snare to
the unwary reader. 'V' and 'W' are frequently interchanged.
[39] Lauder's French in the Journal in France is full of mistakes,
both of grammar and spelling. He was only learning the language.
[40] Cf. Bishop Dowden's introduction to Lauderdale Correspondence
(S.H.S.), _Miscellany_, vol. i. p. 230.
[41] _Historic and Chronicles of Scotland_, by Robert Lindesay of
Pitscottie (Scottish Text Society, 1899).
Lauder's language is idiomatic, and he uses many Scottish words which were
not common in the written literary language of his time. A few of these
words are now rare and even difficult to trace.[42] Most of them are quite
intelligible to persons who have been accustomed to hear Lowland Scots
spoken, but for the sake of other readers I have been convinced that
occasionally interpretation is not superfluous.
[42] One of them is 'dron,' p. 146. With reference to the words '_7
arbres_,' in the description of the Mail at Tours, p. 20, Mr. A.
Lang has suggested to me that _arbres_ might be a term in the _Jeu
de Mail_. Mr. H.S.C. Everard has kindly sent me the following
quotations from Joseph Lauthier's book on the game (1st ed.,
1717): 'C'est quand deux ou plusieurs jouent à qui poussera plus
loin, et quand l'un est plus fort que l'autre, le plus foible
demande avantage, soit par distance d'arbres, soit par distance de
pas.' 'On finit la Partie en touchant un arbre ou une pierre
marquée qui sert de but.' If certain trees were marked as goals,
that would be a better explanation than the one given in the note.
The thanks of the Society and my own are due to the owners of the MSS. I am
grateful to Sir T.N. Dick Lauder and Sir William Fraser's Trustees (Sir
James Balfour Paul, Lyon King of Arms, and the late Mr. James Craik, W.S.),
for intrusting me with their MSS. for a long time, which made my work much
easier; and more satisfactory. The Society is also indebted to Mr. David
Douglas for the use of his transcript of MS., and for the first suggestion
that the MS. should be printed.
By the kindness of Lady Anne Dick Lauder four portraits in her possession
are reproduced. 1. Lord Fountainhall, in ordinary dress, a different
picture from the one in robes published by the Bannatyne Club. 2. His first
wife, Janet Ramsay, an attractive picture, which suffers in the
photographic reproduction. 3. Sir John Lauder, Fountainhall's father. 4.
Sir Andrew Ramsay, Lord Abbotshall, his father-in-law.
I have received constant assistance and advice from Mr. T. Graves Law,
Librarian of the Signet Library. I have also to thank Sir Arthur Mitchell,
who read some of the proofs, and gave me valuable suggestions, Mr. J.T.
Clark, Keeper of the Advocates' Library, for ready help on many points, Mr.
H.A. Webster, Librarian of Edinburgh University, Mr. W.B. Blaikie, of
Messrs. T. and A. Constable, and Mr. Alex. Mill of the Signet Library, who
in transcription and otherwise has given me efficient and obliging
assistance.
I am particularly grateful to Miss Cornelia Dick Lauder, for the interest
which she has taken in the book, and the help which she has given me in
obtaining the necessary materials for it.
D.C.
EDINBURGH, _March_ 1900.
I
JOURNAL IN FRANCE
1665-1667
I
JOURNAL 1665-1667.
[The first leaves of the Manuscript are wanting. Lauder left Edinburgh on
20th March 1665, travelling by Berwick and Durham, and arrived in London on
1st April. See page 154.]
* * * * *
We saw also the fatall chair of Scotland wheirin our kings for many ages
used to be croune. I fand it remarkable for nothing but its antiquity, it
being thought to have come from Egypt some 3,000 years ago.
I went in the nixt place to the Tower, wheir on our entrin according to
custome I left my sword. Heir first we saw a very strong armory for weapons
of all sorts, as many as could furnish 20,000 men; we saw great field
pieces of ordinance as also granadoes; we saw also many coats of maill, and
among the rest on[43] very conceity all joined like fines of fisches on to
another, which they informed me came as a present from the great Mogull who
comands over 36 kings. The[re] ware hinging their as Trophees several
peices of armour that they had taken from the french in their wars wt them.
Their we saw the huge armour of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster. We came
nixt and saw the honors, wheir we saw the sword and seipter of honor; the
croun was not their, by reason the parliament had use for it at Whitehal.
We saw also a most rich Globe of christal beset wt most precious diamonds.
We came in the 3d place to sie the Lyons, the Leopards, the aigle, and a
long skine of a snake.
[43] One. Lauder's usual spelling.
We arrived London on Saturday 1 of April, we left it on Thursday 6 of
April; about 4 a cloack we took boat, and landed at Gravesend about 10 a
cloack at night, in which space we ware so merry in singing never but some
of us singing and sometymes all, that the rowers protested that they never
carried so merry a company doune the Thames. On the way we was tuise stoopt
by men of war to know whither their ware any seamen in it, that they might
be sent to the fleet: at which we alleadged Captain Blawprine[44] G. Moor
was much troubled, for he was exceeding skipper like. To morrow tymously we
tooke post about 6 a cloack, and reach Dover about one; yet we got not
passage til ij at night. What a distressed brother I was upon the sea neids
not hear be told, since its not to be feared that I'l forget it, yet I
cannot but tell whow[45] Mr. John Kincead and I had a bucket betwixt us
strove ... who should have the bucket first, both being equally ready; and
whow at every vomit and gasp he gave he cried Gods mercy as give he had
bein to expire immediately.
[44] Compare Blawflum (Jamieson), a deception. 'Prine' may be prein,
pin, a thing of little value. Moor is playfully described as
captain or skipper.
[45] How.
About 5 in the morning we landed on France the land of graven images. Heir
we divided into 8 companies: Joseph Marior wt one Mr. Colison went into
Flanders; Mr. Dick Moor and Kinkead went to Deip and so to Roan. Mr.
Strachan, Hamilton, and I stayed in Calais til Monday, 10 of April, and
joined wt the messenger for Paris one Pierre, a sottish fellow, yet one
that entertained us nobly; their went also wt him besides us on Mr. Lance
Normand, Newwarks gouernor and a son of my Lord Arreray or Broll,[46] a
very sharp boy wt his governour Doctor Hall. In our journey we passed
severall brave tounes as Bulloigne, Monstrul, Abewill, Poix, Beauveaus,
wheir is the most magnificent church I had ever then sien. We chanced to
lay a night at a pitty vilage called Birny, wheir my chamber was contigue
to a spatious pleasant wood that abounded wt nightingales, small birds to
look upon; who wt the melodiousnesse of their singing did put sleip quit
from me. The great number we meit of souldiers all the way begat in us
great fears of wooling [robbing],[47] yet it pleased God to bring us most
safely to Paris 14 of April at night. Mr. Strachan led Mr. Ham[ilton] and
me to one Turners, a Scotsman, wheir I lay that night, and wheir I
recountred wt several of our countrimen, as Patrick Mein, Mr. Castellaw,
Mr. Murray, Mr. Sandilands, a man wonderfully civil, Mr. Wilky, Mr. Gibson,
and Mr. Colt. The day following I made my addresse to F. Kinloch, and
brought wt me a letter containing my safe anivall to go in his packet for
Scotland, I not having written any thing since I wrot at my parting from
London. I delivered him also my fathers letter, B.[48] Kinlochs letter, and
Thomas Crafurds, wt the bill of exchange; my fathers is as followeth:
[46] Roger Boyle, 1621-1679, first Baron of Broghill and Earl of
Orrery, M.P. for Edinburgh, 1656-58, member of Cromwell's House of
Lords. He was succeeded by his son Roger, 1646-1710.
[47] 'Robbing' interlined. 'Wooling' may mean 'shearing,' so robbing.
[48] Bailie.
_Edinborough, March_ 15, 1665.
SIR,--The bearer heirof, my sone, inclining to study the french tongue
and the Laws, I have theirfor thought it expedient to direct him to you,
being confident of your favour and caire, intreating[49] ...
recommendation by a few lynes to one Monsieur Alex.[49] ... [pr]ofessor
of the Laws at Poictiers to which place I intend he sould go: as also to
place him their for his diet in the most convenient house but especially
wt on of our profession and Religion. He hes a bill drawen on you wt a
letter of advice and credit; which I hope ye will obey. I have bein
desired by severalls to have direct him to our Mr. Mowat and have bein
profered to cause answer him what money he sould neid for 20 shiling the
Frank: but I inclined rather to send him to you (whilk I hope ye will
not take as trouble) tho I have payed Thomas Crafurd 21 shiling.[50]
What he stands in neid of during his abode I hope ye wil answer him, and
upon your advertisment and eis receipt I sal either advance or pay the
money upon sight. I most without vanity or flattery say hitherto he hes
not bein inclined to any vice or evill way and I hope sall so continue.
I know not positively what may defray his charges in his studies, diet,
and otherwise, but I conceive about 7 or 8 hundred franks a year may do
it; whowever I entreat you let me hear from you what ye think
wil do it and what ye will take for the frank. So being confident of
your cair heirof, and in doing wheirof ye sall very much oblidge him who
is, Sir,--your reall friend,
JOHN LAUDER.
[49] Page torn.
[50] See Introduction, p. xlviii.
The bill of exchange is as followeth:
_Edinburgh, 17 March 1665_, for 400 livres T.L.[51]