CHAPTER V.

COMMANDER AND CAPTAIN.

1841-1860.

Immediately after the death of his wife Farragut applied for sea

service; and on the 22d of February, 1841, he was ordered to the

Delaware, a ship-of-the-line, which was fitting for sea in Norfolk and

destined to take him for the third time to the Brazil station. He was

then among the senior lieutenants of the navy; but as it was in

accordance with custom that a commander should be the executive officer

of a ship-of-the-line, his expected promotion would not, when it

arrived, cause him to leave his position. Some time passed before the

Delaware was fully ready for sea. Before sailing, she was sent up the

Chesapeake to the mouth of the Severn River, where she was visited by

numbers of people from the neighboring city of Annapolis, as well as by

large parties of congressmen and public officials from Washington, among

whom came the then Secretary of the Navy. It was while lying off

Annapolis, on the 27th of September, 1841, that Farragut received his

commission as commander in the navy. His seniority as such was from

September 8, 1841. A few days later the Delaware returned to Hampton

Roads, and thence sailed for her station on the 1st of November. On the

12th of January she anchored in Rio Janeiro. After a stay of six weeks

there, the whole squadron sailed for the Rio de la Plata, the usual

resort of the ships on that station during the summer months of the

southern hemisphere, when the yellow fever is apt to be prevalent in Rio

Janeiro. On the 1st of June, 1842, Farragut was ordered to command the

Decatur, a small sloop-of-war, relieving Commander Henry W. Ogden; who

as a midshipman of the Essex had been his messmate nearly thirty years

before, and was now compelled to leave his ship by an illness which

never allowed him to resume the active pursuit of his profession. The

transfer of the command appears to have been made in the harbor of Rio

Janeiro. In severing his connection with the Delaware, with his new

rank, Farragut felt that he had parted finally with the subordinate

duties of his calling; and, as rarely happens, he passed directly from

the active exercise of the lower position to fill the higher. His

journal records the fact with a characteristic comment: "Thus closed my

service on board the Delaware as executive officer; to which I shall

always look back with gratification, as it was the last step in the

ladder of subordinate duties, and I feel proud to think I performed it

with the same zeal as the first." He was then nearly forty-one years

old.

On the 2d of July the Decatur sailed for the La Plata in company with

the Delaware. Soon after reaching Montevideo, Commodore Morris embarked

on board the former, and went in her to Buenos Ayres; ships of the size

of the Delaware not being able to approach that city on account of the

great distance to which very shoal water extends from it. After

exchanging the usual official civilities and transacting some business

with Rosas, who then embodied in his own person all the powers of the

state, the commodore returned to Montevideo; but the Decatur was soon

sent back, and Farragut spent most of the latter half of 1842 at Buenos

Ayres, in constant intercourse, both official and social, with Rosas and

his family. Of the latter he, in common with most American naval

officers who visited the La Plata at that time, received very agreeable

impressions; and since, as commanding officer, his duties were less

exacting and his time much more at his own command than as executive, he

gave free play to the social disposition which was prominent in his

character. Much of his journal during his stay is taken up with the

accounts of social and official entertainments in which he shared.

"During the month of September," he writes, "I made it a rule to spend

two or three evenings a week at the governor's" (Rosas). "On the 5th of

November I was invited to a ball at the Victoria Theatre, where, as on

all similar occasions, I danced the first quadrille with the charming

'Manuelita," the daughter of Rosas. The pleasant and familiar relations

thus established enabled him to do many kind acts for the Unitarios,

whose lives were in constant danger by political accusations, if not

from actual offenses.

Rosas himself was then in the full exercise of the dictatorial power

with which he had been invested some years before, after refusing a

re-election as governor of Buenos Ayres. His rule, which lasted under

successive renewals of his office until 1852, was arbitrary and bloody;

but in the disorganized condition of the provinces at that period a man

of his force of character seems to have been necessary, to avert the

greater horrors of constant intestine strife. "We concluded from our

observations," notes Farragut in his journal, "that he was a man of

uncommon mind and energy, and, as a general thing, reasonable; but on

the subject of secret societies he was a madman, if we might judge from

his furious denunciation of them." They constituted, indeed, the one

resource of the cowed Unitarios, and were the chief danger then

threatening him. "We had an excellent opportunity to form an idea of his

character, as he appeared to throw off all restraint while with us. But

the commodore informed us that, as soon as he laid business matters

before him, Rosas was a different person; he was calm and measured in

manner and language." The ladies of the family were amiable, intelligent

and hospitable; but, like all the women of Buenos Ayres at that time,

were perforce ardent Federalists and detesters of the "savage

Unitarios." Farragut mentions an incident occurring at an official

festivity in honor of Rosas, which shows the savagery that lay close

under the surface of the Argentine character at that time, and easily

found revolting expression in the constant civil strife and in the

uncontrolled rule of the dictator. "In the ball-room was a picture which

would have disgraced even barbarian society. It was a full-sized figure

representing a Federal soldier, with a Unitarian lying on the ground,

the Federal pressing his knees between the victim's shoulders, whose

head was pulled back with the left hand, and the throat cut from ear to

ear, while the executioner exultingly held aloft a bloody knife and

seemed to be claiming the applause of the spectators. I am sure I do not

err in saying that every one of our party felt an involuntary shudder

come over him when his eye fell upon this tableau; nor did we afterward

recover our spirits, everything in the way of gayety on our part during

the night was forced and unnatural."

It is a matter of some, though minor, interest to note that Farragut has

occasion at this time to mention Garibaldi, in connection with the wars

then waging. The Italian patriot, whose name was then far from having

the celebrity it has since attained, had for some time been engaged on

the popular side in revolutionary struggles in the southern provinces of

Brazil. Thence he had passed into Uruguay, and become a teacher of

mathematics in Montevideo. Rosas had the ambition to bring into the

Argentine confederation all the provinces which once formed the

viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, of which Uruguay was one; and, finding a

pretext in the civil dissensions of the latter, had opened hostilities

as the ally of one party in the State. Garibaldi, who began life as a

seaman, had command of the Uruguayan naval forces, and in that capacity

undertook to carry stores to Corrientes, an important point far up the

river Parana. "As he met with many obstacles in his course," notes

Farragut, "the Argentine admiral, Brown, was enabled to overtake him.

Garibaldi ran his vessel into a creek and made a most desperate

resistance; fought until he had expended everything in the way of

ammunition, then landed his crew and set his vessel on fire." On the

17th of October a grand ball was given in honor of this success, which

Commander Farragut attended; as he did all the other gayeties during his

stay in Buenos Ayres.

The Decatur had already been long on the station when Farragut assumed

command, and the time had now arrived for her to return home. After

leaving Buenos Ayres she made short stops at Montevideo, Rio Janeiro,

Maranham, and Para, the latter being the seaport of the Amazon River. On

the 18th of February, 1843, she arrived in Norfolk, and Farragut was

relieved. His health being delicate at this time, he spent the following

summer at Fauquier Springs, Virginia.

From the mountains he returned in the autumn to Norfolk; and there on

the 26th of December, 1843, he married Miss Virginia Loyall, the eldest

daughter of Mr. William Loyall, a well-known and respected citizen of

Norfolk.

In April, 1844, Commander Farragut was ordered as executive officer to

the receiving ship at Norfolk, the Pennsylvania, of one hundred and

twenty guns; which, in the days of sailing ships, was by far the largest

vessel the United States ever had, and one of the largest in the world.

Some time later he was transferred to the navy yard at the same place,

on which duty he was employed when the war with Mexico arose.

As soon as the already existing difficulties with that country began to

wear an ominous outlook, Farragut wrote to the Navy Department, asking

for service in the Gulf. In his application he stated the qualifications

he thought he possessed, from his knowledge and close study of the

ground, and from his acquaintance with the Spanish language. He

instanced particularly the occasions on which he had been employed in

that neighborhood, and the close study he had been privileged to make on

the spot during Admiral Baudin's operations. Although the Secretary of

the Navy at that time was the able and enlightened Mr. George Bancroft,

this letter received no reply; and a second, sent after the beginning of

the war, was barely acknowledged without any action being taken. After

Mr. Bancroft left the Department, Farragut renewed his application,

expressing a decided opinion that the castle of San Juan de Ulloa could

be taken either by artillery attack or by escalade; offering to

undertake the task with the Pennsylvania and two sloops-of-war. If not

thought to have rank enough for such a command, he was willing to go

back to the position of executive officer of the Pennsylvania, in order,

in that capacity, to organize the crew for the attack. The opinion thus

expressed ran counter to the routine prejudices of the day, and, coming

from an officer who had as yet had no opportunity to establish his

particular claim to be heard, rather hurt than improved his chances for

employment. It was not till February, 1847, nearly a year after the war

began, and then with "much difficulty," that he obtained command of the

sloop-of-war Saratoga; but when he reached Vera Cruz in her, the castle

had already passed into the hands of the United States, having

surrendered to the forces under General Scott on the 26th of March. That

this capture should have been made by the army rather than by the navy

was a severe disappointment to Farragut, who had so long cherished the

hope that its fall should have been the brilliant achievement of his own

service. In his mortification he used an expression which, in the light

of his own subsequent career, seems a twofold prophecy. "The navy would

stand on a different footing to-day if our ships had made the attack. It

was all we could do, and should have been done at all hazards.

Commodore Conner thought differently, however, and the old officers at

home backed his opinion; but they all paid the penalty--_not one of them

will wear an admiral's flag_, which they might have done if that castle

had been taken by the navy, which must have been the result of an

attack." It was to such enterprise at the hands of the men of his own

time, among whom he was foremost, that the navy at a later day did

obtain the admiral's flag which it had so long in vain desired.

The frustration of this high ambition was not the only misfortune to

Farragut arising out of the Mexican war. He contracted the yellow fever

on the station, nearly losing his life; and subsequently became involved

in a controversy with the commodore of the squadron, who he believed

had, in the assignment of duty, treated him and his ship with unfair

discrimination, due to personal ill-will toward himself. The

correspondence had no results; but such quarrels are rarely other than

hurtful to the junior officer engaged. It is not singular, therefore,

that he speaks of this cruise as the most mortifying of all the service

he had seen since entering the navy. "I have little," he said again, "to

look back to with satisfaction or pleasure at this time, except the

consciousness of having done my duty." Smarting under the belief that he

was being imposed upon, he wrote to the Navy Department complaining of

injustice, and asking that either he himself should be relieved or the

ship sent home. He candidly admits that his letters were considered

improper by the Secretary of the Navy, but the Saratoga was ordered to

return to the United States, and was paid off at New York in February,

1848. In her short cruise there had been one hundred cases of yellow

fever in her crew of one hundred and fifty, and her commander had been

obliged, to use his own expression, "to rid the service" of five of her

junior officers, and on the last day to bring the first lieutenant to

trial for drunkenness. Altogether, the Mexican war and the cruise of the

Saratoga seem to have marked the lowest point of disappointment and

annoyance that Farragut was called upon to encounter during his naval

career.

Immediately after leaving the Saratoga, Farragut was again ordered to

duty in his former position at the Norfolk navy yard. Two years later he

was called to Washington to draw up, in connection with some other

officers, a book of Ordnance Regulations for the navy. This occupied him

for eighteen months. As when in New Haven, twenty-five years before, he

had improved the opportunity of hearing the lectures at Yale College, so

at this later period he attended regularly those of the Smithsonian

Institution, losing, he records, but a single one. "You will rarely come

away from such lectures," he adds, "without being somewhat wiser than

you went in." Where precisely such knowledge might come into play he

could not, indeed, foresee, but he acted always on the principle that

any knowledge might at some time become useful; just as, when at Vera

Cruz, though he did not at the time look forward to a war with Mexico,

he closely examined every point of interest, for "I have made it a rule

of my life to note these things with a view to the possible future."

When the Ordnance Regulations were finished, in the spring of 1852,

Farragut was again assigned to the Norfolk navy yard, and directed to

utilize the experience he had gained in compiling them by giving weekly

lectures on gunnery to the officers on the station. In prosecution of

the same line of professional work, he was soon after ordered to conduct

a series of experiments at Old Point Comfort, near Norfolk, to determine

certain questions connected with the endurance of iron cannon; the

discharges being continued with one or two of each class of service guns

until they burst. Some very important results were obtained; but the

circumstance connected with this duty which has now most interest, is

that in it Farragut was associated with Lieutenant Percival Drayton, who

was afterward his flag-captain and chief-of-staff at the battle of

Mobile Bay. The intimacy formed during this year of experimental duty at

Old Point lasted throughout their lives.

Soon after this the Crimean war broke out. Farragut's desire for his own

professional improvement and for the progress of the service led him to

make application to the Navy Department to be sent to the seat of war,

"to visit the fleets of England and France, and ascertain whether in the

outfits and preparation for war they possess any advantages over our own

ships-of-war, and, if so, in what they consist." The utility of such a

mission can not be doubted, and his occupations of the past few years

particularly prepared him for such an inquiry. Had the Navy Department

then had any systematic record of the aptitude shown by individual

officers, and of the work done by them, it must have recognized

Farragut's peculiar fitness for duties of this kind; which have since

his time been organized and given a most comprehensive scope under the

Intelligence Office of the Navy Department. As it was, his application

received no other reply than a polite acknowledgment. A commission,

consisting of three officers of the Engineer Corps of the army, was sent

by the War Department to visit Europe and the seat of war, and upon its

return made an elaborate report; but at this critical period of naval

progress, when sail was manifestly giving place to steam, when the early

attempts at iron-clad batteries were being made, and the vast changes in

armament that have since taken place were certainly, though as yet

dimly, indicated, it did not appear to the Government of the United

States a matter of sufficient importance to inquire, on the spot, into

the practical working of the new instruments under the test of war.

Although doubtless not so intended, the Navy Department emphasized its

decision not to send Farragut to the East by assigning him to duty as

far west as the naval interests of the United States, within its own

borders, then allowed. In August, 1854, four months after his

application for the former employment, he was ordered to California as

first commandant of the navy yard at Mare Island. The site had been

selected in the year 1852 by a commission of three officers, but as yet

no navy yard existed. It was to be Farragut's particular duty to plan

and build it up under the general instructions of the Department. His

selection for this difficult and onerous, but at the same time very

flattering, appointment was among the first evident results of the

diligent, painstaking effort which had marked his professional career.

By that, and by that only, had he as yet had any opportunity of marking

himself above the ordinary run of men; but he stood high in the esteem

of Commodore Joseph Smith, then and for many years both before and

after, the chief of the Bureau of Yards and Docks, under whose charge

the management and development of navy yards more particularly came. At

the critical period when the selection of an officer to command in the

attack upon New Orleans had to be made, Smith, who had close

confidential relations with the Secretary of the Navy, always held that

Farragut was the man above all others for the place.

The site of the new yard was in the extensive sheet of inland waters

connected with the bay of San Francisco, and some thirty miles from the

city. There being no accommodations upon the island, Farragut, with his

family, for some seven months lived on board an old sloop-of-war

anchored near by. He remained at this station for four years, during

which great progress was made in the development of the yard; but the

duty, though most important and particularly responsible, because of the

length of time required by correspondence to pass to and from

Washington, was not fruitful of incident. These were the troublous early

times of California--the days of the Vigilance Committee and the Law and

Order Party. With these intestine troubles of a State the military

officers of the United States had no proper concern; but there was

continually a possibility that they might be forced to take a stand by

the interference of one side or the other with civil officials of the

United States Government, or might be induced, by a request from the

authorities, to act upon the ground that there was no time to refer to

Washington for instructions. It is unnecessary to enter into any

examination of Farragut's course during this period, although the

affairs with which he had to deal became at times both critical and

delicate. It will be sufficient to say that the Navy Department, after

receiving his reports, approved his conduct as having been prudent and

yet marked by a proper spirit.

In July, 1858, Farragut returned to the East by the only route then

available, the Isthmus of Panama. During his absence, on the 14th of

September, 1855, he had been promoted to the rank of captain, which,

prior to the Civil War, was the highest grade in the United States Navy;

the title commodore, then so frequently applied to the older officers of

the service, being simply one of courtesy given to a captain who had

commanded a squadron of several vessels, but who did not thereby cease

to be borne as a captain upon the Navy Register. Soon after his arrival

Farragut was ordered to command the Brooklyn, one of six steam

sloops-of-war just being completed. She belonged to that new navy of

thirty years ago which the United States Government, most luckily for

itself, had determined to build, and which became fairly available just

in time for the exigencies of the Civil War.

It has been said, and that on the floors of Congress by a politician

conspicuous in his party, that past history teaches that preparation for

war is unnecessary to the United States, and the conditions precedent to

the wars of 1812 and 1861 have been cited in support of the assertion.

Certainly no one cognizant of the facts will deny that the United States

was most miserably unprepared for either war as regards the size of her

navy; but it so happened on both occasions, more by good luck than good

management, that what navy it did have was of remarkably fine quality,

and, to the extent to which its numbers permitted it to be employed, was

generally perfectly adequate to the work it had to do. It could not,

however, begin to touch the full amount of service it ought to have

done. In 1812 it could not protect the Chesapeake nor the Mississippi;

it was blockaded in its own ports, escaping only by evasion; it could

not protect American commerce, which suffered more than did that of

Great Britain. In 1861, had its numbers been at all adequate, it could

by prompt action have forestalled the preparations of the enemy, and by

prevention secured immediate advantages which were afterward achieved

only by large expenditure of time and fighting. Such were the results of

unpreparedness. It was to the preparation, scanty as it was--to the fine

ships and superior armaments, both too few--that the successes of either

era were due. The frigates and sloops of 1812 were among the finest of

their class to be found anywhere, with powerful batteries and

excellently officered; while in the decade before the Civil War began

there had been built eighteen or twenty new steamships, admirably

efficient for their day, and with armaments of an advanced and powerful

type. Upon these fell the principal brunt of the naval fighting that

ensued. These ships, and particularly those of the Brooklyn class, were

the backbone of Farragut's fleet throughout all his actions, even in the

last at Mobile in 1864. Had there been thrice as many, the work would

have been sooner and therefore more cheaply done; but had the lack of

preparation in 1861 equaled that of 1851 or 1881, it may be questioned

whether any of his successes could have been won.

When Farragut took command of the Brooklyn, ten years had elapsed since

he was last afloat--years pregnant with naval change. He had never

before served in a steamer, except for a very short time in a primitive

one belonging to Porter's Mosquito fleet, in 1823. The changes in the

disposition and handling of the guns had not been radical. They were

still arranged "in broadside," along the two sides of the vessel; nor

were the pivot guns--which, as their name implies, could be pivoted to

one side or the other, according to the position of an enemy--a new

idea. In these matters there had been improvement and development, but

not revolution. But while the mode of placing and handling was

essentially the same, the guns themselves had greatly increased in size

and received important modifications in pattern. The system then in

vogue was that associated with the name of the late Admiral Dahlgren.

The shape of the gun had been made to conform to the strains brought by

the discharge upon its various parts, as determined by careful

experiment; and in place of the 32-pounder, or six-inch gun, which had

been the principal weapon of the earlier ships, the batteries of the new

frigates and sloops were composed chiefly of nine-inch guns, with one or

more pivots of ten- or eleven-inch bore. The shell-shot, whose

destructive effects had excited Farragut's comments in 1838, were now

the recognized type of projectile; and the new guns were spoken of

distinctively as shell-guns, because not expected to use solid shot

under ordinary circumstances. The Brooklyn and her fellows, among which

was Farragut's future flag-ship, the Hartford, although screw steamers,

had also the full sail power of the former sailing ship; and they were

wooden, not iron vessels.

The service of the Brooklyn, while under Farragut's command, was chiefly

confined to his old cruising ground in the West Indies and in Mexico.

In the latter country, since the termination of the war with the United

States in 1848, there had been a constant succession of revolutions; and

at the time of the Brooklyn's cruise there was established in Vera Cruz

a constitutional party, at whose head was Benito Juarez, the lawful

claimant of the presidency. Opposed to this, in the city of Mexico, was

the party headed by General Miramon, who had succeeded by force to the

authority of Juarez's predecessor. The United States threw its influence

on the side of Juarez; and its minister, Robert McLane, was permitted to

use the Brooklyn to carry him from point to point of the coast. While no

force was exerted, the support given to the minister's remonstrances by

the constant presence of a powerful ship-of-war served to emphasize the

policy of the Government, which had recognized Juarez. This recognition

was followed some time later by a similar step on the part of the

ministers of England, France, and Spain. Mr. McLane continued with the

Brooklyn during great part of 1859, and in December of that year

returned in her to the Mississippi, where he was landed at a plantation

below New Orleans. This visit to his early home was marked by a sad

coincidence to Farragut. His elder brother, William, a lieutenant in the

navy, had long been retired from active service, for which he was

unfitted by rheumatism. In consequence he had not received promotion,

remaining at the head of the list of lieutenants, and being assigned to

duty at the naval rendezvous in New Orleans. When the Brooklyn entered

the river he was lying at the point of death, but heard of his brother's

approach, and expressed a hope that he might live long enough to see

him again after so many years of separation. The wish was not to be

fulfilled. Though ignorant of the danger, Captain Farragut hastened to

the city, himself also looking forward with pleasure to the meeting; but

he arrived only in time to see his brother dead, and to follow him to

the grave.

Farragut remained attached to the Brooklyn for two years. In October,

1860, he was relieved by Captain W. S. Walker, and returned to his home

in Norfolk. This ended his sea service prior to the Civil War, and as

the captain of a single ship. Thenceforward, during the brief but

important remnant of his active career, he was to command great fleets.

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