THE INDIAN PROBLEM A WORLD PROBLEM
A great constitutional experiment, of which the expressed purpose is to
bring a self-governing India into full and equal partnership with all
other parts of the British Empire, has been courageously launched in
deep waters still only partially explored, and it has resisted the first
onslaught of a singular combination of malignant forces. It is too early
yet to speak with absolute assurance of its enduring success. For
success must depend upon many factors outside India as well as within.
All that can be said with confidence is that it has made a far more
promising start than might have been looked for even in less
unfavourable circumstances, and many Englishmen, and Indians also, who
disliked and distrusted the reforms and would have preferred to stand in
the old ways, are coming round to the belief that in their success lies
the best and possibly the one real hope for the future. Faith is
naturally strongest in those who see in the experiment the natural and
logical corollary of that even bolder experiment initiated nearly a
hundred years ago when we introduced Western education in India. That
was the great turning-point in the history of British rule. We had gone
to India with no purpose of seeking dominion, but circumstances had
forced dominion upon us. With dominion had come the recognition of the
great responsibilities which it involved, and having imposed upon India
our own rule of law we imposed it also upon the agencies through which
we then exercised dominion--a self-denying ordinance for ourselves, for
Indians a pledge of justice. Dominion pure and simple made room for
dominion regarded as a great trust. But when we introduced Western
education, we placed upon our trusteeship a new and wider construction.
We invited Indians to enter into intellectual partnership with our own
civilisation, and for the purpose, admitted at the time but afterwards
sometimes forgotten, of training them to a share in the responsibilities
of Indian government and administration. Many Englishmen from that
moment contemplated intellectual partnership as the means to political
partnership as the end. That was indeed--nearly a century before Mr.
Asquith coined the phrase--"the new angle of vision." The Mutiny
distorted it, and it remained obscured when the great experiment was
found to result, like all human experiments, in the production of some
evil as well as of much good. If the tares may have been sometimes more
conspicuous than the wheat, we should ask ourselves whether our own lack
of vigilance and forethought did not contribute to the luxuriant growth
of tares in a soil naturally congenial to them. After many hesitations,
and some tentative and half-hearted steps, we at length recognised that
intellectual partnership however imperfect must lead towards a closer
political partnership. It became, indeed, impossible for us to refuse to
do so without being untrue to the principles that had governed not only
our own national evolution long before the war, but all our declared war
aims and all our appeals, which never went unheeded, to Indian loyalty
and co-operation during the war.
The experiment can only succeed if it secures the steadfast and hearty
extension to new purposes of the co-operation between British and
Indians to which the British connection with India has owed from the
very beginning, as I have tried to show, its chief strength and its best
results. One may feel confident that amongst the British in India there
will be few to deny their co-operation, though scepticism and prejudice
may die hard and social relations may prove even harder to harmonise
than political relations. The new Constitution was inaugurated under
Lord Chelmsford's Viceroyalty. If he perhaps failed, especially at
certain gravely critical moments, to rise above a somewhat narrow and
unimaginative conception of his functions as the supreme depositary of
British authority in India, and was too apt to regard himself always as
merely _primus inter pares_ in a governing body, peculiarly liable from
its constitution to hesitate and procrastinate even in emergencies
requiring prompt decision, Lord Chelmsford was as upright, honourable,
and courageous an English gentleman as this country has ever sent out as
Viceroy, and India will always gratefully associate his name with the
reforms which have opened up a new era in her history. His place has now
been taken by another Viceroy, Lord Reading, whose appointment at a time
when so many Indians were smarting under a deep sense of injustice has
been all the more heartily welcomed as, apart from many other
qualifications, he went out to India with the special prestige of a
great justiciary who had exchanged for the Viceroyalty the exalted post
of Lord Chief Justice of England. Lord Reading's own liberalism is a
sufficient guarantee that he will apply himself with all his approved
ability to the carrying out of the new reforms. But, if anything more
had been needed, the revised Instrument of Instructions under Royal Sign
Manual which he took out with him for his guidance prescribed both for
the Government of India and for the Provincial Governments the utmost
restraint, "unless grave reason to the contrary appears," in any
exercise of the emergency powers still vested in them in opposition to
the policy and wishes of the Indian representative assemblies. "For,
above all things," His Majesty concluded, "it is Our will and pleasure
that the plans laid by Our Parliament for the progressive realisation of
responsible government in British India may come to fruition, to the end
that British India may attain its due place among Our Dominions."
That in carrying out those instructions Lord Reading will be able to
rely on the full support of the British members of his own Executive
Council and of the Provincial Governments the most practical proof has
been already given in the wise and conciliatory attitude displayed by
them during the first session of the new Legislatures in Delhi and in
the Provinces, in marked contrast to the sense of impregnable authority
too often made manifest when autocratic power was still entrenched
behind official majorities voting to order. To the credit of the public
services, and not least of the Indian Civil Service, I should add that,
if I may venture to judge by the great majority of those I know best,
there is now a genuine desire to make the reforms a success, however
apprehensive some of them may have formerly been. The change
unquestionably often involves considerable sacrifices of power, and even
sometimes power for good, as well as of old traditions and prejudices,
and such sacrifices come hardest to those whose habits of life and mind
are already set, but they are worth making. It is far easier for the
younger men who have more recently joined to realise that their
opportunities of service to India and to the Empire will, if anything,
be greater than before, though they will call for somewhat different
qualities, as their influence will now depend more upon capacity to
persuade than to give orders. To the non-official British communities
the European-elected members of the new Assemblies have already given an
admirable lead by the cordiality of their personal relations with their
Indian colleagues, as well as by such public manifestations of goodwill
and sound judgment as their unanimous vote in support of the Indian
resolution on Amritsar in the Legislative Assembly. One of the greatest
obstacles to fruitful co-operation is racial aloofness, even amongst the
best-disposed Indians and Europeans, and every Englishman can on his own
account and within his own sphere do something to overcome it.
The visit of the Duke of Connaught last winter to India for the express
purpose of representing the King-Emperor at the opening of the new
Councils in the three great Presidencies, and of delivering a Royal
Message of unprecedented import to the new Indian Legislature in the
Imperial capital, bore perhaps its happiest fruits in the personal
appeal, prompted by his old love and knowledge of the Indian people, in
which he sought to dispel "the shadow of Amritsar" that had "lengthened
over the face of India," and did in fact do much to dispel it. The
Prince of Wales is to follow this winter not only in the Duke's recent
footsteps, but, as heir to the Throne, in the footsteps of his royal
father and grandfather. Even if opinions are divided as to the political
expediency of his visit before the clouds that still overhang the Indian
horizon have been dispelled, we may rest assured that his personal
qualities will win for him too the affection and reverence which the
Indian people are traditionally and instinctively inclined to give to
those whom the gods have invested with the heaven-born attributes of
kingship.
That Indian co-operation will not fail us if we persevere in ensuing it,
not only in the letter of the great Statute of 1919 but in the spirit of
the King-Emperor's messages to his Indian people, is an assumption which
there is much to justify us in making. But, for the present, it cannot
be much more than an assumption. In support of it we can rely not only,
one may hope, on the continued support of large if inarticulate masses,
and of the old conservative interests that have been content to stand
aloof from all political agitation, but also on the fine rally of the
great majority of the politically minded classes in India whom
intellectual partnership has to some extent prepared for political
partnership. They still form, unfortunately, but a very small numerical
minority. But their influence cannot be measured by mere numbers. If it
grew in the past even when we were showing more impatience than
sympathy with its aspirations, it may be expected to grow still more
rapidly in future under new conditions that give it more recognition and
more encouragement. In all countries the impulse to progress has always
proceeded from small minorities, and in India the small but active
minority from which it has proceeded has been essentially of our own
making, since it owes to us all its conceptions of political freedom and
national unity and the very language in which it has learnt to express
them. Out of the ancient world of India we have raised a new Indian
middle class, with one foot perhaps still lingering in Indian
civilisation but with the other certainly planted in Western
civilisation. It has long claimed that its leaders were fit to be the
leaders of a nation. We have now conceded that claim. It rests with
those leaders to make it good. They have already given proofs of both
political wisdom and courage; for it is they who bore the brunt of the
battle against the wreckers of the new Constitution during the elections
and won it, and it is they who, forming the majority in the new
assemblies, have shown sagacity and moderation in the exercise of their
new rights and the discharge of their new responsibilities as the means
to closer co-operation between Indians and British. But the opposing
forces arrayed against co-operation, as I have shown in the previous
chapter, are still formidable. They assume many different shapes. They
exploit many different forms of popular discontent. If they have failed
to lay hold of the better and more educated classes, they have captured
in some parts at least the masses that were never before anti-British.
They have inflamed the racial hatred which untoward incidents helped to
stir up. In Mr. Gandhi they have found a strangely potent leader who
appeals to the religious emotions of both Hindus and Mahomedans to shake
themselves free from the degrading yoke of an alien civilisation, and
implores them to return to the ancient and better ways of India's own
civilisation.
It is just there that Mr. Gandhi strikes a responsive chord in many
thoughtful Indians who repudiate him as a political leader. For their
faith in either the material or moral superiority of Western
civilisation is, one must admit, far less general and deep-seated than
it still was only a generation ago. The emergence of Japan and her
sweeping victories on land and water over the great European power that
tried to humble her dealt the first heavy blow at their belief in the
material superiority of the West. Just as severely shaken is their
belief in its moral superiority, even with many whose loyalty to the
British cause never wavered during the Great War and who still pride
themselves on India's share in its final victory, when they see how the
world of Western civilisation has been reft asunder by four years of
frightful conflict which drenched all Europe with blood and left half of
it at least plunged in black ruin. We have preached to Indians, not
untruly, but with an insistence that seems to them now more than ever to
savour of self-righteousness, that our superior civilisation redeemed
them out of the anarchy and strife which devastated India before British
rule brought her peace and order and justice. Now they ask themselves
how it comes, then, that the Western civilisation which they are told to
thank for their own salvation has not saved Europe itself from the chaos
which has overtaken it to-day. Still more searching are the questions
that they ask when they see the great powers that have been fortunate
enough to emerge victorious from the struggle still postulating the
superiority of Western civilisation as sufficient grounds for denying to
other races who do not share it or have only recently come under its
influence the right to equal treatment. Their gorge rises most of all
when Western civilisation actually bases its claim to superiority not on
ethical but on racial grounds, and nations that profess to be followers
of Christ, Himself of Asiatic birth and descent, carve out the world
which He died to save--not for the benefit of one race alone--into
water-tight compartments, from some of which the Asiatic is to be
excluded by a colour-bar, but to all of which the white man is to have
access for such purposes and by such means as he himself deems right. If
the British Empire stands for a merely racial civilisation of which the
benefit is reserved for the white man only, what, they ask, is the value
of a promise of partnership in it when Indians are _ipso facto_ racially
disqualified from partnership?
There lies the rub. The argument may have been stated in an extreme
form, but it has to be faced, for it goes home to many Indians who would
not be moved by Mr. Gandhi's cruder abuse of a "Satanic" civilisation.
The overshadowing danger, and not in India alone, may be to-morrow, if
not already to-day, that of a racial conflict. Is there any other way to
avert it than by a frank recognition of racial equality in the sense of
equality of rightful opportunity for both races, Asiatic and European?
It is only in that sense that racial equality, like the equality already
recognised of all men born to our common British nationhood, can have
any meaning. For in the strict sense of the word no two men are born
equal, either physically or intellectually, any more than there is
complete equality in the family and social surroundings in which they
are brought up. All that the citizens of the freest countries are
entitled to claim is that there shall be no denial of right to them on
the score of birth to equal opportunities for bringing their own
individual qualities by their own effort to the largest possible
fruition within the lawful limits prescribed to prevent injury being
done to others or to the community at large. Does not the same hold good
for nations and for races? The principle of equality thus understood
must clearly prevail between Asiatics and Europeans in India, for all
racial discrimination between them has long been ruled out by our own
statutes, and now more than ever by a Constitution which calls India to
partnership in the British Empire. It is, however, one thing to lay down
a principle, and another to put it consistently into practice. There
are questions in front of us in India which it will be difficult to
solve if Indians and Englishmen approach them in a spirit of racial
antagonism. They should not be insoluble if approached on the lines of
equal opportunity for both races. Other and still more difficult
questions are likely to produce divergencies of views and interests
between India and other parts of the Empire, including the United
Kingdom itself. The questions that affect the status and rights of
Indians in the Dominions and Colonies go to the root of racial
discrimination. When such questions arise their solution, in a sense
that will give even the barest and most undeniably legitimate
satisfaction to Indian views and Indian interests, will not be achieved
merely through the co-operation of the Government of India, or of every
Englishman, official or non-official, in India, however heartily these
may identify themselves with Indian views and Indian interest. Their
solution will rest with the British people all over the Empire. Will the
British Government and the Dominion Governments and the free peoples
behind them approach all questions in which India is concerned in the
same spirit which they have already learnt to bring to bear upon
questions in which not India but other partners of the Empire are
concerned? Will they be prepared to approach them in the same spirit in
which India was welcomed in times of stress and storm to the War
Councils and Peace Councils of the Empire? That spirit was the spirit of
equal partnership in a common danger, of co-operation on equal terms in
a common struggle, of equal opportunities of sacrifice in common. It was
nobly conceived in the womb of war. Will it have died with the war? Or
will it survive and be extended to the discussion of Imperial questions
already preoccupying the Indian mind in which competitive rather than
common interests will have to be reckoned with--fiscal questions,
questions relating to India's share in the defence of the Empire and of
India's right to develop and control her own military and perhaps some
day her own naval forces, questions affecting the common rights of
British citizenship and the organic constitution of the Empire?
Obviously in none of these questions can India expect her views and
interests always to prevail. What she claims is that her voice be heard
and listened to, not as that of an inferior supplicating for boons but
with the deference and the desire for an agreed settlement by mutual
consent to which the promise of equal partnership already, she holds,
entitles her. That claim she will press, too, in questions affecting the
status and rights of her people in the Dominions and in the Colonies
with the insistence born of a new sense of nationhood which has
intensified a much older race-consciousness. Heavy will be the
responsibility of those within the Empire who meet her with an
uncompromising assertion of the white man's superior rights and
interests as the _suprema lex et suprema salus Imperii_.
It is not, indeed, the future of India alone that is at stake. If we
look beyond India to the rest of the great continent of Asia, and beyond
our own Empire to the great American Republic with which we have so much
in common, recognition or denial of racial equality lies close beneath
the surface where burning questions still threaten the world with war.
The British people have made in India the first bold attempt to rob the
issue of its worst sting. If we persevere and can succeed we shall not
only strengthen immeasurably the foundations of our far-flung Empire,
but we shall enable it to play an immeasurably useful part in averting a
world danger. For the British Empire with its Western and Eastern
aspects, with its great Western democracies and its oriental peoples,
more advanced than and as gifted as any Asiatic people, seems to-day to
be providentially so constituted that it may act more effectively than
any other power as a link between the great Asiatic and the great
Western powers of Europe and America, between the races and the
civilisations which they represent.
We may restore in India, and through India all over Asia, a new and
reinvigorated faith in the British Empire's mission, if we do not shrink
from putting into practice in our dealings with her the principle of
partnership in rights and duties on which our Imperial Commonwealth of
Nations has been built up. We have enshrined that principle in the new
constitutional charter we have of our own free will bestowed upon India.
But if we pay only half-hearted homage to it, and our own people,
whether at home, or in other parts of the Empire, or in India itself,
whether statesmen or soldiers, or administrators or merchants, succumb
to the temptation of trying still to combine with it in practice a
disingenuous survival of the old idea of domination of one race over
another, after we have so solemnly repudiated it, we shall drift the
more rapidly and disastrously on to the quicksands of racial strife and
chronic disorder which, though they may fail to overthrow British rule,
would steadily weaken, and perhaps paralyse, its power for good that is
after all its one enduring justification. If, on the other hand, we
fulfil that which we have always recognised, and to-day with renewed
clearness of vision, to be our mission in India, by reconciling the best
elements in Indian civilisation and our own, and if we can convert our
commonwealth of free British nations into a commonwealth of free Western
and Eastern nations on a basis of real equality, we shall set an example
of no less value to others than will be to ourselves our own
achievement. The failure in its latest and most crucial stage of the
great adventure upon which we entered three centuries ago, not, let us
for the moment assume, through lack of Indian co-operation or of the
desire on the part of the British in India to co-operate with Indians,
but through the inability of the British people as a whole and
throughout the Empire to rise to so great an opportunity, would react
far beyond the confines of India. The tide of racial hatred which may
yet be stemmed would rise and perhaps not only undermine the present
fabric of our Empire, but strew East and West with the wreckage of
disappointed hopes and embittered animosities.
There are some who hold that the British Empire has made its last if
most glorious effort in the Great War, and that in it Western
civilisation proclaimed itself bankrupt and committed suicide. That
cannot be. The cause for which the British people fought and made such
appalling sacrifices was not unworthy of them or of our civilisation.
Heavy clouds hang over the future and obscure the paths of the nations.
But in India, where East and West meet as nowhere else, Britain has
lighted a beacon which, if she keep it burning, will show to both the
way of escape from a more disastrous conflict than that from which the
West has just emerged battered and bleeding--a conflict not between
nations but between races.
INDEX
Abyssinian victory over Italians, 112
Acworth, Sir William, 260
Adawa, battle of, 112
Afghan invasions, 3, 61-2
Aga Khan, the, 136, 282
Age of Consent Bill, 1891, 95-6, 113, 236
Agra and Oudh, _see_ United Provinces
Agrarian questions, Indian, 197-201
_Ahimsa_, doctrine of, 170, 175, 188, 192, 298
Ahmed Shah Durani, 61
Ahmed Shahi dynasty, 53, 54
Ahmedabad, 50, 53-5; outbreak in, 176-7, 273
Ahmednagar, 50
Ajatasatni, King, 28
Akbar, Emperor, 3, 5, 51, 53, 56, 57-61
Ala-ud-Din Khilji, 48
Alai Darwazah, the, 48
Alexander the Great's invasion, 27, 28, 33
Ali brothers, the, Mahomed and Shaukat, 140, 188-9, 191, 197, 288, 291,
297 _n_.
Aligurh, Mahomedan College at, 135-6, 197
Allahabad outbreak, 177
All-India Moslem League, 136, 138, 145, 147, 173
All-India Trades Congress, 272
Altamsh, 36, 47
Americans in Tata Company, 248, 253
Amritsar: outbreak, 175-6, 183;
Jallianwala Bagh, 177-9, 211;
British Government's despatch, 180-82;
Duke of Connaught on, 228, 303;
Resolutions on, 209, 228-30, 302
Annexation policy of Dalhousie, 81
Arya Somaj, 95
Aryan races, 15, 22, 31, 35;
social system, 22-3, 42-3, 217, 219
Asiatics' Trading and Land Act (South Africa), 281
Asoka, King, 2, 27, 29-32, 35
Asquith, Rt. Hon. H.H., on a "new angle of vision," 141, 300
_Asvamedha_, the, 2, 4, 32, 37, 40
Aurungzeb, Emperor, 61
Australia and Asiatics, 282
Baber, Emperor, 3, 56
Baghavat-Ghita, the, 35, 113
_Bakar-Id_ festival, 288
Bana, the Brahman, 39
"_Bande Materam_," 115
Banerjee, Sir Surendranath, 118, 204, 207
Basu, Mr. Bupendranath, 145
Baz Bahadur, 53
Behar and Orissa, 8, 129
Benares University, Gandhi and, 197
Bendusara, King, 29
Bengal Presidency, 69, 71, 72, 114
elections in, 202-4
"Non-co-operation" fails in, 203-4, 208
Partition of, _see_ Partition
permanent settlement in, 199-200
Bengalees:
unrest among, 12, 114-115, 203
Western education and, 8, 205-7
Bentinck, Lord William, 79, 80, 98
Besant, Mrs., 146, 148, 150, 159, 161
Bhuvaneshwar temples, 38
Bidar, 50
Bijapur, 50, 55
Bikanir, Maharajah of, 141
Bimbisara, King, 26, 27
Bolpur, school at, 254
Bombay, 6
city improvement, 271
cotton mills, 270, 271
labour troubles, 270, 273-4
Bombay Presidency, 69, 71
elections in, 194-6
Bonnerji, Mr., 92, 93
Boycott movements, 4, 113, 294.
See _Swadeshi_
Brahmanas, the, 16, 17-18
Brahmans:
Akbar and, 60
supremacy of, 17-18, 23, 27, 37-8, 41, 44, 45, 84, 190, 219-220,
221-4;
Buddhism and, 27;
Gandhi and, 190
temple, 11
Brahmo-Somaj movement, 80, 95
British, arrival of, in India, 3-4, 5, 62, 66-7, 220
British administration, share of Indians in, 12-13, 97, 101-10, 132-5,
163-4
British Army in India, 275-7
British Empire, India's partnership in, its implications, 164, 306-10
British rule:
co-operation the principle of, 12-13, 66-8, 74, 204-8, 300-301
education and, 79-82, 299-300
evolution of, 66-83. _See_ Crown sovereignty, East India Company,
Parliamentary control
Gandhi and, 191
goal of, 12-13, 76-7, 79, 149, 162-4, 301-2
Bubonic plague appears, 88
Buddha, 25, 26, 27-8;
bones of, discovered, 34
Buddhism, rise and fall of, 27, 29-34, 39-40
Hinduism and, 31, 34-5
Budget deficit, 268-9
Calcutta, 6-12
capital removed from, 128, 129
co-operation revived in, 204-5
labour conditions in, 271
Supreme Court created, 72
Western-educated women in, 8
Calcutta University, 8, 114, 205-6
Canada and Indian immigrants, 211, 282
Canning, Lord, 82-3, 91
Cape Colony, Indians in, 280, 281
Carmichael, Lord, 207
Caste system, the, 23, 43-5, 64, 107, 215-19, 224
Akbar hostile to, 58, 60
Gandhi and, 169, 186-7, 219
reform attempted, 236
Central Provinces:
caste system in, 215-19
"Non-co-operation" campaign in, 214-15, 218-19
Chamber of Princes, the, 1, 2, 158, 239, 241-5
Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. Austen, 144, 150
Chanakya, 29
Chandavarkar, Sir Narain, 171
Chandni Chauk bomb outrage, 129-30
Chandragupta I., 37
Chandragupta II., 37, 38
Chandragupta Maurya, 28-9
Charnock, Job, 10
Chatterjee, Mr. B.C., 206
_Chawls_, 271
Chelmsford, Lord, 143, 144, 145, 172, 301.
_See_ Montagu-Chelmsford reforms
Chinese travellers in India, 24, 25, 26, 33, 38, 39, 40
Chintamani, Mr., 202
Chitawan Brahmans, 113
Christian converts, training of, 218
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston, 283
Civil Service, _see_ Indian Civil Service
Clive, Lord, 68, 70, 86
Coal mines of Tata Company, 251
Community representation, 127, 157-8, 193, 211, 223-4
Connaught, H.R.H. the Duke of,
inauguration ceremonies and speeches by, 1, 2, 4, 185, 228, 243, 303
boycott of, 4, 6, 12
Co-operation, the principle of British rule, 12-13, 66-8, 74, 204-8,
300-301
Cornwallis, Lord, 199
Cotton imports duty, 147-8, 247, 269
Council of State proposed, 155
Crewe, Lord, 134
Crown colonies and Indians, 277, 282-5, 306-8
Crown sovereignty over India, 73, 86
Currency and exchange policy, 262, 263-7
Currency Committee, 264-5
Curtis, Mr. Lionel, 157
Curzon, Lord, 103, 114-15, 120, 246
and Indians in Transvaal, 281
Partition of Bengal by, 103, 114-15
Universities Act of, 120
Curzon-Wylie, Sir W., murdered, 122
Dalal, Mr. D. Merwanji, 265
Dalhousie, Lord, 8, 80-82, 246
Defence Force Bill, 148
Defence of India Act, 140, 141, 171
Delhi, 1, 2, 3, 4, 47, 49, 56, 57, 61
capital restored to, 4, 5, 128
Durbar, 4, 128, 129
Fort, 1, 3
George V. at, 4, 128, 129
_Hartal_ in, 4, 6, 173, 175
Dharma, 22
District Officers, 102
Dominion Home Rule for India, 143, 149, 163-4, 301-2
Dominions, _see_ Self-governing Dominions
Dravidian races, 63, 64, 217, 219
Duff, Dr. Alexander, 78
Dufferin, Lord, 93, 94
Dwarkadas, Mr. Jamnadas, 229, 297 _n._
"Dyarchy," 156-7, 238
Dyer, General, 177-9, 180-81, 182, 185, 229
Eastern Bengal, 114, 129, 137
East India Company, 62, 66, 67-8, 69-70, 86
Crown control of, 73
Indian co-operation with, 74, 77
monopoly surrendered by, 74
Parliamentary control of, 68-73
Economic factors in life of India, 246-7, 268-9;
industry, 247-256;
railways, 256-62;
currency and exchange, 262-7
Edward VII., 4;
visits India as Prince of Wales, 115
Elections:
Non-Brahman success in, 223-4
"Non-co-operation" campaign and, 193-6, 201-4, 208-9, 214-215, 219,
224-6, 287
under Councils Act (1909), 130-31
English language, benefit of, 4, 111
Esher, Lord, 230
Esher Committee's Report, 230-231, 262
Europeans and Indians, relations between, 98-101, 204-8
Extremist party, 118, 123, 135, 142-3, 144-5, 266, 267
campaigns during elections, 195, 196-7, 201-4, 208-9, 214-15, 219,
224-6, 287
Congress captured by, 145-7, 150
labour troubles and, 269, 273-274
Moderate party and, 118, 135, 160-61
Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and, 150, 159-60
Native states and, 240-41
Rowlatt Acts and, 172-3
Fa-Hien, 25, 38
Factory legislation in India, 274-275
Faizi, Abul, 59
Family system, Hindu, 20-21
Farquhar, Dr. J.N., 95 _n._, 121
Fatehpur Sikri, 58-9, 61
Fazl, Abul, 59, 60
Fell, Sir Godfrey, 229
Firishta, 53
Firuz Shah, 48-9
Fiscal policy, 147-8, 268-9
Fort William, Calcutta, 7
France, war with, and British rule, 67, 69, 70
Franchise qualifications, 193-4
_Gadr_ conspiracy, 211
Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchamd, 4, 6, 12, 161, 165-75, 177, 185-192, 203, 304
caste system and, 169, 186-7, 219
Hinduism of, 5, 13-14, 169, 190
Indians in South Africa and, 166-8, 169, 170, 171, 278-9
labour and, 274
"Non-co-operation" movement of, 4, 13, 165, 185-6, 191-2, 197, 215,
286-7;
election campaigns, 195, 200, 201, 202, 204, 224-5, 226
Reading, Lord, and, 165, 287-8
_Swadeshi_ organised by, 294-5
_Swaraj_ as conceived by, 170, 189-90, 295
violence opposed by, 170, 175, 188, 192, 292-3, 294, 297-8
Ganj Bakhsh, tomb of, 54
Garnath pillar, 30
"Gate of Victory" inscription, 59
Gaur, 50
George V., King-Emperor:
in India (as Prince of Wales), 115-17, 125;
(as King), 4, 128-9
message of (1920), 1, 162-3, 228, 303
Ghijas-ud-Din, 52
Ghose, Mr. Arabindo, 203
Ghridrakuta mountain, 26
Ghulam Kadir, 62
Ghuri dynasty, 51-3
Gokhale, Mr., 98, 118, 120, 134, 146, 168, 235;
Gandhi and, 169, 297
Gol Kumbaz, the, 55
Golconda, 50
Gordhays, Mr., 252
Gour, Dr., 237
Government House, Calcutta, 7
Government of India Act, 1919, 162-3, 164, 203, 233, 235
Governor-General, post of, 71, 72, 73, 86
Great War, the:
Gandhi and, 169, 170
India's part in, 138, 139-41, 147, 262, 264, 282
Western civilisation discredited by, 305, 310
Gujerat, Indian culture in, 53
Gupta dynasty, 37-8, 43
Hailey, Mr., 232, 233-4, 268
Hamilton, Lord George, 249
Hardinge, Lady, 129, 130
Hardinge of Penshurst, Lord, 128, 129-30, 141, 142, 143;
and Indians in South Africa, 142, 168, 281
Harsha, King, 39-41
_Hartal_ proclaimed, 4, 6, 12, 173
Hastings, Lord, 75
Hastings, Warren, 71, 72-3, 74, 78
Hathi Singh, temple of, 53
Hellenic influence in India, 33-4
Hemu, 57
Hindola Mahal, the, 52
Hindu architecture, 54, 55-6
Hindu family system, 20-21
Hinduism, 5, 13-14, 16-25, 35, 60, 95-6, 220
Buddhism and, 31, 34-5
enduring power of, 5, 13-14, 32, 42-3, 45, 63-5
Gandhi and, 5, 13-14, 169, 190
Mahomedan domination and, 5, 14, 45, 63-5, 220
reform movements in, 80
scriptures and doctrines of, 16-25
social system of, 8-9, 23, 42-5, 64, 107, 215-20
Western education and, 84-5
Hindus:
Akbar and, 58, 59, 60, 61
Mahomedans and, _see_ Mahomedans
as revolutionaries, 119, 122
_History of the War of Independence of 1857_ (Savarkar), 85
Hiuen-Tsang, 26, 33, 39, 40
Holland, Sir Thomas, 148, 248
Home Rule for India, 145, 147, 148, 150
Horse sacrifice, see _Asvamedha_
Humayun, Emperor, 56
Hume, Mr., 93
Huns, invasion of, 38
Hunter, Lord, 179
Hunter Committee, 179, 181-2, 183
Hushang Ghuri, 51-2
Ilbert Bill, the, 91
Imperial Conference, Indian citizenship question in, 284-5
Imperial Legislative Council, 145, 147
Imperial War Conference, Indian representatives at, 141, 282
Indentured emigration stopped, 148, 283
India:
Dominion self-government for, 76-7, 79, 143, 149, 163-4, 301-2
economics of, _see_ Economic factors
and Great War, 138, 139-41, 147, 262-3, 264, 282
partnership of, in Empire, 142, 143, 164, 306-10
population of, 88
trade of, 88, 246-7, 262-4
Indian administration, Indian share in, 12-13, 86, 89, 97, 101-10,
132-5, 163-4
Indian Army, 68, 85, 89, 139;
in Flanders, 139, 141
expenditure on, 230-32, 262, 275-7
Indians in, 89-90
territorial, 276, 277
Indian Civil Service, position of Indians in, 97, 102, 134, 163, 302
Indian co-operation, _see_ Co-operation
Indian Councils Act (1892), 93-4, 118;
(1909), 127-8, 130-31, 137, 157
Indian education, 75, 78-82, 89
Commission on, 148
Curzon conference on, 120
defects of, 97-8, 119-20
Montagu-Chelmsford Report on, 152-3
Indian finance, 230-34, 268
currency and exchange, 262, 263-7
Indian fiscal policy, 88, 234, 246-7, 268-9
Indian industries, 88, 246-56, 269
Indian Legislative Assembly, 2, 155, 225-6;
first session, 227-237, 302
Royal Message to, 228, 303
Indian Local Government Act (1888), 93
Indian National Congress, 92, 95-96, 108;
Surat, 118, 135;
Bombay, 140, 145, 146, 160;
Lucknow, 147;
Nagpur, 190-191, 215, 240, 287
All-India Moslem League and, 138, 173
Amritsar Commission of, 183-4
Extremists capture, 145-7, 150
Mahomedans and, 92-3, 109, 135, 173
Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and, 150, 160
Sinha at, 140, 146
Indian Nationalism, 35, 111-13
Indian representation not actual control, 132-4
_Indian Sociologist_, the, 122
Indian taxation, 87, 232-4, 295-6
Indian War Loan, 141, 147, 262, 264
Indians:
in administration, _see_ Indian administration
Crown Colonies and, 277, 282-5, 306-8
Europeans and, relations between, 98-101, 204-8
in industry, 8, 253-6
self-governing Dominions and, 142, 144, 166-9, 170-71, 211, 277-85,
306-10
travelling, 256-9
Indo-Mahomedan architecture, 54-5
Indraprasthra (Indrapat), 2
Industrial development of India, 88, 247-56, 269
Infant widowhood, 9, 21, 107
Iron and steel industry, 247-56
Iron Pillar, 2, 3
Irrigation, 87
Islington, Lord, 134
Islington Commission, 134
Jaganath, temple of, 64, 256
Jahaz Mahal, the, 52
Jaina school of architecture, 53, 54
Jainism, 27, 43, 53
Jallianwala Bagh massacre, 177-9, 211.
_See_ Amritsar
Jamsheedpur, 248, 249-56
Japanese victories and Indian opinion, 112, 305
Jehanghir, Emperor, 59, 60
Jhansi elections, 202
Jinna, Mr., 191
Jodh Bai palace, 58
Jones, Sir William, 23
Kaikobad, 48
Kali, 9-12;
temple at Calcutta, 119
Kali-Kata, 10
Kalidasa, 37, 38
Kanishka, 32, 33
Karma doctrine, 19, 20-21
Kauravas, 2
Kayastha caste, 122
Kenia, position of Indians in, 283-4
Khalifate of Islam, the, 136, 173-4
Khalsa College, 210
_Khilafat_ movement, 174, 175, 204, 208, 240, 291;
rising, 297 _n._
Khilji dynasty, 48
Kitchener, Lord, 115, 128
Krishna cult, 63
Krishnavarma, Mr., 122
Kshatrya caste, 23
Kushan kingdom, 33-4
Kutub-ed-Din, 3, 47
Kutub Minar, the, 2, 47
_Kuwwet-el-Islam_ Mosque, 3, 47
Labour and Industry department, 274
Labour Bureau, 273
Labour problems and unrest, 269-275
Lady Hardinge's School of Medicine, 130
Lahore, 208, 210-11
Lake, Lord, 4, 62
Lal, Mr. Harkishen, 209
Land revenue questions, 199-201
Land-tax, 87, 199-200, 295-6
Languages, rivalry of, 37-8
Lansdowne, Lord, 93, 95, 113, 236
Lawyers, Indian, 8, 108-9, 202
_Letters to the People of India_ (Curtis), 157
Lloyd, Sir George, 271, 272-3
Lodi dynasty, 49, 56
Lord North's Act, 71
Lucknow Congress, 147
Lyall, Sir Alfred, 45
Lytton, Lord, 91
Macaulay's Minute, 79, 81
Macdonald, Mr. Ramsay, 134
MacLagan, Sir Edward, 209
Madras, mills in, 271
Madras Presidency, 69, 71;
elections in, 219, 222-4
Magadha, kingdom of, 16
Mahabharata, the, 2, 25, 35
Maha-Kal temple, 36-7
Mahars, 216-19
Mahavira, 27
Mahmud Bigarah, 55
Mahmud of Ghazni, 3, 46
Mahmud Khilji, 52
Mahomed Tughluk, 48, 49
Mahomedan art and architecture, 50, 54, 55
Mahomedan College, Aligurh, 135-136
Mahomedan conquest and domination, 3, 5, 42, 46-9, 62, 220
Mahomedan kingdoms, 49-50
Mahomedanism, 64, 65
Mahomedans, 109, 197
community representation of, 127, 137, 157, 193, 211
Congress and attitude of, 92-3, 109, 135, 173
Hindus and:
antagonism between, 64, 65, 135, 188-9, 288-293;
mingling of, 5, 50-51, 173, 174-5, 176
Partition and, 114, 136, 137
Turkey, position of, and, 137-8, 140, 173-4, 189, 190, 292
Mahrattas, 4, 5, 61, 62, 113, 214
Maidan, the, Calcutta, 7
Maine, Sir Henry, 237
Malabar Hill, Bombay, 6
Malegaon riots, 291
Mandu, 50, 51-3
Manu, code of, 22, 23-4, 38
Marriage, Hindu laws and, 9, 237
Mary, Queen, visits India:
(as Princess of Wales), 115, 116, 125;
(as Queen), 128-9
Maurya dynasty, 28-32, 43
Maya, 19
Megasthenes, 28, 29
Mehta, Sir Pherozeshah, 92, 93, 118, 120, 146
Mesopotamian Report, 149
Mihiragula, 38
Mimansa system, 19-20
Mining development in India, 88, 249-56
Minto, Lord, 117, 126, 128, 130, 136-7.
_See_ Morley-Minto reforms
Miriam-uz-Zemani, 59
Mitter, Mr. B.L., 160-61
Moderate party, 118, 135, 150, 160
election successes of, 196
Extremist breach with, 118, 135, 160-61
_Modern Religious Movements in India_ (Farquhar), 95 _n._, 121
Moghul Empire, 3, 4, 5, 56, 57;
fall of, 61-2, 67, 72
Montagu, Rt. Hon. E.S., 149, 150-51, 159, 161, 184;
exchange operations of, 264-7
Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Report, 149-50, 151-9, 161, 203, 246
Act passed, 162-3, 203
reception of, 159-62
Moplah rising, 297 _n._
Morley, Lord, 117, 125-7, 131, 132, 227
Morley-Minto reforms, 126, 127, 130-34, 142, 145
Munro, Sir Thomas, minute by, 76-7, 235
Murders, political, 119, 120, 121, 122
Mutiny of 1857, the, 83, 84-7, 99, 101, 124
Nadir Shah, 61
Nagpur Congress, 190-91, 215, 240, 287
Nair, Dr., 223
Nankhanda Saheb massacre, 212-213
Naoroji, Dadabhai, 92, 94
Natal and Indian settlers, 166, 167, 278, 279
Nationalism:
European, 111;
Indian, 35, 111-13
Native States, 68
administration of, 239-41, 243
constitutional reforms and, 158, 241
Nellore incidents, 289-90
_New India_, 147
Nivedita, Sister, 95
Nizam of Hyderabad, 240, 243
Non-Brahmans, increasing influence of, 223-4
"Non-co-operation" movement, 4, 13, 165, 185-6, 191-2, 197, 267, 286
election campaign, _see_ Elections
present dangers from, 287-8, 293-8
Non-payment of taxes, 295-6
North-West Frontier Province, _Khilafat_ movement in, 208
O'Dwyer, Sir Michael, 179, 182, 184
Oudh, annexation of, 81
Pal, Bepin Chandra, 112
Pandavas, 2, 4
Panipat, battles of, 56, 57, 62
Paranjpe, Professor, 196
Parliamentary apathy on Indian questions, 109-10, 158
Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry suggested, 159
Partition of Bengal, 103, 114, 117, 125, 129;
agitation against, 110, 114-15, 118-20;
revised, 129, 137
Mahomedans and, 114, 136, 137
Pataliputra, 27, 28-9, 31
Pathan massacre of Sikhs, 212-13
Patna riots, 288-9
Perin, Mr. C. Page, 249
Permanent settlement, the, 199-200
Pitt's Act, 72, 73
Plassey, battle of, 68, 85
Polak, Mr. H.S.L., 166
Population of India, 88
Portuguese in India, 62
Prayaga, 39
Presidents, East India Company, 69, 71
Press, "Non-co-operation," 287
Press restrictions, 91, 93, 126
Prirthana Somaj, 95
Prithvi Raja, 3, 42, 47
Provincial Governments, 131, 133, 155-6, 237-8
Provincial Legislative Councils, 94, 131, 132, 237-9
Provincial representative government, 154, 155-8
Public services, position of Indians in, 12-13, 86, 89, 97, 101-10,
132-5, 163-4
Public Services Commission, 134-5
Punjab, the:
elections in, 208-9
outbreak in, and repressive measures, 173, 175, 176, 177-185, 228-30,
282, 294, 296
Purana Kilat, 2
Puri, pilgrimages to, 256
Purushpura, 32;
_stupa_, 33-4
Pushyamitra Sunga, 32
Queen Victoria Memorial Hall, Calcutta, 7
Racial equality, necessity of, 306-310
Rahu, Mr., 206
Railway Board, 261
Railways, Indian:
1857-1905, 87;
present condition, 256-262
Raja Bikram, 3, 37, 38
Raja Birbal, 59
Rajagriha, 25-6
_Rajasuya_ rite, 32
Rajput princes, 242
Rajput states, 41-2, 57, 61
Rakhina, Sultana, 58
Ramayana, the, 35
Ranadé, Mr., 92, 96
Ranee Sepree mosque, 55
Rawlinson, Lord, 229, 231
Reading, Lord, 301, 302;
Gandhi's interview with, 165, 287-8
Reay, Lord, 93
_Recollections_ (Morley), 125
Representative institutions inaugurated, 1-2, 4, 228, 243
"Reserved subjects," 156, 157, 238
Ripon, Lord, 91, 93
River-confluences, worship of, 39-40
Robertson, Sir Benjamin, 248
Ronaldshay, Lord, 134, 207-8
Rowlatt, Mr. Justice, 171
Rowlatt Acts, 171-3
Roy, Ram Mohun, 80
Royalty, Indian attitude to, 128, 129, 303
Rup Mati, 53
Rupee, stabilisation of the, 264-6
Russian anarchism and Indian, 123
Russian menace to India, 89
Sadler, Sir Thomas, 148
Sakti worship, 63
Samadragupta, 37
Sankhya Darshana, the, 19, 27
Sanskrit, 18, 37-8
Sastri, Mr. Srinivasa, 196, 236, 284-5
Sasunaga dynasty, 16
_Sati_, practice of, 36, 60, 64, 80
_Satyagraha_, 172-3, 174, 176
Sawarkar, Vinayak, 85
Secretary of State for India, 73, 86, 126-7, 131
Council of, Indians on, 126, 127, 163
exchange operations of, 263, 264-7
Sedition Committee, 122, 171
Self-governing Dominions, treatment of Indians by, 142, 144, 166-9,
170-71, 211, 277-85, 306-10
Self-government, Indian, 76-7, 79, 145, 147, 148, 150, 163-4, 301-2
Sen, Keshab Chundra, 95
Senart, M., 44
"Servants of India" Society, 146, 196, 235-6
Seyyid Ahmed Khan, Sir, 135-6
Seyyid dynasty, 49
Shah Alam II., 62
Sher Shah, 56, 57
Shiva, cult of, 34, 40, 41, 63;
and Uma, 36
Shivaji, 5, 61, 113
Shudra caste, 23
Sidi Dervish, 48
Sikh confederacy defeated, 81
Sikhism, reforms in, 210-12
Sikhs, 210-12;
massacred by Pathans, 212
Canada and, 282
Sinha, Lord (formerly Sir Satyendra), 8, 127, 140, 141, 146
Slave dynasty, 47-8
Smriti, 22
Smuts, General, 168, 279
Sonthals, the, 250, 254
South Africa, Union of, and Indian grievances, 142, 166-8, 169, 170-71,
278-82, 285
South African War, Indians and, 112, 167
Southern India, elections in, 214, 219, 222-6
Spooner, Dr., 34
Steel and iron industry, 247-56
Strikes, 269-71, 272, 273
Students, unrest among, 119-20, 122, 128, 286
Sultan of Turkey and Khalifate of Islam, 136, 173-4
Surat Congress, 118, 135
_Swadeshi_ movement, 12, 113, 119, 203, 247, 269, 294-5
_Swaraj_, 110, 119, 188-9, 191
Gandhi's conception of, 170, 186-8, 192
Royal Message and, 1, 4
Sydenham, Lord, 249-50
Tagore, Rabindranath, 254, 286
Tantras, the, 63
Tata, Jamsheedji, 249
Tata, Sir Dorab, 249
Tata Company, the, 248, 249-256
Taxation problems, 87, 232-4;
non-payment movement, 295-296
Telang, Mr., 92, 96
Telegraph system, Indian, 1857-1905, 87
Temple, Mr., 252
Thanesvar, battle of, 47
Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, 95-6, 118, 139, 146, 147, 159, 161, 237, 295
Gandhi and, 189
imprisonment of, 113, 128
Timur, invasion of, 3, 49, 56
Tirupati, 220-21
Trade, Indian, 88, 246-7, 262-4
Trades Unions in India, 272, 275
"Transferred subjects," 156, 157, 238
Transvaal and Indian settlers, 166-7, 168, 279, 281
Tughluk dynasty, 48-9
Turkey, war with, and Indian Mahomedans, 137-8, 140, 173-174, 189,
190, 292
Turkish Nationalism, 137, 138
Ujjain, 29, 35-7
United Provinces:
agrarian questions in, 196, 197, 201
"Non-co-operation" campaign in, 196, 202, 292, 293
Universities, Indian, 82, 197
Universities Act of 1904, 120
"Untouchables," 216-19, 221
Upanishads, the, 16
Vaishya caste, 23
Vedantic system, 19, 27
Vedas, the, 16-17, 18
Viceroy, 86
Executive Council of, Indians on, 94, 102, 126, 127, 235
Legislative Council of, 132
Victoria, Queen-Empress, 4;
proclamation by, 86-7, 89
Vijianagar, 55, 220
Vikramadytia, King, 2, 3, 37, 38
Vincent, Sir William, 229
Vishnu cult, 63
Vivekananda, Swami, 95
Wales, Prince of, Indian visit of:
(Edward VII.), 115;
(George V.), 115-17, 125;
(present), 303
Wellesley, Marquess, 7
Western civilisation:
Gandhi and, 14, 169, 304, 306
Great War discredits, 305-6, 310
Western education, 8, 79-80, 97-8, 135-6
Brahman monopoly of, 222-3
Hinduism and, 84-5
implications of, 152-3, 299-300
Western-educated classes, 4, 124
co-operation by, 139, 202, 303-4
Curzon and, 100, 114
grievances of, 89-91, 97, 98-110, 134-5
Montagu-Chelmsford Report on, 152-3
social reform not attempted by, 107-8
unrest among, 111-15, 123-4
White Huns, the, 38
Whyte, Mr. A.F., 227-8
Widows, _see_ Infant widowhood
Willingdon, Lord, 224
Women, Indian, position of, 8, 21, 64-5, 82, 236
Wood, Sir Charles, 81
Yoga system, 19
_Young India_, 192
Y.M.C.A., valuable work of, 206-7
Yudhisthira, 2
Yueh Chis, the, 33
_Yugantar_, the, 121, 203
THE END
_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.
End of Project Gutenberg's India, Old and New, by Sir Valentine Chirol