THE EGYPTIANS IN SINAI II.
AFTER the close of the Twelfth Dynasty, the Egyptians ceased for
centuries to come to Sinai. The reason was that foreigners, for over a
hundred years, ruled in the Nile valley whom the Alexandrian writers
called Arabians or Phœnicians. The Egyptians themselves called them
Hyksos. To this period probably belong the inscriptions in Semitic
script that were set up in some mines in the Wadi Dhabah near Serabit,
and the offerings of a squat figure and of a sphinx inscribed in the
same Semitic script which were presented before the shrine of the
goddess. These inscriptions again and again mention the goddess of
the place in lettering which may be Ba-alat, and the script itself is
considered of the highest interest in the study of Semitic characters
generally.
After throwing back the foreign invaders of Egypt, the Pharaohs of the
Eighteenth Dynasty once again sent expeditions to Sinai, where, as we
learn from the inscriptions and monuments, they worked both at Maghara
and at Serabit. At Serabit building was now continued on an extensive
scale outside the caves of the sanctuary. Halls, courts, a pylon, and
a long row of chambers were erected on the plateau inside the temenos,
which gave the sanctuary the appearance of a vast temple. The buildings
were all constructed of the red sandstone of the place, which was
quarried on the hill slope just below the temple on the north side,
where great quarries remain (Fig. 11).
The offerings which the Egyptians now made to the shrine were smaller,
more numerous and, with few exceptions, of less importance than those
of the Twelfth Dynasty. They included figures, bowls, cups, vases of
alabaster and glaze, ring-stands, _sistra_ or rattles, _menats_ or
pendants, besides wands for temple use, and rows upon rows of beads.
Most of these objects are similar to those which were in use in Egypt
in connection with the cult of the goddess Hathor, but many bear a
character which show that they were made in deference to the local
associations of the place.
[Illustration: Fig. 10.—Temple ruins at Serabit.]
Thus, on some of these offerings, beginning with the reign of
Hatshepsut (XVIII 5), a feline animal appears, which is sometimes a
cheetah and sometimes a serval, and which was directly associated with
the goddess Hathor, as was shown by a ring-stand on which the head of
the goddess appeared with a cat on either side.
This animal, considering its varying form, can hardly be intended for
an Egyptian nome-animal, such as the cat of Bubastis. Rather should we
look upon it as intended for a local animal associated with the temple.
In other parts of the world, the early totem animal was sometimes
associated by a later age with the mother-divinity. Possibly the
animal in the offerings in Sinai was of this kind. No traditions on
the subject are preserved, but the chief gorge along which the plateau
of the temple is approached from the north is called the Wadi Dhaba, a
word which signifies wild beast or panther in Arabic.
Of the smaller cult objects which now accumulated in the sanctuary,
many were carried off before the winter of 1906, and are scattered
in various museums. But the mass of the objects that remained was so
great that their fragments covered the ground of the sanctuary and the
portico in front of the larger cave, in a layer two or three inches
thick. Fragments also strewed the ground outside the temple precincts.
Of these fragments several hundredweights were conveyed from the
temple to the camp, where they were laid out and fitted, but although
days and weeks were spent in fitting them, and many objects had a
distinctive appearance, no complete specimen of any kind was recovered.
The explanation is that the objects were intentionally smashed, and
their fragments scattered outside the cave where they gradually
disintegrated. It was doubtless done from the same lust of iconoclastic
zeal which caused the smashing of the statuettes of Hathor, but whether
during some ancient upheaval or by the Moslim, who can tell?
Among the masses of fragments as many as 447 bore cartouches of the
Pharaohs, and this enables us to date them.
Thus Aahmes (XVIII 1), first ruler of the Eighteenth Dynasty, was named
on a _sistrum_ and on _menats_; his daughter Merytamen was named on
a _menat_; and his successor Amen-hotep I (XVIII 2) was named on a
_sistrum_, a _menat_ and a plaque of Hathor. The same Pharaoh’s queen,
Aahmes Nefertari, was named on a _menat_.
Of these kings, Amen-hotep I restored the portico of the cave of
Hathor, as was shown by a perfect lintel slab with a cavetto cornice,
22 inches high and 50 inches long, bearing his name which was found
in front of the entrance. His successor, Tahutmes I (XVIII 3) gave a
_menat_ of himself and his queen, a wand, and an alabaster vase, and
pottery vases. There was no mention of Tahutmes II (XVIII 4).
[Illustration: PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF SERABIT EL KHADEM
Fig. 11.—Plan of Temple, reduced. (Petrie: _Researches in Sinai_.)]
Great activity was shown during the reign of the next rulers,
Hatshepsut (XVIII 5) and her nephew Tahutmes III (XVIII 6), and their
names appear on a large number of small offerings, including several
which show the feline animal. These rulers jointly worked the mines at
Serabit which had been opened in the Twelfth Dynasty, and at Maghara a
tablet dated to their 16th year stands inside the entrance to a mining
gallery that is about 24 feet long, 60-70 inches wide, and about 100
inches high. It is on this tablet that Hatshepsut is seen offering
incense to the god Sopd, while Tahutmes offers incense to the goddess
Hathor. The large rubbish heaps outside this mine contained much
discoloured turquoise.
A new era now began in the history of the sanctuary at Serabit. The
Egyptians built porticoes, halls, and chambers across the High Place
of Burning, which disappeared beneath them. These buildings were all
worked in the red sandstone of the place, and were decorated with
figures and hieroglyphs in the formal style of Egypt. The arrangement
and the disposition of the buildings have nothing in common, however,
with the temples of Egypt. Like the Twelfth Dynasty steles, which were
erected in conformity to Semitic usage, the temple buildings of the
Eighteenth Dynasty reflect a non-Egyptian influence.
A small hall was now erected outside the lesser cave, the roof of
which was supported by two pillars, and the wall bore an inscription
commemorating its building and naming the god Sopdu. In this stood the
rectangular tank alluded to above (compare plan).
On the approach to this hall was another hall, measuring about 20
feet square, which in its complete state must have been an imposing
structure. Four great square pillars surmounted by the head of Hathor
supported the roof, with long roof beams from the pillars to the
walls, and short roof beams between the pillars that carried the
roofing slabs. These great pillars were standing when Rüppell visited
the place in 1817, now only two are left. The colossal head of the
goddess surmounted the pillars, and is full of dignity and strength.
In the centre of the hall, surrounded by these four pillars stood a
great circular stone tank, now broken across. There was, moreover, a
rectangular tank built into the wall in one corner of the same hall.
Inside the north entrance on the way to the sanctuary, Queen
Hatshepsut also erected a hall which was roofed over and open at one
side. The roof, in this case, was carried by four fluted columns, one
of which remains standing. The inside walls of this hall were covered
with figures and writing, which gave an account of its building, and
a recital of the offerings that were made for it. Among the figures
represented were Sneferu, Amen-em-hat III, Sopd, Queen Hatshepsut,
and Hathor. The position of this hall suggests that it served for the
formal reception of worshippers who entered the temple precincts from
the north. It has a wide outlook over the gorges below.
The building activity of Tahutmes increased, if anything, after the
queen’s death. He set up two small sphinxes in the court between the
approach to the larger and the lesser cave, one of which was found _in
situ_. They were too large to convey, and were re-buried. He also built
a great pylon with a forecourt (M), over the doorway of which, was an
inscribed lintel with mention of him. This pylon, which stands up high
among the ruins, at this period formed the entrance to the temple from
the west. It was flanked by two steles of the fifth year of the king’s
reign. An outer court (L) was perhaps his work also.
Outside this entrance the next king, Amen-hotep II (XVIII 7) added
two small chambers (I H), which were again so constructed that their
western side formed a front to the temple. He also presented _menats_
and vases to the sanctuary. Later rulers built additional chambers,
pushing the temple front out further west. These chambers measured
about 6 by 10 ft. each, with a seat on either side, and they eventually
extended in one long line from the pylon along the whole length of
the temenos, a distance of about 200 feet. They had been built under
shelter of a break in the hill and were roofed over. Loose stones were
piled up against their walls from outside along the whole length, which
concealed them from view and gave them a subterranean character. Their
purpose is a matter of conjecture. Probably they housed the guardians
of the sanctuary, and served as an adytum to the cave of Hathor. The
worshipper who approached the sanctuary from the west, and entered the
outermost chamber, would feel himself in proximity to the cave while he
was in reality a long way off. As the treasures which were stored in
the cave multiplied, the device would help to ensure their safety.
The erection of these buildings across the bed of wood-ashes put an
end to the use of this space as a High Place of Burning. The site for
offering the holocaust was therefore removed, probably to a site on
the north side of the temple which had been squared in the course of
quarrying stone for temple buildings. Corn was growing on this site in
the winter of 1906, which prevented its being dug down to the rock.
But the peculiar fertility of the accumulated soil which rendered the
growing of corn possible, suggested that, here also, there might be an
accumulation of wood ashes due to extensive burning.
His successor, Tahutmes IV (XVIII 8), further extended the mines of the
Twelfth Dynasty, and recorded his doing so by a tablet which is dated
to the fourth year of his reign. Tablets of the fifth and the eighth
years of his reign have also been mentioned by travellers, but these
were sought for in vain in the winter of 1906.
The next Pharaoh, Amen-hotep III (XVIII 9), also added further chambers
to the temple approach (G F), and flanked the new entrance with two
steles which record mining expeditions of his 36th year.
[Illustration: Fig. 12.—Amen-hotep III (XVIII) offering to Sopd.
(_Ancient Egypt_, a periodical, 1917, Part iii.)]
The fragments of many beautiful objects which dated from this reign
were found in and near the cave of Hathor. They included _menats_
and wands, and some cups in lotus form of alabaster of exquisite
workmanship. There were also pieces of glazed inlay of two colours—an
ancient art of Egypt which was revived at this time. A find of
considerable importance was the relief, here reproduced, on which
Amen-hotep III is seen offering to the god Sopd who faces him wearing
the double plume; in his one hand the staff of royalty. This shows
that special significance was attached to the god of non-Egyptian
origin at the court of a Pharaoh who had strong Syrian affinities.
The connection was further emphasised by the discovery of the head
of a statuette of Queen Thyi, the consort of the magnificent monarch
Amen-hotep III. This, in some ways, was the greatest find of all. In
the words of Prof. Petrie, “It is strange that this remotest settlement
of Egypt has preserved her portrait for us, unmistakably named by
her cartouche in the midst of her crown. The material is dark-green
schistose steatite, and the whole statuette must have been about a foot
in height. Unfortunately no other fragment has been preserved. The
haughty dignity of the face is blended with a fascinating directness
and personal appeal. The delicacy of the surfaces around the eye and
over the cheek show the greatest care in handling. The curiously
drawn-down lips with their fulness and delicacy, their disdain without
malice, are evidently modelled in all truth from life.”[88] The
reader will recall that Queen Thyi also was of Syrian origin, and that
Amen-hotep III and Thyi were the parents of Amen-hotep IV (XVIII 10),
better known as Akhen-aten, the great religious reformer of Egypt.
Signs of a connection of Sinai with the reforming king himself were not
wanting, for among the work found inside the temenos of the temple was
an inscribed limestone tablet, partly broken, which showed a figure
carefully wrought in the peculiar style of art which was favoured by
Akhen-aten as we know it at Amarna. The figure was Ramessu I, the
founder of the Nineteenth Dynasty, who was described on the tablet as
“prince of every circuit of the Aten,” a title which was introduced by
the religious reformer.[89] The use of the term is therefore relatively
late, and suggests that the adherents of the religious reformer after
his downfall sought and found a refuge at the relatively remote centre
of Serabit.
In the estimation of the present writer, the Exodus of the Israelites
was connected with the reaction in favour of the older Egyptian
religion which followed the downfall of Atenism, and Moses visited the
sanctuary at Serabit before the rise of the Nineteenth Dynasty. If so
he saw it as it was left standing at the time of Amen-hotep III (XVIII
8); and the account of the building activity of the later Pharaohs at
the sanctuary should therefore follow the account of the passage of the
Israelites. But as authorities differ as to the Pharaohs who were in
contact with Moses, it seems preferable here to complete the account
of the Egyptian activity in Sinai before dealing with the story of the
Exodus.
Many small objects similar to those brought during the Eighteenth
Dynasty were presented at the shrine by the Pharaohs of the Nineteenth
and Twentieth Dynasties, who worked extensively at the mines, where the
cult of Hathor continued. No inscription mentions Sopd, whose cult,
which lasted from the Twelfth to the Eighteenth Dynasties, was now at
an end.
Of the kings of the Nineteenth Dynasty King Sety I (XIX 2) made the
usual small offerings, and erected a commemorative stele on a hillock
at some distance from the temple which is still visible from afar. He
added two courts (B and A) to the row of chambers which extended across
the temenos, enclosing the stele which had been set up by Amen-hotep
III, and carrying the row of chambers beyond the temenos wall. These
now extended well nigh 200 feet beyond the actual cave, the remoteness
and safety of which were thereby ensured. With the work of Sety ended
the growth of the temple, His successor, Ramessu II (XIX 3), rebuilt
inner parts of the sanctuary, and erected several commemorative steles.
He also made a large number of small offerings. Again, Meren-ptah (XIX
4) inscribed the pylon, carving his name across that of Tahutmes III,
and made the usual small offerings. Sety II (XIX 6) and Ta-usert (XIX
7) made small offerings of glazed pottery also.
[Illustration: Fig. 13.—Queen Thyi. (Petrie: _Researches in Sinai_.)]
The last of the steles recording a mine expedition was erected by King
Set-nekht (XIX 9), on the south entrance to the temple. After him
Ramessu III (XX 1) appropriated to his own use steles set up by earlier
kings which he reinscribed in the way usual to him. He also made many
small offerings, including two vases, cylindrical in form, with scenes
in relief modelled around them in different colours, which, in their
completeness, were objects of great beauty. Fragments of them only
were found which made restoration impossible. One of these vases was
worked in dark grey, green and light green. “The subject was the king
seated, with a girl standing before him holding a bouquet of flowers.
On the other side of the vase were conventional representations of
two tall bouquets and garlands between them, with a duck flying above
the garlands. Around the top was a wreath of petals, around the base
the usual arrangement of petals. The smaller vase is more elaborate.
The figures are not only in relief but brightly coloured, yellow on
a violet ground; the petals at the base are green, violet, or white.
The same subject is repeated on opposite sides of the vase. King
Ramessu III is seated, holding the _dad_; his cartouches are before
him, while a girl stands offering two bouquets to him.... Such fine
relief-modelling is not known on any other vases, but it belongs to
the same school as the glazed tablets with figures of foreign subjects
of Ramessu III found at Tell el Yehudiyeh. The art of these has a
relationship to that of the finely modelled and coloured reliefs of
stucco found at Knossos.”[90]
The annals of Ramessu III, preserved in Egypt, bear witness to
his activity in Sinai. The _Harris Papyrus_, after mentioning
the destruction of the people of Seir of the tribes of the Shashu
(Bedawyn), and the expedition to Punt (Arabia), stated that he went
to Atika and “the copper mines which are in this place.” Part of the
expedition went by water, and part took the land journey with asses.
This had not been done before. Possibly Atika stands for Sinai. Ramessu
also says, he sent to “my Mother Hathor, mistress of turquoise,”
silver, gold, royal linen, and things numerous as the sand. And they
brought back to the king wonders of real turquoise in numerous sacks,
such as had not been heard of before.[91] The same king built the great
temple at Medinet Habu, the inscription of which mentioned as his gifts
to it myrrh, silver, gold, every splendid costly stone, the impost of
the Retennu as tribute, and among the stones lazuli and turquoise.”
(_Ibid._, iv. 27-30). The turquoise was no doubt part of the great haul
he made in Sinai.
Of later Pharaohs, Ramessu IV (XX 2) built a porch in the temple
at Serabit and altered the door of the sanctuary, making the usual
small offerings. Ramessu V (XX 3) was named on some small offerings,
including bracelets. Ramessu VI (XX 4) inscribed the pillars of a
chamber (O), and gave a cup and a bracelet. After that, no trace was
found of any construction or offering made by the Egyptians in Sinai.