THE DOCUMENTS
_CONTENTS_
1. The Contents of the Casket.
(_a_) The Letters.
(_b_) The Sonnets.
(_c_) The Contracts of Marriage.
2. The Deposition of Thomas Nelson.
3. The Deposition of Thomas Crawford.
4. Murray's Journal.
5. The Depositions of Paris.
6. The Confession of Ormiston.
7. The Confession of the Earl of Morton.
8. Letter from Mr. Archibald Douglas to the Queen of Scots.
THE CASKET LETTERS.
[The following eight letters are the principal contents of the
famous Silver Casket (_cf._ pp. 125 and 132-161). A long and bitter
controversy has been waged in connection with the question of their
authenticity. Every recorded production of them has been the
subject of debate. Their discovery is related on pp. 203-207. Their
appearance at York is described in the letter to Queen Elizabeth on
pp. 138-143. It is evident that, at York, they were produced in
Scots, and there has been considerable controversy as to whether
they were there stated to be originals or translations. At
Westminster, they were shown to the Commissioners in French. Within
a few years after the Westminster Conference, we lose all trace of
the original documents. Translations of them into Scots, English,
and Latin and French versions, which we now know (at least in the
case of some of the Letters) not to have been those produced at
Westminster, were published soon after the Conference closed. In
1571, Latin translations of Nos. I., II., and IV. were printed in
the Latin edition of Buchanan's "Detectio," and, in the same year,
a Scots translation was published in London, containing the sonnets
in French and Scots (reprinted in Anderson's "Collections," Vol.
II.). Prefixed to each of the Scots versions was the first sentence
of each letter, in French (_see_ pp. 194-5). In 1572 another Scots
version was published at St. Andrews, and, in 1573, a French
translation of the "Detectio" appeared, with the imprimatur
"Edinburgh." To it, French versions of all the letters, except No.
III., were appended, with a version of the sonnets, varying
considerably from that in the Scots "Detection." Research has
revealed the existence of English translations of Nos. I. and II.
and French versions of Nos. III. and V. in the Record Office; and
of English translations and French versions of Nos. IV. and VI. at
Hatfield. All these various versions will be found printed, in
careful and scholarly fashion, in Appendix C. of Mr. T. F.
Henderson's "Casket Letters and Mary Queen of Scots."
The method adopted in the present work has been to print the Scots
version of all the letters, with a glossary of unusual words. It is
the only complete version, and the published French and Latin
letters are probably derived from it. Variations both in these and
in such English and French versions of the letters as are at
Hatfield or the Record Office, are indicated in notes appended to
each letter. Care should be taken to distinguish between these
Hatfield or Record Office French versions and the "Published
French," _i.e._ the French of the edition of 1573.
References to the literature of the question will be found in an
Appendix. For the guidance of the reader, it may be added that one
section of the discussion turns upon the question whether French
originals of Nos. I., II., VII., and VIII. ever existed; and the
Scots and English have been carefully examined to discover if they
bear traces of derivation from a French source.
Of the other contents of the Casket, the Sonnets, and the important
clauses of the marriage contracts will be found immediately after
the letters.]
The following Scots words, which appear frequently in the text of
the letters, may be unknown to English readers:--
Abaschit = surprised.
Aganis = against.
Allanerly = only.
Awin = own.
Beseik = beseech.
Chereis = cherish.
Conqueis = conquest.
Cordounis = cords.
Dreddouris = fears.
Eir = ear.
Eis = ease.
Fane = anxious (wald verray fane, wished very much).
Fascherie, fascheous = trouble, troublesome.
Fenze, fenzeingly = feign, feigningly.
Fulische = foolish.
Gangand = going.
Gar = force, compel.
Gude = good.
Haillely = wholly.
Impesche = hinder, prevent.
Incontinent = immediately.
Inlack = fail.
Inragis = becomes angry.
Irkit = tired, wearied.
Irksome = troublesome, disagreeable.
Journey = day's work.
Luif, luifar = love, lover.
Mekle, meikle = much.
Playn, plenzeit = complain, complained.
Quha = who.
Quhair = where.
Quhen = when.
Quhilk = which.
Quhill = while, till.
Regiment = rule.
Schaw = show.
Schort = short.
Schuillis = schools.
Seik = sick.
Sic, siclyke = such, similarly.
Sone = son.
Speik = speak.
Suld = should.
Travell = take pains, try.
Thristit = nudged.
Tuichit = touched.
Tyne = lose.
Unsay = contradict.
Wald = would.
Waryit = cured.
Wod = mad, angry.
Ze, zow = ye, you.
Zisternicht = yesternight.
Zit = yet.
Letter I.
_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 1, _et seq._
It appeiris, that with zour absence thair is alswa joynit forzetfulnes,
seand yat at zour departing ze promysit to mak me advertisement of zour
newis from tyme to tyme. The waitting upon yame zisterday causit me to
be almaist in sic joy as I will be at zour returning, quhilk ze have
delayit langer than zour promeis was.
As to me, howbeit I have na farther newis from zow according to my
commission, I bring the man with me to Craigmillar upon Monounday,
quhair he will be all Wednisday; and I will gang to Edinburgh to draw
blude of me, gif in the meane tyme I get na newis in ye contrary fra
zow.
He is mair gay than ever ze saw him; he puttis me in remembrance of all
thingis yat may mak me beleve he luifis me. Summa, ye will say yat he
makis lufe to me; of ye quhilk I tak sa greit pleasure, yat I enter
never where he is, bot incontinent I tak ye seiknes of my sair syde, I
am sa troubillit with it. Gif Paris bringis me that quhilk I send him
for, I traist it sall amend me.
I pray zow, advertise me of zour newis at lenth, and quhat I sall do in
cace ze be not returnit quhen I am cum thair; for, in cace ze wirk not
wysely, I se that the haill burding of this will fall upon my
schoulderis. Provide for all thing, and discourse upon it first with
zourself. I send this be Betoun, quha gais to ane day of law of the
Laird of Balfouris.
I will say na farther, saifing that I pray zow to send me gude newis of
zour voyage. From Glasgow this Setterday in the morning.
There are no important variations in the published Latin and French
translations.
An English version of Letter I., preserved in the Record Office
(State Papers relating to Mary Queen of Scots, vol. ii. p. 66),
quoted by Mr. Henderson in his "Casket Letters," pp. 124-5:--
It seemyth that with your absence forgetfulness is joynid
consydering that at your departure you promised me to send me newes
from you. Nevertheless I can learn none. And yet did I yesterday
looke for that that shuld make me meryer than I shall be. I think
you doo the lyke for your return, prolonging it more than you have
promised.
As for me, if I hear no other matter of you, according to my
commission, I bring the man Monday to Craigmillar, where he shall
be upon Wednisday. And I go to Edinborough to be lett blud, if I
hear no word to the contrary.
He is the meryest that ever you sawe and doth remember unto me all
that he can, to make me believe that he loveth me. To conclude, you
wold say that he maketh love to me, wherein I take so much
pleasure, that I have never com in there, but the payne of my syde
doth take me. I have it sore to-day. If Paris doth bring back unto
me that for which I have sent, it suld much amend me.
I pray you, send me word from you at large, and what I shall doo if
you be not returned, when I shall be there. For if you be not wyse
I see assuredly all the whole burden falling upon my shoulders.
Provide for all and consyder well first of all. I send this present
to Ledington to be delivered to you by Beton, who goeth to one day
a law of Lord Balfour. I will say no more unto you, but that I pray
God send me goode newes of your voyage.
From Glasco this Saturday morning.
Letter II.
Being departit from the place where I left my hart, it is esie to be
judgeit quhat was my countenance, seing that[20] I was evin als mekle as
ane body without ane hart; quhilk was the occasioun that quhile
dennertyme I held purpois to na body: nor zit durst ony present
themselves unto me, judging yat it was not gude sa to do.
Four myle or I came to the towne, ane gentilman of the Erle of Lennox
came and maid his commendatiounis unto me; and excusit him that he came
not to meit me, be ressoun he durst not interpryse the same, becaus of
the rude wordis that I had spoken to Cuninghame; and he desyrit that he
suld come to the inquisition of ye matter yat I suspectit him of. This
last speiking was of his awin heid, without ony commissioun.
I answerit to him, that thair was na receipt culd serve aganis feir; and
that he wald not be affrayit, in case he wer not culpabill; and that I
answerit bot rudely to the doutis yat were in his letteris.[21] Summa, I
maid him hald his toung. The rest were lang to wryte. Schir James
Hammiltoun met me, quha schawit, that the uther tyme quhen he hard of my
cumming, he departit away, and send Howstoun, to schaw him, that he wald
never have belevit that he wald persewit him, nor yit accompanyit him
with the Hammiltounis. He answerit, that he was only cum bot to see me,
and yat he wald nouther accompany Stewart nor Hammiltoun, bot be my
commandement. He desyrit[22] that he wald cum and speik with him. He
refusit it.
The Laird of Lusse,[23] Howstoun, and Caldwellis sone, with xl hors or
thair about, came and met me. The Laird of Lusse said, he was chargeit
to ane day of law be the King's father, quhilk suld be this day, aganis
his awin handwrit, quhilk he has; and zit notwithstanding, knawing of my
cumming, it is delayit. He was inquyrit to come to him, whilk he
refusit, and sweiris that he will indure nothing of him.
Never ane of that towne came to speik to me, quhilk causis me think that
thay ar his; and nevertheless he speikis gude, at the leist his sone. I
se[24] na uther gentilman but thay of my company.
The King send for Joachim zisternicht,[25] and askit at him, quhy I
lodgeit not besyde him, and that he wald ryse the soner gif that wer;
and quhairfoir[26] I come, gif it was for gude appointment? and gif ye
wer thair in particular? and gif I had maid my estait, gif I had takin
Paris[27][28] and Gilbert to wryte to me? and yat I wald send Joseph away.
I am abaschit [_i.e._ I wonder] quha hes schawin him sa far; zea, he
spak evin of ye marriage of Bastiane.
I inquyrit him of his letteris, quhairintil he plenzeit {complained} of
the crueltie of sum; answerit, that he was astonischit,[29] and that he
was sa glaid to se me, that he belevit to die for glaidness. He fand
greit fault that I was pensive.
I departit to supper. This beirer will tell zow of my arryving. He
prayit me to returne; the quhilk I did. He declairit unto me his
seiknes, and that he wald mak na testament, but only leif all thing to
me; and that I was the caus of his maladie, becaus of the regrait that
he had that I was sa strange unto him. And thus he said: Ze ask me quhat
I mene be the crueltie contenit in my letter? It is of zow alone that
will not accept my offeris and repentance. I confes that I have failit,
but not into that quhilk I ever denyit, and sicklyke hes failit to {too}
sindrie of your subjectis, quhilk ze have forgevin.[30]
I am zoung.
Ye will say that ze have forgevin me oft tymes, and zit yat I returne to
my faultis. May not ane man of my age, for lacke of counsell, fall twyse
or thryse, or inlacke {fail} of his promeis, and at last[31] repent
himself and be chastisit be experience? Gif I may obtene pardoun, I
protest I sall never mak fault agane. And I crave na uther thing bot yat
we may be at bed and buird togidder as husband and wyfe; and gif ze wil
not consent heirunto I sall never ryse out of yis bed. I pray zow, tell
me zour resolution. God knawis I am punischit for making my God of zow,
and for having na uther thocht bot on zow; and gif at ony tyme I offend
zow, ze ar the caus, becaus quhen ony offendis me, gif, for my refuge, I
micht playne unto zow, I wald speik it unto na uther body; bot quhen I
heir ony thing, not being familiar with zow, necessitie constrains me to
keip it in my breist, and yat causes me to tyne {lose} my wit for verray
anger.
I answerit ay unto him, bot that wald be ovir lang to wryte at lenth. I
askit quhy he wald pas away in ye Inglis schip. He denyis it, and sweirs
theirunto; bot he grantis that he spak with the men. Efter this I
inquirit him of the inquisition of Hiegate. He denyit the same quhill I
schew him the verray wordis was spokin. At quhilk tyme he said that
Mynto had advertisit him, that it was said that sum of the counsell had
brocht an letter to me to be subscrivit to put him in presoun, and to
slay him gif he maid resistence. And he askit the same at Mynto himself,
quha answerit that he belevit ye same to be trew. The morne I will speik
to him upon this point. As to the rest of Willie Hiegait's,[32] he
confessit it, bot it was the morne efter my cumming or {till} he did it.
He wald verray fane that I suld ludge in his ludgeing. I refusit it, and
said to him that he behovit to be purgeit, and that culd not be done
heir. He said to me, I heir say ze have brocht ane lyter {litter, couch}
with zow; bot I had rather have passit {travelled} with zow. I trow[33]
he belevit that I wald have send him away presoner. I answerit that I
wald tak him with me to Craigmillar, quhais the mediciner and I micht
help him, and not be far from my sone. He answerit that he was reddy
when I pleisit, sa I wald assure him of his requeist.
He desyris na body to se him. He is angrie quhen I speik of Walcar, and
sayis, that he sall pluk the eiris out of his heid, and that he leis
{lies}. For I inquyrit him upon that, and yat he was angrie with sum of
the Lordis, and wald threittin thame. He denyis that,[34] and sayis he
luifis {loves} thame all, and prayis me to give traist to nathing aganis
him. As to me he wald rather give his lyfe or he did ony displesure to
me.
And efter yis he schew me of sa mony lytil flattereis, sa cauldly and sa
wysely, that ze will abasche {marvel} thairat. I had almaist forzet that
he said he could not dout of me in yis purpois of Hiegait's; for he wald
never belief yat I, quha was his proper flesche, wald do him ony evill;
alsweill it was schawin that I refusit to subscrive the same.[35] But as
to ony utheris that wald persew him, at least he wald sell his lyfe deir
eneuch; but he suspectit na body, nor yit wald not, but wald lufe all
yat I lufit.
He wald not let me depart from him, bot desyrit yat I suld walk {watch}
with him. I make it seme that I beleive that all is trew, and takis heid
thairto, and excusit my self for this nicht that I culd not walk. He
sayis, that he sleipis not weil. Ze saw him never better, nor speik mair
humbler. And gif I had not ane prufe of his hart of waxe, and yat myne
were not of ane dyamont quhairintill na schot can mak brek, bot that
quhilk cummis furth your hand, I wald have almaist had pietie of him.
But feir not, the place[36] sall hald unto the deith. Remember, in
recompense thairof, that ze suffer not zouris to be wyn {won} be that
fals race[37] that will travell na les with zow for the same.
I beleve thay have bene at schuillis togidder. He has ever the teir in
his eye; he salutis every body, zea unto the leist, and makis pieteous
caressing unto thame to mak thame have pietie on him. This day his
father bled at the mouth and nose; ges quhat presage that is. I have not
zit sene him, he keipis his chamber. The King desyris that I suld give
him meit with my awin handis; but gif {give} na mair traist quhair ze ar
than I sall do heir.
This is my first journay {day's work.} I sall end ye same ye morne. I
wryte all thingis, howbeit thay be of lytill wecht, to the end that ze
may tak the best of all to judge upon. I am in doing of ane work heir
that I hait greitly.[38] Have ye not desyre to lauch to see me lie sa
weill, at ye leist to dissembill sa weill, and to tell him treuth betwix
handis {_i.e._ occasionally.} He schawit me almaist all yat is in the
name of the Bischop and Sudderland, and zit I have never twichit ane
word of that ze schawit me; but allanerly {only} be force, flattering,
and to pray him to assure himself of me. And be pleinzing on the Bischop
I have drawin it all out of him.[39] Ze have hard the rest.
We are couplit[40] with twa fals races; the devil sinder us and God knit
us togidder for ever, for the maist faithfull coupill that ever He
unitit. This is my faith; I will die in it.
Excuse I wryte evill, ze may ges ye half of it; bot I cannot mend it,
becaus I am not weil at eis; and zit verray glaid to wryte unto zow
quhen the rest are sleipand, sen {since} I cannot sleip as they do and
as I wald desyre, that is, in your armes, my deir lufe, quhome I pray
God to preserve from all evill, and send yow repois; I am gang and to
seik myne till ye morne, quhen I sall end my Bybill; bot I am faschit
{troubled} that it stoppis me to wryte newis of myself unto zow, becaus
it is sa lang. Advertise me quhat ye have deliberat to do in the mater
ze know upon this point to ye end, that we may understand utheris {each
other} weill, that nathing may thairthrow be spilt.
I am irkit {weary}[41] and ganging to sleip, and zit I ceis not to
scrible all this paper in sa mekle as restis thairof. Waryit mot this
pockische man be that causes me haif sa mekle pane, for without him I
suld have an far plesander subject to discourse upon. He is not over
mekle deformit,[42] zit he hes ressavit verray mekle. He hes almaist
slane me with his braith; it is worse than your uncle's;[43] and zit I
cum na neirer unto him, bot in ane chyre[44] at the bed feit, and he
being at the uther end thairof.
The message of the father in the gait {way}.
The purpois {talk}[45] of Schir James Hamiltoun.
Of that the Laird of Lusse schawit me of the delay.
Of the demandis that he askit at Joachim.
Of my estait.
Of my company.
Of the occasioun of my cumming;
And of Joseph.
_Item._ The purpois that he and I had togidder.
Of the desyre that he has to pleis me, and of his repentance.
Of the interpretatioun of his letter.
Of Willie Hiegaite's mater {business}, of his departing.
Of Monsiure de Levingstoun.
I had almaist forzet, that Monsiure de Levingstoun said in the Lady
Reres eir at supper, that he wald drink to ye folk yat I wist of, gif I
wald pledge thame. And efter supper he said to me, quhen I was lenand
upon him warming me at the fyre. Ze have {fair}
{sair}
going to se seik folk,[46] zit ze cannot be sa welcum to thame as ze
left sum body this day in regrait, that will never be blyth quhill he se
zow agane. I askit at him quha that was. With that he thristit my body,
and said, that sum[47] of his folkis had sene zow in fascherie; ze may
ges at the rest.
I wrocht this day quhill {till} it was twa houris upon this bracelet,
for to put the key of it within the lock thairof, quhilk is couplit
underneth with twa cordounis. I have had sa lytill tyme that it is evill
maid; bot I sall mak ane fairer in the meane tyme. Tak heid that nane
that is heir se it, for all the warld will knaw it, becaus for haist it
was made in yair presence.
I am now passand to my fascheous {hateful} purpois.[48] Ze gar (force)
me dissemble sa far that I haif horring thairat; and ye caus me do
almaist the office of a traitores. Remember how gif {if} it wer not to
obey zow, I had rather be deid or I did it;[49] my hart bleidis at it.
Summa, he will not cum with me, except upon conditioun that I will
promeis to him, that I sall be at bed and buird with him as of befoir,
and that I will leif him na ofter:[50] And doing this upon my word, he
will do all thingis that I pleis, and cum with me. Bot he has prayit me
to remane upon him quhil uther morne[51] {till tomorrow}.
He spak verray bravely[52] at ye beginning, as yis beirer will schaw
zow, upon the purpois of the Inglismen, and of his departing; Bot in ye
end he returnit agane to his humilitie.
He schawit, amangis uther purposis, yat he knew weill aneuch that my
brother had schawin me yat thing, quhilk he had spokin in striviling, of
the quhilk he denyis ye ane half, and above all, yat ever he came in his
chalmer. For to mak him traist me, it behovit me to fenze {feign} in sum
thingis with him; thairfoir, quhen he requeistit me to promeis unto him,
that quhen he was haill we suld have baith ane bed;[53] I said to him
fenzeingly, and making me to beleve his promisis, that gif he changeit
not purpois betwix yis and {by} that tyme, I wald be content thairwith;
bot in the meane tyme I bad him tak heid that he leit na body wit
thairof, becaus, to speik amangis our selvis, the Lordis culd not be
offendit, nor will evill thairfoir: Bot[54] thay wald feir in respect of
the boisting he maid of thame, that gif ever we aggreit togidder, he
suld mak thame knaw the lytill compt thay tuke of him; and that he
counsallit me not to purchas sum of thame by him. Thay for this caus
wald be in jelosy, gif at anis, without thair knawledge, I suld brek the
play set up in contrair in thair presence.
He said, verray joyfully, And think zow thay will esteme zow the mair of
that? Bot I am verray glaid that ze speik to me of the Lordis, for I
beleve at this tyme ze desyre that we suld leif togidder in quyetnes:
For gif it wer utherwyse, greiter inconvenience micht come to us baith
than we ar war of;[55] bot now I will do quhatever ze will do, and will
lufe all that ze lufe; and desyris zow to make thame lufe in lyk maner;
For, sen thay seik not my lyf, I lufe thame all equallie. Upon yis point
this beirer will schaw zow mony small thingis. Becaus I have over mekle
to wryte, and it is lait: I give traist unto him upon zour word. Summa,
he will ga upon my word to all places.
Alace! I never dissavit {deceived} ony body: Bot I remit me altogidder
to zour will. Send me advertisement quhat I sall do, and quhatsaever
thing sall cum thairof, I sall obey zow. Advise to with zourself, gif ze
can find out ony mair secreit inventioun by medicine; for he suld tak
medicine and the bath at Cragmillar. He may not cum furth of the hous
this lang tyme.
Summa, be all that I can leirne, he is in greit suspicioun, and zit
notwithstanding, he gevis credit to my word; bot zit not sa far that he
will schaw ony thing to me; bot nevertheles, I sall draw it out of him,
gif ze will that I avow all unto him. Bot I will never rejoyce to
dissaive ony body that traistis in me: Zit notwithstanding ze may
command me in all thingis. Have na evill opinioun of me for that caus,
be ressoun ze are the occasion of it zourself; becaus, for my awin
particular revenge, I wald not do it to him.
He gevis me sum chekis[56] of yat quhilk I feir, zea, evin in the quick.
He sayis this far, yat his faultis wer publeist; bot yair is that
committis faultis, that belevis thay will never be spokin of; and zit
thay will speik of greit and small. As towart the Lady Reres, he said, I
pray God that scho may serve zow for your honour; and said, it is
thocht, and he belevis it to be trew, that I have not the power of
myself into myself, and that becaus of the refuse I maid of his offeris.
Summa,[57] for certanetie he suspectis of the thing ze knaw, and of his
lyf. Bot as to the last, how sone that I spak twa or thre gude wordis
unto him, he rejoysis, and is out of dout.[58]
I saw him not this evening for to end zour bracelet, to the quhilk I can
get na lokkis. It is ready to thame: and zit I feir that it will bring
sum malheus, and may be sene gif ze chance to be hurt. Advertise me gif
ze will have it, and gif ze will have mair silver, and quhen I sall
returne, and how far I mey speik.[59] He inragis when he heiris of
Lethingtoun, or of zow or of my brother. Of zour brother he speikis
nathing. He speikis of the Erle of Argyle. I am in feir quhen I heir him
speik; for he assuris himself yat he hes not an evill opinioun of him.
He speikis nathing of thame that is out, nouther gude nor evill, bot
fleis that point. His father keipis his chalmer; I have not sene him.
All the Hammiltounis ar heir, that accompanyis me verray honorabilly.
All the freindis of the uther convoyis me quhen I gang to se him. He
desyris me to cum and se him ryse the morne betyme. For to mak schort,
this beirer will tell zow the rest. And gif I leirne onything heir, I
will make zow memoriall at evin. He will tell zow the occasioun of my
remaning. Burne this letter, for it is ovir dangerous, and nathing weill
said in it; for I am thinkand upon nathing bot fascherie. Gif[60] ze be
in Edinburgh at the ressait of it, send me word sone.
Be not[61] offendit, for I gif not ovir greit credite. Now seing to obey
zow, my deir lufe, I spair nouther honour, conscience, hasard, nor
greitnes quhatsumevir; tak it, I pray zow, in gude part, not efter the
interpretatioun of zour fals gude-brother, to quhome, I pray zow, gif na
credite aganis the maist faithful luifer that ever ze had, or ever sall
have.
Se not hir, quhais fenzeit teiris suld not be sa meckle praisit nor
estemit, as the trew and faithful travellis quhilk I sustene for to
merite his place. For obtening of the quhilk agains my natural, I
betrayis thame that may impesche me. God forgive me, and God give zow,
my only lufe, the hap and prosperitie quhilk zour humble and faithful
lufe desyris unto zow, quha hopis to be schortly ane uther thing to zow
for the reward of my irksome travellis.
It is lait; I desyre never to ceis fra wryting unto zow; zit now, after
the kissing of zour handis, I will end my letter. Excuse my evill
wryting, and reid it twyse over. Excuse that thing that is scriblit, for
I had na paper zisterday quhen I wrait that of ye memoriall. Remember
upon zour lufe, and wryte unto hir, and that verray oft. Lufe me as I
sall do zow.
Remember zow of the purpois[62] of the Lady Reres
Of the Inglismen
Of his mother.
Of the Erle of Argyle.
Of the Erle of Bothwell.
Of the ludgeing in Edinburgh.
[The memoranda in the middle of the letter constitute the "thing
that is scriblit," for which pardon is asked in the last sentence.
The concluding words, from "Remember" to "Edinburgh," are
instructions for the bearer.]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
_E._ = _English_; _F._= _Published French_; _L._ = _Latin_.
[20] _E._ "Considering what the body may without heart, which was
cause ... that till dinner I had used little talk." So also French,
but Latin as in Scots.
[21] _E._ Adds after "letters," " ... as though there had been a
meaning to pursue him."
[22] _L._ and _F._ Omit "He desired ... refusit it."
[23] _E._ "The Lord Luse, Houstoun, and the son of Caldwell, and about
forty horse came to meet me, and he told me that he was sent to one
day o' law from the father, which should be this day," &c. _L._ and
_F._ as in Scots.
[24] _E._ Omits "I see ... company."
[25] _E._ Omits "yesternight;" _L._ "heri;" _F._ "hier."
[26] _E._ ... "Whether it were for any good appointment that he came,
and whether I had not taken Paris and Gilbert to write, and that I
sent Joseph."
_L._ "Item cur venisrem? an reconciliationis causa? ac nominatim, an
tu hic esses? An familiae catalogum fecissem? An Paridem et Gilbertum
acceptissem, qui mihi scriberent? an Josephum dimissura essem?"
_F._ "Item pour quoy j'estoye venue, et si c'estoit pour faire une
reconciliation; si vous estiez icy; et si j'avoye faict quelque
rolle de mes domestiques; si j'avois prins Paris et Gilbert, afin
qu'ils m'escrivissent; et si je ne vouloye pas licentier Joseph."
[27] Scots has a marginal note, "This berer will tell you sumwhat upon
this," which appears in the English text and is omitted in the other
versions.
[28] This berer will tell you somewhat upon this. [Marginal note in
original.]
[29] _E._ "He said that he did dream, and that he was so glad to see
me that he thought he should die--indeed, that he had found fault
with me." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[30] _E._ "You have well pardoned them." _F._ and _L._ as in _S._
[31] _E._ "And at the last repent, and rebuke himself by his
repentance." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[32] _E._ "The rest, as Will Hiegate hath confessed; but it was the
next day that he came hither." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[33] _E._ omits "I trow ... Presoner."
[34] _E._ "He denyeth it, and saith that he had already prayed them
to think no such matter of him." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[35] _E._ "And indeed it was said that I refused to have him let
blood." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[36] _L._ "Praesidium." _F._ "Forteresse."
[37] _E._ "By that false race that would do no less to yourself."
_L._ "A gentle illa perfida, quae non minore contentione te cum de
hoc ipso aget." _F._ "Par ceste nation infidele, qui avec non
moindre opiniastrete debatra le mesme avec vous."
[38] _E._ Adds after "greitly"--"but I had begun it this morning."
[39] _E._ Adds after "all out of him"--"I have known what I would. I
have taken the worms out of his nose."
[40] _E._ "We are tied to with two false races. The good yure {goujere}
untye us from them. God forgive me, and God knit us together
forever." _L._ "Diabolus nos sejungat, ac nos conjugat Deus in
perpetuum," &c. _F._, "Le diable nous vueille separer, et que Dieu
nous conjoingne a jamais," &c.
[41] _E._ "I am weary, and am asleep." _L._ "Ego nudata sum, ac
dormitum eo." _F._, "Je suis toute nue, et m'en vay coucher." [The
Latin and French translation mistook "irkit" for "nakit."]
[42] _E._ "He is not much the worse, but he is ill arrayed." _L._
"Non magnopere deformatus est, multum tamen accepit." _F._ "Il n'a
pas este beaucoup rende diforme, toutesfois il en a pris beaucoup."
[43] _L._ "Propinqui." _F._ "Parent."
[44] _E._ "By his bolster, and he lieth at the further side of the
bed." _L._ "Ad pedes ejus." _F._ "A ses pieds."
[45] _E._ "The talk of Sir James Hamilton of the ambassador." _L._
and _F._ as in _S._
_E._ "Lord of Lusse." _L._ "Lussae Comarchus." _F._ "Le prevost de
Lusse."
[46] _E._ "You may well go and see sick folk." _L._ "Bella huiusmodi
hominum visitatio." _F._ "Voyla une belle visitation de telles
gens." [_L._ and _F._ translators confusing _sik_ (sick) and _sik_
(such).]
[47] _E._ "And said, 'One of his folk that hath left you this day.'"
_L._ "Respondit, unus eorum qui te reliquerunt." _F._ "Respondit,
c'est l'un de ceux qui vous ont laissee."
[48] _E._ "To my tedious talk." _L._ "Ad institutum meum odiosum."
_F._ "A ma deliberation odieuse."
[49] _E._ Omits "or I did." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[50] _E._ "No more." _L._ "Ne saepius." _Fr._ "Ne ... si souvent."
[51] _E._ "Till after tomorrow." _L._ "In diem perendinum." _F._
"Encor deux jours."
[52] _E._ "More pleasantly." _L._ "Valde ferociter." _F._ "Fort
asprement."
[53] _E._ "Make but one bed." _L._ "Communem fore lectum." _F._ "Ne
faisions plus qu'un lict."
[54] _F._ "But did fear lest, considering the threatening which he
made in case we did agree together, he would make them feel the
small account they have made of him, and that he would persuade me
to pursue some of them." _L._ "Sed in timore futuros quod comitatus
fuisset, si aliquando inter nos concordes essemus, se daturum operam
ut intelligerent quam parvi eum aestimassent; item quod mihi
consuluisset ne gratiam quorundam seorsum a se expeterem." _F._
"Ains seroient en crainte de ce qu'il m'auroit suivy. Et si nous
pouvions estre d'acord ensemble, qu'il pourroit donner ordre, qu'ils
entendroient combien peu ils l'avoient estime. Item de ce qu'il
m'avoit conseille, que je ne recerchasse la bonne grace d'aucuns
sans luy."
[55] _E._ "Than you think." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[56] _E._ "He giveth me certain charges (and these strong) of that
I fear even to say that his faults be published; but there be
that commit some secret faults, and fear not to have them spoken of
so lowdely, and that there is speech of greate and small." _L._
"Interim me attingit in loco suspecto; idque ad vivum hactenus
proloquutus est, sua crimina esse palam; sed sunt qui majora
committant, et opinantur ea silentio tegi; et tamen homines de
magnis juxta et parvis loquuntur." _F._ "Cependant il m'a donne
attainte du lieu suspect, et a jusques icy discouru bien au vif, que
ces fautes sont congreuees; mais qu'il y en a qui en commettent de
plus grandes, encores qu'ils estiment qu'elles soient cachees par
silence; et toutesfois que les hommes parlent des grands aussi bien
des petits."
[57] _E._ "To conclude, for assurety he mistrusteth her of that that
ye know, and for his life." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[58] _E._ "He was very merry and glad." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[59] _E._ Adds after "speak"--"Now, as far as I perceive.
{J'ay bien la vogue avec vous[63]} Guess you whether I shall not
{I may do much without you. } be suspected."
[60] _E._ "For I think upon nothing but grief if you be at
Edinburgh." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._
[61] _E._ Omits "Be not ... credit."
[62] _E._ Omits from "Remember you" to the end.
[63] This is a comment in the margin, perhaps a quotation from the
French version shown to the Commissioners. According to Mr. T. F.
Henderson, it is in Cecil's handwriting. ("The Casket Letters and
Mary Queen of Scots," p. 78.)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Letter III.[64]
My Lord, gif the displesure of zour absence, of zour forzetfulnes, ye
feir of danger sa promisit be everie ane to zour sa luifit persone, may
gif me consolatioun, I leif it to zow to juge, seing the unhap that my
cruell lot and continuall misadventure hes hitherto promysit me,
following ye misfortunes and feiris as weill of lait, as of ane lang
tyme by-past, the quhilk ye do knaw. Bot for all that, I will in na wise
accuse zow, nouther of zour lytill cair, and leist of all of zour
promeis brokin, or of ye cauldnes of zour wryting, sen I am ellis sa far
maid zouris, yat yat quhilk pleisis zow is acceptabill to me; and my
thochtis ar as willingly subdewit unto zouris, that I suppois yat all
that cummis of zow proceidis not be ony of the causis forsaid, bot
rather for sic {such} as be just and ressonabill, and sic as I desyre
myself. Quhilk is the fynal order that ze promysit to tak for the
suretie and honorabil service of ye only uphald of my lyfe. For quhilk
alone I will preserve the same, and without the quhilk I desyre not bot
suddane deith, and to testifie unto zow how lawly I submit me under zour
commandementis, I have send zow, in signe of homage, be Paris, the
ornament of the heid, quhilk is the chief gude of the uther memberis,
inferring thairby that, be ye seising {placing} of zow in the
possessioune of the spoile of that quhilk is principall, the remnant
cannot be bot subject unto zow, and with consenting of the hart. In
place thairof, sen I have ellis left it unto zow, I send unto zow ane
sepulture of hard stane, collourit with blak, sawin with teiris and
bones. The stane I compair to my hart, that as it is carvit in ane sure
sepulture or harbor of zour commandementis, and above all, of zour name
and memorie that ar thairin inclosit, as is my heart in this ring, never
to cum furth, quhill deith grant unto yow to ane trophee of victorie of
my banes, as the ring is fullit, in signe that yow haif maid ane full
conqueis of me, of myne hart, and unto yat my banes be left unto yow in
remembrance of your victorie and my acceptabill lufe and willing, for to
be better bestowit than I merite. The ameling that is about is blak,
quhilk signifyis the steidfastness of hir that sendis the same. The
teiris are without number, sa ar the dreddowris to displeis yow, the
teiris of your absence, the disdane that I cannot be in outward effect
youris, as I am without fenzeitnes of hart and spreit, and of gude
ressoun, thocht my meritis wer mekle greiter then of the maist profite
that ever was, and sic as I desyre to be, and sall tak pane in
conditiounis to imitate, for to be bestowit worthylie under your
regiment. My only wealth ressaif thairfoir in als gude part ye same, as
I have ressavit your marriage with extreme joy, the quhilk sall not part
furth of my bosum, quhill yat marriage of our bodyis be maid in publict,
as signe of all that I outher hope or desyris of blis in yis warld. Zit
my hart feiring to displeis you as mekle in the reiding heirof, as I
delite me in ye writing, I will mak end, efter that I have kissit zour
handis with als greit affectioun as, I pray God (O ye only uphald of my
lyfe) to gif yow lang and blissit lyfe, and to me zour gude favour, as
the only gude yat I desyre, and to ye quhilk I pretend. I have schawin
unto this beirer that quhilk I have leirnit, to quhome I remit me,
knawand the credite that ze gaif him, as scho dois that will be for ever
unto zow humbill and obedient lauchfull wyfe, that for ever dedicates
unto zow hir hart, hir body, without ony change, as unto him that I have
maid possessour of my hart, of quhilk ze may hald zow assurit, yat unto
ye deith sall na wayis be changeit, for evill nor gude sall never mak me
go from it.
The original French version of this letter is in the Record Office
(State Papers, Mary Queen of Scots, vol. ii. p. 66). It is printed
by Mr. Henderson, and by Hosack. No Latin or French version of it
was printed in the _Detectio_.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
[64] _F._ Mais pour tout cela Je me vous accuserai ni de peu de
souvenance ni de peu de soigne et moins encore de vostre promesse
violee que ce qu'il vous plaist mest agreable et sont mes penses
tant volonterement, aux vostres asubjectes que je veulx presupposer
que tout ce que vient de vous procede non par aucune des causes
susdictes ains pour telles qui son justes et raisoinables et telles
que je desie moy.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Letter IV.
I have walkit laiter thair up then I wald have done, gif it had not bene
to draw sumthing out of him, quhilk this beirer will schaw zow; quhilk
is the fairest commodity {_i.e._ the most suitable opportunity} that can
be offerit to excuse zour affairis. I have promysit to bring him the
morne. Put ordour to it, gif ze find it gude.
Now, Schir, I have brokin my promeis; becaus ze commandit me nouther to
wryte nor send unto zow Zit I have not done this to offend zow, and gif
ze knew the feir yat I have presently, ze wald not have sa mony contrary
suspiciounis in your thocht; quhilk notwithstanding I treit and chereis,
as proceeding from the thing in the warld that I maist desyre, and
seikis fastest to haif, quhilk is zour gude grace; of the quhilk my
behaviour sall assure me. As to me: I sall never dispair of it, and
prayis zow, according to zour promeis, to discharge zour hart unto me,
Utherwayis[65] I will think that my malhure, and the gude handling of hir
that has not ye third part of the faithfull nor willing obedience unto
zow that I beir, hes wyn, aganis my will, yat advantage over me, quhilk
the second lufe of Jason wan; not that I will compair zow unto ane sa
unhappy as he was, nor zit myself to ane sa unpietifull ane woman as
scho. Howbeit, ze caus me to be sumthing lyk unto hir in onything that
tuichis zow, or yat may preserve and keip zow unto hir, to quhome only
ze appertene; gif it be sa that I may appropriate that quhilk is wyn
throch faithfull, zea only, lufiing of zow, as I do, and sall do all the
dayis of my lyfe, for pane or evill that can cum thairof. In recompense
of the quhilk, and of all the evillis quhilk ze have bene caus of to me,
remember zow upon the place heir besyde.
I craif with that ze keip promeis to me the morne; but that we may meit
togidder, and that ye gif na faith to suspiciounis without the
certanetie of thame. And I craif na uther thing at God, but that ze may
knaw that thing that is in my hart quhilk is zouris; and that he may
preserve zow from all evill, at the leist sa lang as I have lyfe, quhilk
I repute not precious unto me, except in sa far as it and I baith ar
aggreabill unto zow. I am going to bed, and will bid zow gude nicht.
Advertise me tymely in the morning how ze have fairin; for I will be in
pane unto I get worde. Mak gude watch,[66] gif the burd eschaip out of
the caige, or without hir mate. As ye turtur I sall remane alone for to
lament the absence, how schort yat sa ever it be. This letter will do
with ane gude hart, that thing quhilk I cannot do myself, gif it be not
that I have feir that ze ar in sleiping, I durst not wryte this befoir
Joseph, Bastiane, and Joachim, that did bot depart even quhen I began to
wryte.
A French version of this letter is in the possession of the Marquis
of Salisbury at Hatfield (_cf._ Calendar of Hatfield MSS., I.
376-7) and has been printed by Mr. Henderson. ("Casket Letters,"
pp. 159-162.) It is here given in full, and the variations in the
published Latin and French versions, and in the English translation
at Halfield are indicated in the notes.
J'ay veille plus tard la hault que je n'eusse fait si ce neust este pour
tirer ce que ce porteur vous dira que je treuve la plus belle commoditee
pour excuser vostre affaire que se pourroit presenter. Je luy ay promise
de le luy mener demain si vous le trouves bon mettes y ordre. Or
monsieur j'ay ja rompu ma promesse. Car vous ne mavyes comande de vous
envoier ni escrire si ne le fais pour vous offencer et si vous scavyes
la craint que j'en ay vous nauries tant des subcons contrairs que
toutesfois je cheris comme procedant de la chose du mond que je desire
et cherche le plus c'est votre bonne grace de laquelle mes deportemens
m'asseureront et je n'en disesperay jamais tant que selon vostre
promesse vous m'en dischargeres vostre c[oe]ur aultrement[65b] je penserais
que mon malheur et le bien composer de c[oe]ux qui n'ont le troisiesme
partie de la fidelite ni voluntair obeissance que je vous porte auront
gaigne sur moy l'avantage de la seconde amye de Jason. Non que je vous
compare a un si malheureus ni moy a une si impitoiable. Combien que vous
men fassies un peu resentir en chose qui vous touschat ou pour vous
preserver et garder a celle a qui seulle vous aparteines si lon se peult
approprier ce que lon acquiert par bien et loyalment voire uniquement
aymer comme je fais et fairay toute ma vie pour pein ou mal que m'en
puisse avenir. En recompence de quoy et des tous les maulx dont vous
maves este cause, souvenes vous du lieu icy pres. Je ne demande que vous
me tennes promesse de main mais que nous truvions et que nadjousties foy
au subcons quaures sans nous en certifier, et je ne demande a Dieu si
non que coignoissies tout ce que je ay au c[oe]ur qui est vostre et quil
vous preserve de tout mal au moyns durant ma vie qui ne me sera chere
qu'autant qu'elle et moy vous serons agreables. Je m'en vois coucher et
vous donner le bon soir mandes moy demain comme vous seres porte a bon
heur. Car j'enseray en pein et faites bon guet[66b] si l'oseau sortira de
sa cage ou sens son per comme la tourtre demeurera seulle a se lamenter
de l'absence pour court quelle soit-ce que je ne puis faire ma lettre de
bon c[oe]ur {fera} si ce nestoit qui je {qy} peur que soyes endormy. Car je
nay ose escrire devant Joseph et Bastienne et Joachim qui ne sont que
partis quand J'ay commence.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
_P. F._ = Published French; _L._= Latin.
[65][65b][65c] _P. F._ "Autrement j'estimeray que cela se faict par mon
malheureux destin, et par la faveur des astres envers celles, qui
toutesfois n'ont une tierce partie de loyaute, et volonte que j'ay
de vous obeir; si elles, comme si j'estoye une second amye de Jason,
malgre moy, occupent le premier lieu de faveur; ce que je ne dy,
pour vous a comparer a cet homme en l'infelicite qu'il avoit, ny moy
avec une femme toute esloignee de misericorde, comme estoit
celle-la," &c. _L._ "Alioqui suspicabor fieri malo meo fato, et
siderum favore erga illas (quae nec tertiam habent partem
fidelitatis, et voluntatis tibi obsequendi, quam ego habeo) ut
ipsae, velut secunda Jasonis amica, me invita, priorem apud te locum
gratiae occupaverint; nec hoc eo dico, quo te cum homine, ea qua
ille erat infelicitate, comparem, nec me cum muliere tam aliena a
misericordia quam illa erat."
[66][66b][66c] _P. F._ has no sentence corresponding to "mak gude watch," and
proceeds, "Comme l'oyseau eschappe de la cage, ou la tourtre qui est
sans compagne, ainsi je demeureray seule, pour pleurer votre
absence, quelque brieve qu'elle puisse estre." _L._ also has no
expression for "mak gude watch," but reads, "Si avis evaserit e
cavea autsine compare, velut turtur, ego remanebo sola ut lamenter
absentiam tuam quamlibet brevem."
The English translation at Hatfield follows the Hatfield French
version closely. The two most important passages run thus:
"Otherwise,[65c] I wold think that my yll luck, and the fayre behavior
of those that have not the thirde parte of the faythfulness and
voluntary obedience that I beare unto you, shall have wonne the
advantage over me of the second Loover of Jason.... Send me[66c] word
tomorrow early in the morning how you have don for I shall think
long. And watche well if the byrde shall fly out of his cage or
without his mate, as the turtle shall remayne alone to lament and
morne for absence how short soever it be."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Letter V.
My hart, alace! must the foly of ane woman quhais unthankfulness toward
me ze do sufficiently knaw, be occasioun of displesure unto zow,
considering yat I culd not have remeidit thairunto without knawing it?
And sen that I persavit it, I culd not tell it zow, for that[67] I knew
not how to governe myself thairin: for nouther in that nor in any uther
thing will I tak upon me to do ony thing without knawledge of zour will,
quhilk I beseik zow let me understand; for I will follow it all my lyfe
mair willingly than zow sall declair it to me; and gif ze do not send me
word this nicht quhat ze will that I sall do, I will red myself of it,
and hesard[68] to caus it to be interprysit and takin in hand, quhilk
micht be hurtfull to that quhairunto baith we do tend. And quhen scho
sall be maryit, I beseik zow give me ane, or ellis I will tak sic as
sall content zow for their conditiounis; bot as for thair toungis or
faithfulness towart zow I will not answer. I beseik zow yat ane opinioun
of uther persoun be not hurtfull in zour mynde to my constancie,
Mistrust me; bot quhen I will put zow out of dout and cleir myselfe,
refuse it not, my deir lufe, and suffer me to make zow sum prufe be my
obedince, my faithfulness, constancie, and voluntarie subjectioun,
quhilk I tak for the plesandest gude that I micht ressaif, gif ze will
accept it; and mak na ceremonie at it, for ze culd do me na greiter
outrage nor give mair mortall grief.
[There is a French version of this letter in the Record Office
(_State Papers_, Mary Queen of Scots, vol. ii. p. 63). It has been
printed by Malcolm Laing (vol. iv. p. 202), Hosack (vol. i. p.
230), and Mr. Henderson (p. 165). The following variations are
taken from the Record Office version. The other published French
version follows the Scots, as also does the Latin.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[67] _F._ "Je ne vous lay peu dire pour scavoir comment je me
gouvernerois." (I could not tell you, in order to know how to govern
myself.)
[68] _F._ "Et si vous ne me mondes ce soir ce que volles que jeu
faisse je m en deferay au hazard de la fayre entreprandre ce qui
pourroit nuire a ce a quoy nous tandons tous deux {and if you do not
send me word this night what you will that I shall do, I will rid
myself of it at the hazard of making her undertake that which might
be hurtful to that whereunto we both do tend (Laing)} et quant ella
sera mariee je vous suplie donnes qune opinion sur aultrui ne nuise
en votre endroit a ma constance."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Letter VI.
Alace! my Lord, quhy is zour traist put in ane persoun sa unworthie, to
mistraist that quhilk is haillely zouris? I am wod {wild}. Ze had
promysit me that ze wald send me word every day quhat I suld do. Ye haif
done nathing yairof. I advertisit yow weill to tak heid of zour fals
brother-in-law {Huntly}. He come to me, and without schawing me ony
thing from zow, tald me that ze had willit him to wryte to zow that that
I suld say, and quhair and quhen ze suld cum to me, and that that ze
suld do tuiching him; and thairupon hes preichit[69] unto me yat it was
ane fulische interpryse, and that with myne honour I culd never marry
zow, seing that being maryit ze did cary me away, and yat his folkis wad
not suffer it, and that the Lordis wald unsay yameselvis, and wald deny
that thay had said. To be schort, he is all contrarie. I tald him that
seeing I was cum sa far, gif ze did not withdraw zour self of zour self,
that na perswasioun, nor deith itself suld mak me fail of my promeis. As
tuiching the place ze are too negligent, pardoun me, to remit zour self
thairof unto me. Cheis it zour self, and send me word of it. And in the
meane tyme I am seik; I will differ {defer} as tuiching the mater it is
to lait. It was not lang of me yat ze have not thocht thairupon in time.
And gif ze had not mair changeit zour mynd sen myne absence, then I
have; ye suld not be now to ask sic resolving. Weill, thair wantis
nathing of my part; and seing that zour negligence dois put us baith in
the danger of ane fals brother, gif it succeedet not weill I will never
ryse agane. I send this beirer unto zow, for I dar not traist zour
brother with thir letteris, nor with the diligence. He sall tell zow in
quhat stait I am, and judge ze quhat amendment yir new ceremonies[70]
have brocht unto me. I wald I wer deid, for I se all gais ill. Ze
promysit uther maner of mater of zour foirseing, bot absence hes power
over zow, quha haif twa stringis to zour bow. Dispatch the answer that I
faill not, and put na traist in your brother for this interpryse, for he
hes tald it, and is also all aganis it. God give zow gude nicht.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[69] _F._ in Record Office, "M'a presche que c'estoit une folle
entreprise, et qu'avecques mon honneur Je ne vous pourries Jamaiis
espouser, veu qu'estant marie vous m'amenies et que ses gens ne
l'endureroient pas et que les seigneurs se dediroient" _P. F._ "Il
me remonstra, que c'estoit une folle entreprise, et que pour mon
honneur, Je ne vous pourvoye prendre a mary, puis que vous estiez
marie, ny aller avec vous, et que ses gens mesmes ne le
souffriroient pas voire que les Seigneurs contrediroyent a ce que en
seroit propose." _E._ at Hatfield, "And thereupon hath preached unto
me that it was a foolish entreprise, and that with mine honour I
could never marry you, seeing that being married you did carry me
away. And that his folk would not suffer it, and that the Lords
would unsay themselves, and would deny that they had said."
[70] _F._ in Record Office, "Ce incertains nouvelles." _P. F._ "Ces
nouvelles ceremonies." _E._ at Hatfield, "These new ceremonies."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Letter VII.
Of the place and ye tyme,[71] remit my self to zour brother and to zow.
I will follow him, and will faill in nathing of my part. He finds mony
difficulteis; I think he dois advertise zow thairof, and quhat he
desyris for the handling of himself. As for the handling of myself, I
hard it anis weill devysit.[72]
Methinkis that zour services, and the lang amitie, having ye gude will
of ye Lordis, do weill deserve ane pardoun, gif above the dewtie of ane
subject yow advance yourself, not to constrane me,[73] bot to assure
yourself of sic place neir unto me, that uther admonitiounis or forane
{foreign} perswasiounis may not let {hinder} me from consenting to that,
that ye hope your service sall mak yow ane day to attene; and to be
schort, to mak yourself sure of the Lordis and fre to mary; and that ye
are constranit for your suretie, and to be abill to serve me faithfully,
to use ane humbil requeist, joynit to ane importune actioun.
And to be schort, excuse yourself, and perswade thame the maist ye can,
yat ye ar constranit to mak persute aganis zour enemies. Ze sall say
aneuch, gif the mater or ground do lyke yow, and mony fair wordis to
Lethingtoun. Gif ye lyke not the deid, send me word, and leif not the
blame of all unto me.
[Of this letter there is no version in the Record Office, the only
other version being the published French translation].
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[71] _F._ "Homme."
[72] _F._ "Quant a jouer le mien, je scay com me je m'y dois
gouverner, ma souvenant de la facon que les choses ont este
deliberees."
[73] _F._ Adds "et tenir captive."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Letter VIII.
My Lord, sen my letter written, zour brother in law yat was, come to me
verray sad, and hes askit me my counsel, quhat he suld do efter to
morne, becaus thair be mony folkis heir, and among utheris the Erle of
Sudderland, quha wald rather die, considdering the gude thay have sa
laitlie ressavit of me, than suffer me to be caryit away, thay
conducting me; and that he feirit thair suld sum troubil happin of it:
of the uther syde, that it suld be said that he wer unthankfull to have
betrayit me. I tald him, that he suld have resolvit with zow upon all
that, and that he suld avoyde, gif he culd, thay that were maist
mistraistit.
He has resolvit to wryte thairof to zow be my opinioun; for he has
abaschit me to se him sa unresolvit at the neid. I assure myself he will
play the part of an honest man. Bot I have thocht gude to advertise zow
of the feir he hes yat he suld be charget and accusit of tressoun to ye
end yat, without mistraisting him, ze may be the mair circumspect, and
that ze may have ye mair power. For we had zisterday mair then iii. c.
hors of his and of Levingstoun's. For the honour of God, be accompanyit
rather with mair then les; for that is the principal of my cair.
I go to wryte my dispatche, and pray God to send us ane happy enterview
schortly. I wryte in haist, to the end ye may be advysit in tyme.
[There are no important variants in the only other version of this
letter--the published French translation.]
The following are the French versions of the first sentence of each
letter, printed in the Scots translation, published in London in
1572 (p. 163).
_Letter I._ Il semble qu' avecques vostre abscence soit joynt le
oubly, [74]ceu qu'au partir vous me promistes de vos nouvelles. Et
toutes foys je n'en puis apprendre, &c.
_Letter II._ Estant party du lieu ou je avois laisse mon c[oe]ur il se
peult aysement juger quelle estoit ma contenance, veu ce qui peult
un corps sans c[oe]ur, qui a este cause que jusques a la Disnee je
n'ay pas tenu grand propos, aussi personne ne s'est voulu advancer
jugeant bien qu'il n'y faisoit bon, &c.
_Letter III._ Monsieur, si l'ennury de vostre absence, celuy de
vostre oubly, la crainte du danger, tant provue[75] d'un chacun a
vostre tant aymee personne, &c.
_Letter IV._ J'ay veille plus tard la haut que je n'eusse fait, si
ce n'eust este pour tirer ce que ce porteur vous dira, que je
trouve la plus belle commodite pour excuser vostre affaire qui ce
purroit presenter, &c.
_Letter V._ Mon c[oe]ur, helas! fault il que la follie d'une femme,
dont vous cognoissez assez l'ingratitude vers moy, soit cause de
vous donner desplaisir, &c.
_Letter VI._ Monsieur, helas! pourquoy est vostre fiance mise en
personne si indigne, pour soupconner ce qui est entierement vostre.
J'enrage, vous m'aviez promis, &c.
_Letter VII._ Du lieu et l'heure[76] je m'en rapporte a vostre
frere et a vous. Je le suivray, et ne fauldray en rien de ma part.
Il trouve beaucoup de difficultez, &c.
_Letter VIII._ Monsieur, de puis ma lettre escrite vostre beau
frere qui fust, est venu a moy fort triste, et m'a demande mon
conseil de ce qu'il feroit apres demain, &c.
The slight variations in the other French versions are noted above.
There are no Record Office or Hatfield versions of I., II., VII.,
and VIII., and there is no "Published French" version of III.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[74] _P. F._ "veu."
[75] _Record Office F._ "promis."
[76] _P. F._ "homme."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Love Sonnets.
_Henderson's Casket Letters._
The "divers fond ballads" referred to in the letter of Elizabeth's
Commissioners of October 11th, 1568, consist of the following
"sonnets" in French.
The sonnets are printed from the English edition of Buchanan's
_Detection_ (1571). The lines in italics are translated from the
Scots by Professor York Powell.
1. O Dieux ayez de moy compassion,
Et m'enseignez quelle preuue certain{e}
Ie puis donner qui ne luy semble vain{e}
De mon amour & ferme affection.
Las n'est il pas ia en possession
Du corps, du coeur qui ne refuse paine
Ny deshonneur, en[77] la vie incertaine,
Offense de parentz, ne pire affliction?[78]
Pour luy {tous mes} amis estime moins que rien,
Et d{e mes} ennemis ie veux esperer bien.
I'ay hazarde {pour luy} & nom & conscience:
Ie veux pour luy au monde renoncer:
Ie veux mourir pour le fair'[79] auancer.
Que reste il plus pour prouuer ma constance?
2. Entre ses mains & en son plein pouuoir,
Je metz mon filz, mon honneur, & ma vie,
Mon pais, mes[80] subjectz, mon ame assubiectie
Est tout a luy, & n'ay autre voulloir
Pour mon obiect, que sans le deceuoir
Suiure ie veux, malgre toute l'enuie
Qu'issir en peult, car ie n'ay autre envie
Que de ma foy, luy faire apperceuoir
Que pour tempeste ou bonnace qui face
Iamais ne veux changer demeure ou place.
Brief ie feray de ma foy telle preuue,
Qu'il cognoistra sans faulte[81] ma constance,
Non par mes pleurs ou fainte obeyssance,
Come autres font,[82] mais par diuers espreuue.
3. Elle pour son honneur vous doibt obeyssance
Moy vous obeyssant i'en puis receuoir blasme
N'estat, a mon regret, comme elle vostre femme.
Et si n'aura pourtant en ce point preeminence
Pour son propre profit[83] elle vse de coustance,
Car ce n'est peu d'honneur d'estre de voz biens dame
Et moy pour vous aymer i'en puis receuoir blasme
Et ne luy veux ceder en toute l'obseruance:
Elle de vostre mal n'a l'apprehension
Moy ie n'ay nul repos tant ie crains l'apparence:
Par l'aduis des parentz, elle eut vostre accointance
Moy malgre tous les miens vous porte affection
{_Et neanmoins, mon c[oe]ur, vous doubtez ma constance_}[84]
Et de sa loyaute prenez ferme asseurance.
4. Par vous mon coeur & par vostre alliance
Elle a remis sa maison en honneur
Elle a jouy par vous de[85] la grandeur
Dont tous les siens n'ayent nul asseurance
De vous, mon bien, elle a eu l'ac coinstance,[86]
Et a gaigne pour vn temps vostre coeur,
Par vous elle a eu plaisir en bon heur,
Et par vous a[87] honneur & reuerence,
Et n'a perdu sinon la jouyssance
D'vn fascheux sot qu'elle aymoit cherement,
Ie ne la playns d'aymer donc ardamment,
Celuy qui n'a en sens, ny en vaillance,
En beaute, en bonte, ny en constance
Point de second. Ie vis en ceste foy.[88]
5. Quant vous l'amiez, elle vsoit de froideur.
Sy vous souffriez pour s'amour passion
Qui vient d'aymer de trop d'affection,
Son doy monstroit, a tristesse de coeur
N'ayant plaisir de vostre grand ardeur.
En ses habitz, monstroit sans fiction
Qu'elle n'auoit paour qu'imperfection
Peust l'effacer hors de ce loyal coeur.
De vostre mort ie ne vis la peaur[89]
Que meritoit tel mary & seigneur.
Somme, de vous elle a eu tout son bien
Et na prise ne iamais estime
Vn si grand heur sinon puis qu'il n'est sien
Et maintenant dit l'auoir tant ayme.
6. Et maintenant elle commence a voir
Qu'elle estoit bien de mauuais iugement
De n'estimer l'amour d'vn tel amant
Et voudrait bien mon amy deceuoir,
Par les escriptz tout fardez de scauoir
Qui pourtant n'est en son esprit croissant
Ains emprunte de quelque autheur luissant
A faint tresbien vn ennoy[90] sans l'avoir
Et toutesfois ses parolles fardeez,
Ses pleurs, ses plaincts remplis de fictions.
Et ses hautz cris & lamentations
Ont tant gaigne que par vous sont gardeez
Ses lettres {escriptes} ausquellez vous donnez foy
Et si l'aymez & croyez plus que moy.
7. Vous la croyez las trop ie l'appercoy
Et vous doutez de ma ferme constance,
O mon seul bien & mon seul esperance,
Et ne vous puis ie asseurer de ma foy
Vous m'estimez plus legier que le noy,[91]
Et si n'auez en moy nul' asseurance,
Et soupconnez mon coeur sans apparence,
Vous deffiant a trop grand tort de moy.
Vous ignorez l'amour que ie vous porte
Vous soupconnez qu'autre amour me trasporte,
Vous estimez mes parolles du vent,
Vous depeignez de cire mon las coeur
Vous me pensez femme sans iugement,
Et tout sela augmente mon ardeur.
8. Mon amour croist & plus en plus croistra
Tant que je viure &[92] tiendray a grandeur,
Tant seulement d'auoir part en ce coeur
Vers qui en fin mon amour paroistra
Sy tres a clair que iamais n'en doutra,
{_Pur luy je lutterai contre malheur_}[93]
Pour luy ie veux recercher la grandeur,
Et feray tant qu'en vray cognoistera,
Que ie n'ay bien, heur, ne contentement,
Qu'a l'obeyr & servir loyaument.
Pour luy iattendz toute bonne fortune,
Pour luy ie veux garder sainte & vie
Pour luy vertu de suyure i'ay enuie[94]
Et sans changer me trouvera tout vne.
9. Pour luy aussi ie jette mainte larme.
Premier quand il se fist de ce corps {posses}seur,
Duquel alors il n'auoit pas le coeur.
Puis me donna vn autre dur alarme
Quand il versa de son sang mainte dragme
Dont de grief il me vint telle[95] doleur,
M'en pensay[96] oster la vie en frayeur
De perdre la{s} le seul rempar qui m'arme.
Pour luy depuis iay mesprise l'honneur
Ce qui nous peult seul pouruoir de bonheur.
Pour luy hazarde grandeur & conscience.
Pour luy {tous mes} i'ay quite parentz, & amis,
Et tous autres respectz sont apart mis.
Brief de vous seul ie cherche l'alliance.
10. De vous, ie dis, seul soustein de ma vie
Tant seulement ie cerche m'asseurer,
Et si ose de moy tant presumer
De vous gaigner maugre toute l'enuie.
Car c'est le seul desir de vostre {chere} amie,
De vous seruir & loyaument aymer,
Et tous malheurs moins que riens estimer,
{Et} vostre volonte de mon mie{ux} suivie,[97]
Vous cognoistrez avecque obeyssance
De mon {loyal} deuoir n'omettant la sciance
A quoy ie estudiray pour {tousiours} vous complaire
Sans aymer rien que vous, soubz {la} suiection.
De qui ie veux sans nulle fiction
Vivre & mourir & a ce j'obtempere.
11. Mon coeur, mon sang, mon ame, & mon soucy,
{Las,} vous m'auez promis qu'aurons ce plaisir
De deuiser auecques vous a loysir,
Toute la nuict, ou ie languis icy
Ayant le coeur d'extreme paour transy,
Pour voir absent le but de mon desir
Crainte d'oublir vn coup me vient {a} saisir:
Et l'autre fois ie crains que rendurcie
Soit contre moy vostre amiable coeur
Par quelque dit d'un meschant rapporteur.
Un autre fois ie crains quelque auenture
Qui par chemin detourne mon amant,
Par vn fascheux & nouueau accident.
Dieu detourne tout malheureux augure.
* * * * *
12. Ne vous voyant selon qu'auez promis
I'ay mis la main au papier pour escrire
D'vn different que ie voulu transcrire,
Ie ne scay pas quel sera vostre aduis
Mais ie scay bien que mieux aymer scaura
Vous diriez bien que plus y gaignera.
* * * * *
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[77] Ny?
[78] Rochelle text has "affection" wrongly.
[79] Buchanan, "luy" only. Rochelle text, "lui le fair."
[80] Read "Mon pis subject"?
[81] Buch., "fainte."
[82] Buch., "ont fait."
[83] Buch., "Pour son profit elle."
[84] Scots translation, "And not the less, my heart, ye doubt of my
constance."
[85] Buch., "vous la."
[86] Buch., "la constance."
[87] Buch. inserts "receu."
[88] Text of sextain corrupt.
[89] Omitted in Rochelle version as corrupt.
[90] Buch., "envoy."
[91] Buch., "mestimez legier que le voy."
[92] Buch., "viuray, &".
[93] Scots--"For him I will stryve aganis wan-weird."
[94] Rochelle version to read "luy tout."
[95] Buch., "lesser."
[96] Buch., "Que m'en pensa ... & frayeur."
[97] Rochelle text, "et vostre ... de la mienne suivi," and later
version "la mien suivre."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Contracts of Marriage.
_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 54, from Cot. Lib. Calig., C. i.
At Seton, the 5th day of April, the year of God, 1567, the right
excellent, right high and mighty Princess, Mary, by the grace of God,
Queen of Scots, ... in the presence of the Eternal God, faithfully, and
on the word of a Prince, by these presents, takes the said James, Earl
Bothwell, as her lawful husband, and promises and obliges her Highness,
that how soon the process of divorce, intended betwixt the said Earl
Bothwell and Dame Jane Gordon, now his pretended spouse, be ended by the
order of the laws, her Majesty shall, God willing, thereafter shortly
marry and take the said Earl to her husband.... He presently takes her
Majesty as his lawful spouse, in the presence of God, and promises and
obliges him ... that in all diligence possible, he shall prosecute and
set forward the said process of divorce already begun and intended
betwix him and the said Dame Gordon, his pretended spouse....
MARIE, R.
JAMES, EARL BOTHWELL.
Here note, that this contract was made the v of April, within viii weeks
after the murder of the King, which was slain the x of February before;
also it was made vii days before Bothwell was acquitted, by corrupt
judgment, of the said murder. Also it appears by the words of the
contract itself, that it was made before sentence of divorce betwixt
Bothwell and his former wife, and also in very truth was made before any
suit of divorce intended or begun between him and his former wife,
though some words in this contract seem to say otherwise, which is thus
proved; for this contract is dated the v of April, and it plainly
appears by the judicial acts, ... wherein is contained the whole process
of the divorce between the said Earl and Dame Jane Gordon his wife, that
the one of the same processes was intended and begun the xxvi day of
April, and the other the xxvii.--Buchanan's "Detection."
Nous Marie, par la grace de Dieu, Royne d'Ecosse, douaryere de France,
&c, promettous fidellement et de bonne foy, et sans contraynte, a Jaques
Hepburn, Comte de Boduel, de n'avoir jamais autre espoulx et mary que
luy, et de le prendre pour tel toute et quant fois qu'il m'en requerira,
quoy que parents, amys ou autres, y soient contrayres. Et puis que Dieu
a pris mon feu mary Henry Stuart dit Darnley et que par ce moien je sois
libre, n'estant sous obeissance de pere, ni de mere, des mayntenant je
proteste que, lui estant en mesme liberte, je seray preste, et
d'accomplir les ceremonies requises an mariage; que je lui promets
devant Dieu, que j'en prantz a tesmoignasge, et la presente, signee de
ma mayn: ecrit ce--
MARIE, R.
[This contract merely promises to marry Bothwell, without
constraint, and refers to the writer's freedom from the necessity
of any one's permission, since Darnley's death. It contains no
reference to the divorce.]
_MORTON'S DECLARATION_
The Discovery of the Letters--1. The Earl of Morton's Declaration.
_Henderson's Casket Letters_, pp. 113-116, from fol. 216,
Add. MSS. 32,091, Brit. Mus.
The trew declaration and report of me, James, Earl of Morton, how a
certain silver box overgilt containing diverse missive writings,
sonnets, contracts, and obligations for marriage betwix the Queen mother
to our sovereign lord, and James sometime Earl Bothwell, was found and
used.
Upon Thursday the xix of June, 1567, I dined at Edinburgh, the Laird of
Lethington, secretary, with me. At time of my dinner a certain man came
to me, and in secret manner showed me that three servants of the Earl
Bothwell, viz. Mr. Thomas Hepburn, parson of Auldhamesokkes, John
Cockburn, brother to the laird of Skirling, and George Dalgleish were
come to the town, and passed into the castle. Upon which advertisement I
on the sudden sent my cousin Mr. Archibald Douglas and Robert Douglas,
his brother, and James Johnston of Westerrall, with others my servants,
to the number of xvi or thereby, toward the castle to make search for
the said persons, and, if possible were, to apprehend them. According to
which my direction, my servants passed, and at the first missing the
forenamed three persons for that they were departed forth of the castle
before their coming, my men then parting into several companies upon
knowledge that the others whom they sought were separated, Mr. Archibald
Douglas sought for Mr. Thomas Hepburn and found him not, but got his
horse, James Johnston sought for John Cockburn and apprehended him,
Robert Douglas seeking for George Dalgleish. After he had almost given
over his search and inquisition a good fellow understanding his purpose
came to him offering for a mean piece of money to reveal where George
Dalgleish was. The said Robert satisfying him that gave the intelligence
for his pains, passed to the Potterrow beside Edinburgh, and there
apprehended the said George, with divers evidences and letters in
parchment, viz. Earl Bothwell's infeftments of Liddesdale, of the
Lordship of Dunbar and of Orkney and Shetland, and divers others, which
all with the said George himself, the said Robert brought and presented
to me. And the said George being examined of the cause of his direction
to the castle of Edinburgh, and which letters and evidents he brought
forth of the same, alleged he was sent only to visit {examine} the Lord
Bothwell, his master's clothing, and he had not more letters nor
evidents than these which were apprehended with him. But his report
being found suspicious and his gesture and behaviour ministering cause
of mistrust seeing the gravity of the action that was in hand, it was
resolved by common assent of the noblemen convened, that the said George
Dalgleish should be surely kept that night, and upon the morn should be
had to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh and there be put in the iron and
torments for furthering of the declaration of the truth, wherein being
set, upon Friday the xx day of the said month of June before any
rigorous demeaning of his person, fearing the pain, and moved of
conscience, he called for my cousin Mr. Archibald Douglas, who coming,
the said George desired that Robert Douglas should be sent with him, and
he should show and bring to light that which he had. So being taken
forth from the irons, he passed with the said Robert to the Potterrow,
and there, under the sceit {seat} of a bed took forth the said silver
box, which he had brought forth of the castle the day before, locked,
and brought the same to me at viii hours at night, and because it was
late I kept it all that night. Upon the morn, viz., Saturday, the xxi of
June, in presence of the Earls of Atholl, Mar, Glencairn, myself, the
Lords Home, Sempill, Sanquhar, the Master of Graham, and the Secretary,
and Laird of Tullibardine, Comptroller, and the said Mr. Archibald
Douglas, the said box was broken open because we wanted the key, and the
letters within contained sighted {_i.e._ examined} and immediately
thereafter delivered again into my hand and custody. Since which time, I
have observed and kept the same box, and all letters, missives,
contracts, sonnets, and divers writings contained therein fairly without
alteration changing adding or diminishing of anything found or received
in the said box. This I testify and declare to be undoubted truth.
This is the copy of that which was given to Mr. Secretary Cecil upon
Thursday the 8th of December 1568.
This is the true copy of the declaration made and presented by the Earl
of Morton to the Commissioners and Council of England sitting in
Westminster for the time, upon Thursday being the 29 of December 1568.
Subscribed with his hand thus, MORTON.
2. Buchanan's Account.
_Translated from the History_, book xviii. c. 51.
It happened that, about the same time, Bothwell sent one of his
confidential servants to the castle of Edinburgh, to bring to him the
silver casket, covered with inscriptions, which had once belonged to the
French king, Francis. In it were letters of the Queen, almost all
written with her own hand, in which both the King's murder and the whole
sequel were plainly discernible; and in almost every letter there was an
injunction to burn it. But Bothwell, who knew the Queen's inconstancy,
of which he had recently seen many instances, preserved the letters, so
that, in any disagreement, he might use their testimony, and prove
himself not the author of the crime, but only an accomplice. This casket
Sir Robert Balfour gave to Bothwell's servant to take away; but first he
told the leaders of the opposite party what had been sent, and the agent
and the destination.... It was captured....
The Deposition of Thomas Nelson.
_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 243, from Cott. Lib. Calig. i. 165.
... She {the Queen} caused take down the said new black bed {in
Darnley's room}, saying it would be soiled with the bath, and in the
place thereof set up an old purple bed, ... and the said keys that were
delivered into the hands of Archibald Beton remained still in the hands
of him, and others that awaited upon the Queen, and never were delivered
again to the King's servants; for she set up a green bed for herself in
the said low chamber, wherein she lay the said two nights, and promised
also to have bidden {remained} there upon the Sunday at night. But after
she had tarried long and entertained the King very familiarly, she took
purpose (as it had been on the sudden), and departed as she spake to
give the masque to Bastien who that night was married {to} her servant,
namely the said Archibald Beton and one Paris, Frenchman, having the
keys of her chamber, wherein her bed stood in, as also of the passage
that passed toward the garden.... The Queen being departed toward
Holyrood-house, the King within the space of one hour passed to bed, and
in the chamber with him lay umquhill {_i.e._ the late} William Taylor.
The deponent and Edward Symonds lay in the little gallery, that went
direct to the south out of the King's chamber, ... and beside them lay
William Taylor's boy, who never knew of anything till the house wherein
they lay was falling about them....
Thomas Crawford's Deposition.
[With regard to the deposition of Crawford, see p. 144; the wording
of the account of the conversation between Mary and Darnley should
be carefully compared with that of the second Casket Letter.]
_Hosack's Mary._ Appendix L.
First I made my Lord {Lennox} my master's humble commendations unto her
Majesty with the excuse that he came not to meet her, praying her grace
not to think that it was either for proudness or yet for not knowing his
duty towards her Highness, but only for want of health at the present,
and also that he would not presume to come in her presence until he knew
farther her mind because of the sharp words that she had spoken of him
to Robert Cuningham, his servant, in Stirling, whereby he thought he was
in her Majesty's displeasure. Notwithstanding, he has sent his servants
and friends to wait upon her Majesty. She answered that there was no
receipt against fear. I answered that my Lord had no fear for anything
he knew in himself, but only of the cold and unkind words she had spoken
to his servant. She answered and said that he would not be afraid in
case he were not culpable. I answered that I knew so far of his Lordship
that he desired nothing more than that the secrets of every creature's
heart were written in their face. She asked if I had any farther
commission. I answered no. Then she commanded me to hold my peace.
The words that I remember were betwixt the King and the Queen in Glasgow
when she took him away to Edinburgh.
The King for that my Lord his father was then absent and sick, by reason
whereof he could not speak with him himself, called me unto him, and
these words that had then passed betwixt him and the Queen, he gave me
in remembrance to report unto the said my Lord his father.
After their meeting and short speaking together she asked him of his
letters, wherein he complained of the cruelty of some. He answered that
he complained not without cause, and as he believed, she would grant
herself, when she was well advised. She asked him of his sickness, he
answered that she was the cause thereof, and moreover he said, ye asked
me what I meant by the cruelty specified in my letters, that proceedeth
of you only, that will not accept my offers and repentance. I confess
that I have failed in some things, and yet greater faults have been made
to you sundry times, which ye have forgiven. I am but young, and ye will
say ye have forgiven me divers times. May not a man of my age for lack
of counsel, of which I am very destitute, fall twice or thrice, and yet
repent and be chastised by experience. If I have made any fail that ye
but think a fail, howsoever it be, I crave your pardon, and protest that
I shall never fail again. I desire no other thing but that we may be
together as husband and wife. And if ye will not consent hereto, I
desire never to rise forth of this bed. Therefore I pray you give me an
answer hereunto. God knoweth how I am punished for making my god of you,
and for having no other thought but on you. And if any time I offend
you, ye are the cause, for that when any offendeth me, if for my refuge
I might open my mind to you, I would speak to no other, but when any
thing is spoken to me, and ye and I not being as husband and wife ought
to be, necessity compelleth me to keep it in my breast, and bringeth me
in such melancholy as ye see me in. She answered that it seemed him she
was sorry for his sickness, and she would find remedy therefor, so soon
as she might.
She asked him why he would have passed away in the English ship. He
answered that he had spoken with the Englishman, but not of mind to go
away with him. And if he had, it had not been without cause, considering
how he was used. For he had neither to sustain himself nor his servants,
and needed not make further rehearsal thereof, seeing she knew it as
well as he.
Then she asked him of the purpose of Highgate. He answered that it was
told him. She required how and by whom it was told him. He answered that
the Lord of Minto told him that a letter was presented to her in
Craigmillar, made by her own device, and subscribed by certain others
who desired her to subscribe the same, which she refused to do. And he
said that he would never think that she who was his own proper flesh,
would do him any hurt, and if any other would do it, they should buy it
dear, unless they took him sleeping, albeit he suspected none, so he
desired her effectuously to bear him company. For she ever found some
ado to draw herself from him to her own lodging, and would never abide
with him past two hours at once.
She was very pensive, whereat he found fault. He said to her that he was
advertised she had brought a litter with her. She answered that because
she understood he was not able to ride on horseback, she brought a
litter that he might be carried more softly. He answered that it was not
meet for a sick man to travel, that could not sit on horseback, and
especially in so cold weather. She answered that she would take him to
Craigmillar, where she might be with him, and not far from her son. He
answered that upon condition he would go with her, which was that he and
she might be together at bed and board as husband and wife, and that she
should leave him no more. And if she would promise him that, upon her
word, he would go with her when she was pleased, without respect of any
danger either of sickness wherein he was, or otherwise. But if she would
not condescend thereto, he would not go with her in any wise.
She answered that her coming was only to that effect, and if she had not
been minded thereto, she had not come so far to fetch him, and so she
granted his desire, and promised him that it should be as he had spoken,
and thereupon gave him her hand, and faith of her body, that she would
love him, and use him as her husband, notwithstanding before they could
come together, he must be purged and cleansed of his sickness, which she
trusted would be shortly, for she minded to give him the bath at
Craigmillar.
Then he said he would do whatsoever she would have him do, and would
love all that she loved. She required of him in especial, whom he loved
of the nobility, and whom he hated. He answered that he hated no man,
and loved all alike. She asked him how he liked the Lady Reres, and if
he were angry with her. He answered that he had little mind of such as
she was, and wished of God she might serve her to her honour. Then she
desired him to keep to himself the promise betwixt him and her, and to
open it to nobody. For peradventure the Lords would not think well of
their sudden agreement, considering he and they were at some words
before. He answered that he knew no cause why they should mislike of it,
and desired her that she would not move any of them against him even as
he would stir none against her, and that they would work both in one
mind, otherwise it might turn to great inconvenience to them both. She
answered that she never sought any way by him, but he was in fault
himself. He answered again that his faults were published, and that
there were that made greater faults than ever he made that believed were
unknown, and yet they would speak of great and small.
Farther, the King asked me at that present time what I thought of his
voyage. I answered that I liked it not, because she took him to
Craigmillar. For if she had desired him with herself, or to have had his
company, she would have taken him to his own house in Edinburgh, where
she might more easily visit him than to travel two miles out of town to
a gentleman's house. Therefore my opinion was that she took him away
more like a prisoner than her husband.
He answered that he thought little else himself, and feared himself
indeed save the confidence he had in her promise only; notwithstanding
he would go with her, and put himself in her hands, though she should
cut his throat, and besought God to be judge unto them both.
_Endorsed--Thomas Crawford's Deposit._
Murray's Journal.
_From a copy marked by Cecil_, Cot. Lib. Calig., B. ix. fol. 247,
quoted by Goodall, vol. ii. p. 247.
_January 21, 1566._--The Queen took her journey toward Glasgow, and was
accompanied with the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell to the Kalendar, my
Lord Livingstone's place.
_23._--The Queen came to Glasgow, and on the road met her, Thomas
Crawford, from the Earl of Lennox, and Sir James Hamilton, with the rest
mentioned in her letter. Earl Huntly and Bothwell returned that same
night to Edinburgh, and Bothwell lay in the town.
_24._--The Queen remained at Glasgow, like as she did the 25th and the
26th, and had the conference with the King whereof she writes; and in
this time wrote her bill and other letters to Bothwell. And Bothwell
this 24th day was found very timeous weseing {inspecting} the King's
lodging that was in preparing for him, and the same night took journey
towards Liddesdale.
_27._--The Queen (conform to her commission as she writes) brought the
King from Glasgow to the Kalendar towards Edinburgh.
_28._--The Queen brought the King to Linlithgow, and there remained all
morn, while she got word of my Lord Bothwell his returning towards
Edinburgh, by Hob Ormiston, one of the murderers. The same day the Earl
Bothwell came back from Liddesdale towards Edinburgh.
_29._--She remained all day in Linlithgow with the King, and wrote from
thence to Bothwell.
_30._--The Queen brought the King to Edinburgh, and put him in his
lodging, where he ended; and Bothwell keeping tryst met her upon the
way.
_February 5._--She lodged all night under the King, in the chamber
wherein the powder was laid thereafter, and whereof Paris, her chamber
child, received the key.
_7._--She lodged and lay all night again in the foresaid chamber, and
from thence wrote that same night the letter concerning the purpose of
the Abbot of Holyrood-house (_cf._ p. 140).
_8._--She confronted the King and my Lord of Holyrood-house, conform to
her letter written the night before.
_9._--She and Bothwell supped at the banquet with the Bishop of the
Isles, and after passed up accompanied with Argyll, Huntly, and
Bothwell, to the King's chamber, and there they remained cherishing him,
till Bothwell and his complices put all things to order, and Paris, her
chamber child, received in her chamber the powder, and came up again and
gave the sign, and they departed to Bastian's banquet and masque, about
eleven hours, and thereafter they both returned to the Abbey, and talked
till twelve hours and after.
_10._--Betwix two and three of the clock, the King was blown in the air
by the powder.
The Depositions of Paris.
The depositions of Paris were not produced at Westminster. They were
taken, in the early autumn of 1569, in connection with the charges
against Lethington (who had by this time, with Kirkcaldy of Grange,
joined the Queen's party). "Paris" was the nickname of Nicholas
Hubert, a French attendant of Bothwell, who, shortly before the
murder, attached himself to the Queen's service. He was known to be
concerned in the murder, but succeeded in escaping from the country.
He took refuge in Denmark, and was delivered up on Murray's request.
Queen Elizabeth wrote to the Regent asking him to delay the
execution of Paris, and Murray replied: "The said Paris arrived at
Leith about the middle of June last {1569}, I at that time being in
the north parts of this realm far distant, whereupon it followed
that, at my returning, after diligent and circumspect examination of
him, and long time spent in that behalf, upon the xvi day of August
by-past, he suffered death by order of law, so that before the
receipt of your Highness letter by the space of 7 or 8 days he was
execute." {Laing, vol. i. p. 295, from the Paper Office.} The letter
is undated. But Professor Schiern, of Copenhagen, sent Mr. Hosack a
copy of a document from the Danish archives, containing a receipt
for the delivery of "two men, William Murray, and Paris, a
Frenchman," accused of Darnley's murder. The receipt is dated 30th
October 1568, and is given by Captain Clark, on behalf of the
Scottish Government. (Hosack, vol. i. pp. 250-251.) There is a copy
of the depositions in the Cotton Library, bearing the following
note: "This is the true copy of the declaration and deposition of
the said Nicholas Hubert or Paris, whereof the principal {original}
is marked every leaf with his own hand.... Ita est Alexander Hay,
scriba secreti consilii S.D.N. Regis, ac Notarius Publicus." But the
originals, sent to London in October 1569, and preserved in the
Record Office, bear that they were taken "in presence of Mr. George
Buchanan, Master of St. Leonard's College in St. Andrews; Mr. John
Wood, Senator of the College of Justice; and Robert Ramsay, writer
of this declaration, servant to my lord regent's grace." {Hosack,
vol. i. p. 256.} The documents were first published in Anderson's
"Collection" (1725), not in Buchanan's "Detection," along with the
depositions of Hay, Hepburn, and Dalgleish.
The first deposition of Paris is a Confession, in French, made at
St. Andrews on 9th August 1569, "without any constraint or
interrogations." It states that, on the Wednesday or Thursday before
the murder, Bothwell told Paris of the plot, and requested his aid.
"What do you think?" said he.... "My Lord," said I, "I have served
you these five or six years in all your great troubles ... now, my
Lord, by the grace of God, you are free of all these difficulties
... if you undertake this great matter you will be in worse case
than before." Bothwell then assured him that Lethington was the
moving spirit, and that Argyll, Huntly, Morton, Ruthven, and Lindsay
were in league with him. Paris then asked, "My Lord, I pray you tell
me of one whom you have not named; I well know that he is loved in
this country of the common people." ... "Who is that?" said he. "It
is, my Lord," said I, "my Lord the Earl of Murray; I pray tell me
what part he will take." To which he replied, "He will not meddle
with it." "My Lord," said I, "he is wise." Then the Lord Bothwell
turned his head to me ... and said, "My Lord of Murray, my Lord of
Murray, he will neither help nor hinder; but it is all one." ... On
the Saturday before the murder, Margaret Carwood, one of the Queen's
attendants, told "Paris to go to Kirk-of-Field for the coverlet of
the mattress in the Queen's room," which he did.... When he heard of
Murray's leaving Edinburgh on Sunday morning to see his mother, he
remarked that he did it to be out of the way when the wicked deed
should take place, and so to dissociate himself from it. On Sunday
evening Mary supped with Argyll, and seeing Paris, "as she washed
her hands after supper, she asked me if I had removed the coverlet
of the bed in her room in the King's lodging." These are the main
points of interest in the first document signed by Paris. {Laing,
vol. ii. p. 296.}
The second deposition consists of answers to interrogations, and is
dated at St. Andrews on August 10th, 1569. It makes a number of
allegations against the Queen, with which the reader is already
familiar. As it is a long document, we can quote only the most
important sentences. "Interrogated when first he entered into credit
with the Queen, he replied that it was when the Queen was at
Callander on her way to Glasgow, when she gave him a purse with
three or four hundred crowns to take to the Earl of Bothwell, who,
after having received the said purse on the road between Callander
and Glasgow, told him to go with the Queen and remain with her, and
to attend well to what she did, saying that the Queen would give him
letters to carry to him. When the Queen reached Glasgow, she said to
him, 'I will send you to Edinburgh,' ... and after he had remained
two days with the said lady, she wrote the letters and gave them
him, saying, 'You will tell the Earl of Bothwell, by word of mouth,
to take to the Laird of Lethington the letters addressed to him.'
Bothwell and Lethington were to consult as to whether Darnley should
go to Craigmillar or to Kirk-of-Field, and Paris was to report their
decision to Mary. Further, he was to 'say to Bothwell, that the King
wished to kiss her, but that she would not, for fear of his malady.'
Paris carried out his commission, and returned with the message that
Kirk-of-Field was considered most suitable. On the way from Glasgow
to Edinburgh the Queen received a letter from Bothwell and sent one
to him, and also gave Paris a bracelet to take to him. At
Kirk-of-Field, where the Queen's room was immediately underneath
that of the King, Bothwell told him that he must not place the
Queen's bed in the corner of the room under the corner containing
the King's bed, because he wished to place the powder there. This
order was reiterated by the Queen, when she observed that it was
being disregarded.... Paris said to the Queen, 'Madam, the Earl of
Bothwell has commanded me to take the keys of your chamber, because
he wishes to do something, that is, to place there the powder for
the explosion to blow the King in the air.' That night she wrote
letters to Bothwell...." The only other circumstance of importance
affecting the Queen is a statement that Paris carried correspondence
relating to Mary's seizure by Bothwell.
1573.--December 13. Confession of the Laird of Ormiston.
"The Laird of Black Ormiston" was put to death on 13th December
1573, under the government of the Regent Morton, for his share in
the murder of Darnley. His confession was made to "John Brand,
minister at Holyrood-house," on the day of his execution.
_Laing's Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 319, from State Trials, vol. i. p. 944.
As I shall answer unto God, with whom I hope this night to sup, I shall
declare unto you the whole, from the beginning unto the end, of my part.
First, I confess that the Earl Bothwell showed that same wicked deed
unto me in his own chamber in the Abbey on Friday before the deed was
done, and required me to take part with him therein.... The said earl
said unto me, "Tush, Ormiston, ye need not take fear for this, for the
whole lords have concluded this same long since in Craigmillar, all that
were there with the Queen, and none dare find fault with it when it
shall be done." ... Who {Bothwell} let me see a contract subscribed by
four or five handwrites, which he affirmed to me was the subscription of
the Earl of Huntly, Argyll, the Secretary Maitland, and Sir James
Balfour, and alleged that many more promised, who would assist him if he
were put at: and thereafter read the said contract, which, as I
remember, contained these words in effect: "That for as much it was
thought expedient and most profitable for the common wealth, by the
whole nobility and lords undersubscribed, that such a young fool and
proud tyrant should not reign nor bear rule over them; and that for
divers causes therefore, that they all had concluded that he should be
put off by one way or other, and whosoever should take the deed in hand
they should defend and fortify it as themselves, for it should be every
one of their own reckoned and held done by themselves." Which writing,
as the said earl shewed unto me, was devised by Sir James Balfour,
subscribed by them all a quarter of a year before the deed was done.
1581.--June 2. The Confession of the Earl of Morton.
[The Earl of Morton having made during his tenure of the government
many enemies, was driven from power and accused of complicity in
the murder of Darnley. The indictment ("Arnot's Criminal Trials,"
p. 388, quoted by Laing, vol. ii, p. 350) mentions as his
accomplices "James, some time Earl Bothwell; James Ormiston, some
time of that ilk; Robert _alias_ Hob Ormiston, his father's
brother; John Hay, some time of Talla, younger; John Hepburn,
called John of Bolton; and divers others," and says that the
murderers "two hours after midnight ... came to the lodging ... and
there ... most vilely, unmercifully, and treasonably slew and
murdered him ... burnt his whole lodging foresaid, and raised the
same in the air by force of gunpowder, which a little before was
placed ... by him and his foresaids under the ground, and angular
stones, and within the vaults, in low and secret parts thereof."
The Earl was found guilty, on the 1st of June, of "art, part,
foreknowledge, and concealing of the treasonable and unnatural
murder foresaid," and was executed next day. A few hours before his
death he made a confession to three of the ministers of Edinburgh,
part of which is here quoted.]
_Laing_, vol. ii. p. 354.
Being required what was his part or knowledge in the King's murther, he
answered with this attestation. As I shall answer to my Lord God, I
shall declare truly all my knowledge in that matter, the sum whereof is
this: After my returning out of England, where I was banished for
Davie's slaughter, I came out of Wedderburn to Whittinghame {Castle},
where the Earl Bothwell and I met together in the yard of Whittinghame,
where, after long communing, the Earl Bothwell proposed to me the King's
murther, requiring what would be my part therein, seeing it was the
Queen's mind that the King should be taken away, because, as he said,
she blamed the King more of Davie's slaughter than me. My answer to the
Earl Bothwell was this, that I would not in any way meddle with that
matter.... The Earl Bothwell ... thereafter earnestly proposed the same
matter again to me, persuading me thereto, because so was the Queen's
mind, and she would have it to be done. Unto this my answer was, I
desired the Earl Bothwell to bring me the Queen's handwrit of this
matter for a warrant; other ways I would not meddle thereof, which
warrant he never purchased {brought}.... Then it was said to him,
"Apparently, my lord, ye cannot complain justly of the sentence that is
given against you, seeing with your own mouth ye confess the
foreknowledge and concealing of the King's murther." ... He answered,
"That I know to be true indeed, but yet they should have considered the
danger that the revealing of it would have brought to me at that time;
for I durst not reveal it for fear of my life. For at that time to whom
should I have revealed it? To the Queen? She was the doer thereof. I was
minded to have told it to the King's self, but I durst not for my life,
for I knew him to be a bairn of such nature, that there was nothing told
him but he would reveal it to her again." ... Then he said, "After the
Earl Bothwell was cleansed by an assize, sundry of the nobility and I
subscrived also a bond with the Earl Bothwell, that if any should lay
the King's murder to his charge, we should assist him in the contrary.
And thereafter I subscrived to the Queen's marriage with the Earl
Bothwell, as sundry others of the nobility did, being charged thereto by
the Queen's writ and command." Then being inquired in name of the living
God, that seeing this murther was one of the most filthy acts that ever
was done in Scotland, and the secrets thereof have not yet been
declared, who were the chief doers, or whether he was worried, or blown
in the air, and therefore pressed to declare if he knew any further
secret thereunto; he answered, "As I shall answer to God, I know no more
secret in that matter than I have already told."
Letter from Mr. Archibald Douglas to the Queen of Scots.
_Robertson's History of Scotland_, App. XIV., from Harl. Lib.
xxxvii. bk. ix. fol. 126.
... It may please your Majesty to remember in the year of God 1566, the
said Earl of Morton, with divers other nobility and gentry, were
declared rebels to your Majesty.... True it is that I was one of that
number, that heavily offended against your Majesty, and passed into
France the time of our banishment, at the desire of the rest, to humbly
pray your brother the most Christian King, to intercede that our
offences might be pardoned.--Your Majesty's mind so inclined to mercy,
that, within short space thereafter, I was permitted to repair into
Scotland, to deal with Earls Murray, Atholl, Bothwell, Argyll, and
Secretary Lethington, in the name and behalf of the said Earl Morton,
Lords Ruthven, Lindsay, and remanent accomplices.... At my coming to
them ... they declared that the marriage betwix you and your husband had
been the occasion already of great evil in that realm ... they had
thought it convenient to join themselves in league and band with some
other noblemen resolved to obey your Majesty as their natural sovereign,
and have nothing to do with your husband's command whatsoever; if the
said earl would for himself enter into that band, they could be content
to humbly request and travel by all means with your Majesty for his
pardon.... They desired that I should return sufficiently instructed in
this matter to Stirling, before the baptism of your son, whom God might
preserve. This message was faithfully delivered by me at Newcastle in
England, where the said earl then remained, in presence of his friends
and company, where they all condescended to have no further dealing with
your husband, and to enter into the said band. With this deliberation, I
returned to Stirling, where ... your Majesty's gracious pardon was
granted unto them all.... Immediately after, the said Earl of Morton
repaired to Whittinghame, where the Earl Bothwell and Secretary
Lethington came to him; what speech passed there amongst them, as God
shall be my judge, I knew nothing at that time; but at their departure I
was requested by the said Earl Morton to accompany the Earl Bothwell and
Secretary to Edinburgh, and to return with such answer as they should
obtain of your Majesty, which being given to me by the said persons, as
God shall be my judge, was no other than these words, "Show to the Earl
Morton that the Queen will hear no speech of that matter appointed unto
him." When I craved that the answer might be made more sensible,
Secretary Lethington said, that the earl would sufficiently understand
it, albeit few or none at that time understand what passed amongst them.
It is known to all men, as well by the railing letters passed betwixt
the said earl and Lethington, when they became in divers factions, as
also a book set forth by the ministers, wherein they affirm that the
earl has confessed to them, before his death, that the Earl Bothwell
came to Whittinghame to propose the calling away of the King your
husband, to the which proposition the said Earl of Morton affirms that
he could give no answer unto such time he might know your Majesty's
mind, which he never received....