It may be worth while to indicate briefl_The Jews among the Greeks and Romans

senatorial authority and the executive power at Rome. Unless the

senate acted at the instance of the magistrate himself, a

_senatusconsultum_ was an advisory resolution, passed upon motion and

suggesting to the holder of executive power, or _imperium_, a certain

course of action. The words were generally: _Placet senatui ut A. A.,

N. N. consules, alter ambove, si eis videretur, ilia faciant_. In

practice, it is true, such a resolution was almost mandatory. A strong

magistrate, however, or a rash one, might and did disregard it. While,

accordingly, a magistrate might neglect a course of action prescribed

by the senate, there was nothing to hinder any action on his part

(whether or not there was senatorial authority for it), except the

veto power residing in the tribune or in an equal or superior

magistrate. The only restrictions were made by the laws concerning the

inviolability of the person of a _civis Romanus_, and of the

_aerarium_.

Footnote 240:

The _contio_ was a formal assembly of citizens, called by a magistrate

holding _imperium_. The purpose was generally to hear projected

legislation either favorably or unfavorably discussed. No one spoke

except the magistrate or those whom he designated. The _contio_ took

no action except to indicate its assent by acclamation, or its dissent

equally emphatically. At the actual legislative assembly, for which

the _contiones_ were preparations, no discussion whatever took place.

The law was presented to be accepted or refused. It will be seen that

a mass of Orientals who less than two years before had been

Aramaic-speaking slaves can scarcely have been a power in such

gatherings as these.

Footnote 241:

Philo, Leg. ad. Gaium, 23.

Footnote 242:

The language of the inscriptions in the various Jewish cemeteries at

Rome is almost always Greek, as is that of most of the monuments in

the Christian catacombs. Latin is rare and generally later. But these

monuments belong to Jews who lived several generations after 63 B.C.E.

As far as Palestine is concerned, both inscriptions and literature

leave no doubt that the masses spoke only Aramaic or Hebrew.

Footnote 243:

Caesar, Bell. Gall. II. xxxiii. 7; III. xvi. 4.

Footnote 244:

Foucart, Mém. sur l’affranchissement des esclaves.

Footnote 245:

Suet. Div. Iul. 84, 76, 80.

Footnote 246:

The pretensions of the senatorial party to be the only true Romans

were not altogether unfounded. The terms _boni_ and _optimates_ which

they gave themselves were perhaps consciously adapted from the

καλοὶ κἀγαθοί of Athens. The importance of _nobilitas_ as

a criterion of true Roman blood lay in the fact that it attested

lineage in a wholly unmistakable way. We may compare the insistence of

Nehemiah upon documentary evidence of Israelitish blood (Neh. vii. 61,

64).

Footnote 247:

Pro Flacco, 15, 36, compared with 26, 62 seq.

Footnote 248:

Cf. ch. XIV., notes 11, 12.

Footnote 249:

The chief political asset of the triumvirs was the orientalized plebs

of the city, whose origin and poverty would combine to make them

bitterly detest the organized tax-farmers. Now Crassus, one of the

triumvirs, was himself the head of a powerful financial group. It may

be that the tax-farmers persecuted by Gabinius belonged to a rival

organization, or that Crassus had withdrawn from that form of

speculation before 60 B.C.E. In the case of Flaccus, the complaint of

the tax-financier Decianus was a pretext, or else Decianus may have

been forethoughtful enough to have joined the right syndicate.

Footnote 250:

Cicero ad Att. ii. 9.

Footnote 251:

Augustinus, De Civ. Dei, iv. 31, 2.

CHAPTER XVI

JEWS IN ROME DURING THE EARLY EMPIRE

Footnote 252:

Myths are understood by modern anthropologists exclusively as a

“folk-way,” with the effects of single creative imaginations almost

wholly eliminated. However, the better-known Greek myths are not at

all folk-devised. As far as the Romans are concerned, it has so far

been impossible to pick out a definite story which does not appear to

have been derived from an existing Greek myth by quite sophisticated

methods.

Footnote 253:

The phrase referred to is _Ubi bene ibi patria_, although just this

form of it may not be ancient. However, the idea, that a fatherland

might brutally ill-use its citizens and still claim their loyalty, was

something that the average Greek scarcely recognized even in theory.

When Socrates propounds some such doctrine in Plato’s Crito, 51 B, he

is consciously advocating a paradox. It was regarded as a noble ideal

somewhat beyond the reach of ordinary men. Its disregard involved no

moral turpitude.

In Cicero, Tusc. v. 37, 108, the phrase runs, _Patria est ubicunque

est bene_. That is an evident adaptation of a Greek phrase, such as

the one in Aristoph. Plut. 1151, πατρὶς γάρ ἐστι πᾶσ’ ἵν’ ἂν

πράττη τις εὖ.

Footnote 254:

Livy, Epit. lvi. Eunous, the leader, called his followers _Syri_, and

himself King Antiochus. Cf. Florus, ii. 7 (iii. 9), Diodorus fr.

xxxiv. 2, 5. Atargatis was the _Dea Syria_ that played so important a

rôle in the life of the empire.

Footnote 255:

The philosophic schools had the usual corporate names of θίασος,

σύνοδος, and the like. Or like other corporations they have a

cult name in the plural, οἱ Διογενισταί, οἱ Ἀντιπατρισταί, οἱ

Παναιτιασταί (Athen. v. 186). For the International Athletic

Union, ἡ περιπολιστικὴ ξυστικὴ σύνοδος, cf. Gk. Pap. in

Brit. Mus. i. 214 seq.

Footnote 256:

Cf. ch. III., n. 9.

Footnote 257:

Cf. Menippus in Lucian’s Icaromenippus, 6 seq. Menippus does not spare

his fellow Cynics (_ibid._ 16).

Footnote 258:

Macrobius, Sat. II. i. 13. The jest has unfortunately not come down to

us.

Footnote 259:

The book we know as the “Wisdom of Solomon” is unquestionably the

finest in style and the profoundest in treatment of the Apocrypha.

Such passages as i.; ii. 1 seq.; ii. 6; iii. 1 seq. can hardly have

appealed to any but highly cultured men.

Footnote 260:

Until the time of Claudius, we are told by John Lydus, no Roman

citizen might actively participate in the rites of Cybele. Cf.

Dendrophori, Pauly-Wissowa, p. 216. Claudius removed the restriction,

perhaps to make Cybele a counterfoil to Isis.

Footnote 261:

The story in Livy, XXXIX., viii. seq. is a case in point. The

abominable excesses which, as Hispala testifies, took place among the

Bacchae (_ibid._ 13) are almost certainly gross exaggerations.

This hostility to new-comers was not a sudden departure from previous

usage. Sporadic instances are mentioned in Livy’s narrative. As early

as 429 B.C.E., he tells us, _Datum negotium aedilibus ne qui nisi

Romani dii neu quo alio more quam patrio colerentur_ (Livy, IV. xxx.

11). The notice is of value as an indication that the general Roman

feeling was not always so cordially receptive as is often assumed.

Footnote 262:

Valerius Max. I. iii. 3.

Footnote 263:

Cf. Cic. ad Att. iii. 15, 4; Asconius ad Pison. 8.

Footnote 264:

Suetonius, Div. Iul. 42. Josephus, Ant. XIV. x. 8. Suetonius (_ibid._

84) states that many _exterae gentes_ enjoyed his favor. The Jews may

have been only one group among many. However, the statement is

indirectly made by Suetonius and directly by Josephus, that they

received his special protection to a striking extent. We have only the

political support given the triumvirs and Caesar personally to fall

back upon for a motive.

Footnote 265:

I undertake with some diffidence to revive a conjecture made before

without much success, that the 30th Sabbath was the Day of Atonement.

One remarkable misunderstanding of the Sabbath institution was that it

was a fast-day. When we consider the number and activity of the Roman

Jews, it seems scarcely credible that so many otherwise well-informed

persons supposed that the Jews fasted once a week. Augustus in his

letter to Tiberius seems to do so (Suet. Aug. 76). Pomp. Trogus

(Justinus), xxxvi. 2, explicitly states it. Cf. also Petronius

(Bücheler, Anth. Lat. Frg. 37) and Martial, iv. 4. But at least one

man, Plutarch, not only knew that it was not so, but was aware that,

if anything, the Sabbath was a joyous feast-day (Moralia ii., Quaest.

Con. v. 2). To this testimony must be added that of Persius, Sat. v.

182 seq. It is in the highest degree surprising that Reinach (p. 265,

n. 3) could have accepted the theory that the _pallor_ alluded to is

the faintness brought on by fasting. The tunny fish on the plate

should have convinced him of his error. It may be remembered that fish

in all its forms was one of the chief delicacies of the Romans. Tunny,

however, was a very common fish, and one of the principal food staples

of the proletariat.

Persius writes from personal experience. Of the other writers it is

only Pompeius Trogus who makes the unqualified statement that the

Sabbath as such was a fast-day. When Strabo writes that Pompey is said

to have taken Jerusalem τὴν τῆς νηστείας ἡμέραν τηρήσας

(xvi. 40), he is assumed to have been guilty of the same confusion.

But it is not easy to see why he should have hesitated to say the

Sabbath if he meant the Sabbath. Nor is it so certain that Josephus is

mechanically copying Strabo (Reinach, p. 104. n. 1) when he says (Ant.

XIV. iv. 3) that Jerusalem was taken περὶ τρίτον μηνα τῇ τῆς

νηστείας ἡμέρᾳ. The details of Josephus are vastly fuller than

those of Strabo, and he is not guilty of the latter’s error regarding

Jewish observance of the Sabbath in times of war (Ant. XIV. iv. 2).

Besides, the siege lasted several weeks—more than two months—so that

Pompey’s maneuver, if it depended wholly upon the Sabbath, might have

been performed at once.

Hilgenfeld’s supposition (Monatsschrift, 1885, pp. 109-115) that the

day was the Atonement, is better founded than Reinach would have us

think. In the mouth of Josephus, ἡ τῆς νηστείας ἡμέρα can

scarcely have any other sense. And if Josephus believed that Jerusalem

fell on the Kippur, he believed so from more intimate tradition than

the writings of Strabo.

Now, ἡ τῆς νηστείας ἡμέρα, the great fast of the Jews,

must have been as marked a feature in their life two thousand years

ago as to-day. While all the other feasts have individual names, it

does not appear that this one did. יום הכפורים (Lev.

xxiii. 27; LXX, ἡμέρα ἐξιλασμοῦ) seems rather a

descriptive term than a proper name. Josephus (Ant. IV. x.) has no

name for it, although he has for the others. In the Talmud, it is

ימא “the Day,” יומא רבא “the Great Day,”

צומא רבא, “the Great Fast.” In Acts xxvii. 9 we meet the

phrase ἡ νηστεία, “the fast κατ’ ἐξοχήν.”

Similarly in Philo, _De Septenario_, all the festivals have names

except this, which is referred to simply as “the Fast.” It must be,

however, evident that with the institution of other fasts, ἡ

νηστεία would hardly be adequate. As a distinctive appellation,

some other name had to be chosen.

In the Pentateuch the term (שבת שבתון) is used of

ordinary Sabbaths (Ex. xxxi. 15, xxxv. 2, Lev. xxiii. 3) as well as of

the Atonement (Lev. xvi. 31, xxiii. 32). But the LXX expressly

distinguishes the application of it to ordinary Sabbaths from its

application to the Atonement. The former, it renders σάββατα

ἀναπαύσεως, the latter σάββατα σαββάτων. This

latter term may therefore be considered the specific designation of

the Atonement Day, and it is so used by Philo, De Septen. 23,

σάββατον σαββάτων, τῶν ἁγίων ἁγιώτεραι (ἑβδόμαδες).

We may, therefore, assume that in the Greek-speaking Jewish community

of Rome, σάββατα σαββάτων, “the Great Sabbath,” was the

common designation—or at least a familiar designation—of the Day of

Atonement. In that case it could scarcely be otherwise than familiar

to those who had any dealings whatever with the Jews.

Fuscus pretends to share a very general observance, and on the

strength of it to be disinclined to discuss any personal matters with

his friend. Can that day have been a simple Sabbath? The tone

indicates a rarer and more solemn occasion. Besides, we are definitely

told that it is a special Sabbath, the “thirtieth.”

The Jews at that time seem to have reckoned their festivals by strict

lunar months (Josephus, Ant. IV. x.) and their civil year by the

Macedonian calendar. The thirtieth Sabbath, if we reckon by the Roman

calendar, might conceivably have fallen on the Atonement. By the

Macedonian or Athenian it could not have done so. However, as the

Roman calendar was a solar one, the correspondence of the thirtieth

Sabbath with the Atonement can only have been a fortuitous one in a

single year. _Tricesima sabbata_ can hardly apply to that.

It is just possible that the reason for the word “thirtieth” is to be

found in the widely and devoutly pursued astrology of that time. The

number thirty had a certain significance in astrology, Firmicus

Maternus, IV. xvii. 5; xxii. 3. If for one reason or another the

_mansio_ of the moon, which coincided with the second week of the

seventh lunar month (cf. Firm. Mat. IV. i. seq. for the importance of

the moon in astrology), bore the number thirty, then _tricesima

sabbata_, to initiated and uninitiated, might bear the portentous

meaning required for the Horatian passage.

Whether that is so or not, the only Sabbath which we know to have been

specially singled out from the rest of the year, was this

σάββατα σαββάτων, the Day of Atonement. Whatever reason

there was for calling it the thirtieth, the mere fact of its being

particularly designated makes it likely that Horace referred to that

day.

Nearly every one of the festivals in Tishri has already been suggested

for the phrase, but these results have been reached by elaborate and

intricate calculations, which bring the thirtieth Sabbath on the

festival required. The main difficulty with all such calculations has

been noted. The coincidence can only have been exceptional, and an

exceptional coincidence will not help us here. Some especially

rigorous Jews undoubtedly fasted every week like the Pharisee in Luke

xviii. 11-20, but that was intended as a form of asceticism. The

custom survived in some Christian communities, notably in Rome, which

elevated it almost to a dogma, so that Augustine had to combat the

point with especial vigor. (Ep. xxxvi., and Casulanum, Corp. Scr.

Eccl. xxxiv. pp. 33 seq.) It may be interesting to remember that from

a passage of this epistle referring to this Sabbath fast (xiv. 32) is

derived the famous proverb, “When you are in Rome, do as the Romans

do.”

Footnote 266:

Sat. I. iv. 18.

Footnote 267:

Sat. I. v. 97.

Footnote 268:

Apellas is a common name for a slave or freedman. Cic. ad Fam. vii.

25; C. I. L. x. 6114. That a Jew should bear a name derived from that

of Apollo, is not at all strange. Cf. ch. IX., n. 6.

Footnote 269:

Cf. Ep. I. vi. 1 seq. The _nil admirari_ of the first line is Horace’s

equivalent for the ἀταραξία of Epicurus.

Footnote 270:

As is stated in the text, the _peregrina Sabbata_ and the _septima

festa_, which is merely a metrical paraphrase for _Sabbata_, are

treated here as of annual occurrence. The word _redeunt_ itself points

to that. It has been suggested in Note 264, that the great annual

Sabbath was the Day of Atonement. If that is referred to here, the

application is very natural. The season of the Tishri festivals

coincided in the Mediterranean with rather severe storms. These

generally began after the Day of Atonement, so that among Jews sailing

was rarely undertaken after that day. This is strikingly shown by Acts

xxvii. 9. But the equinoctial storms, while sufficient to make a

sea-voyage dangerous, do not seem to have caused serious discomfort on

land. The reference, accordingly, must in each case be understood from

its context. In the first the courtship is to be begun, _tu licet

incipias_, at the great Sabbath, to take advantage of the exquisite

autumn of Italy. In the second, the voyage is not to be deferred even

for this same Sabbath, which ordinarily marked the danger line of

navigation.

Footnote 271:

Vogelstein u. Rieger, Gesch. der Jud. in der Stadt Rom., p. 39 seq.

Footnote 272:

Reinach, Textes, p. 259.

Footnote 273:

Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXIX. i. 6. Plaut. Amphitruo, 1013.

Footnote 274:

Cf. Garrucci, Cimitero ... in Signa Randanini; F. X. Kraus, Roma Sott.

p. 286 ff.; Garucci, Storia del arte Cristiana, VI. tav. 489-491.

CHAPTER XVII

THE JEWS OF THE EMPIRE TILL THE REVOLT

Footnote 275:

Verg. Ecl. i. 6-7; Georg. i. 503; Horace, Odes, I. ii. 43; Ovid, Ex

Ponto, ii. 8.

Footnote 276:

Xen. An. IV. i. 2-3.

Footnote 277:

Cic. ad Att. i. 1.

Footnote 278:

While notoriously corrupt governors like Cotta (130 B.C. E.), Cic. Pro

Mur. 58, and Aquilius (126 B.C.E.), Cic. Div. in Caec. 69, were

acquitted, a rigidly honest man like Rufus was convicted under such a

charge. Dio Cassius, fr. 97.

Footnote 279:

Ditt. Or. inscr. no. 456, l. 35; from Mytilene, 457, 659.

Footnote 280:

The Edict of Caracalla, called the Constitutio Antonina or

Antoniniana, has been known in substance for a long time. Recently

fragments of its exact words in Greek were discovered in a papyrus

(Giessen, Pap. II. (P. Meyer), p. 30 seq): δίδωμι τοῖς συνάπασιν

ξένοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκονμένην πολίτειαν Ρωμαίων μένοντος παντὸς

γένους πολιτευμάτων χωρὶς τῶν δεδειτικίων. The exact effect of

the decree is not yet quite clear. It seems evident that the

_dediticii_ were excluded.

Footnote 281:

Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 6.

Footnote 282:

Suet. Aug. 93.

Footnote 283:

Josephus, Ant. XIV. x.; XII. iii. 2.

Footnote 284:

The “heterodox Jewish propaganda” is of course Christianity. The

success of Paul and other missionaries in Asia Minor is best indicated

by the churches of Asia to which Revelations is addressed.

Footnote 285:

Horace, Ep. II. ii. 184. The sumptuous present of Aristobulus, which

formed part of Pompey’s triumphal procession, Josephus, Ant. XIV. iii.

1. Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXXVII. ii. 12, must have made the Jewish kings

symbols of enormous wealth. None the less, Herod’s unsparing severity

toward his own sons was also well known, and it is said to have

elicited from Augustus the phrase _mallem Herodis porcus esse quam

filius_—Macrob. Sat. II. iv. 11—a jest which, as Reinach points out

(Textes, p. 358), is of doubtful authenticity, and certainly not

original.

Footnote 286:

Josephus, Ant. XX. iii.

Footnote 287:

Judea herself was free from tribute, but Herod was responsible for

certain Arab revenues. Besides, he received from Augustus a number of

Greek towns (Josephus, Wars, I. xx. seq.), and his kingdom included

further Batanaea south of Damascus, Galilee, and Peraea, the Greek

cities across the Jordan and south through Idumaea. All this was held

by him as the acknowledged beneficiary of Rome (Josephus, Ant. XV. vi.

7).

Footnote 288:

Josephus, Ant. XV. i. 2.

Footnote 289:

Josephus, Ant. XVII. vi. 6.

Footnote 290:

Cf. ch. XI., n. 15. Cf. also Josephus, Ant. XVII. x.

Footnote 291:

Not merely composed of Herod’s old soldiers (Josephus, Ant. XVII. x.

4). Matt. xxii. 16; Mark iii. 6; xii. 13.

Footnote 292:

Madden, Coins of the Jews. Cf. also Josephus, Ant. XVIII. iii. 1.

Footnote 293:

Josephus, Ant. XX. viii. 11.

Footnote 294:

Josephus, Ant. XX. v. 4.

Footnote 295:

Josephus, Ant. XV. xi. 15.

Footnote 296:

Josephus, Ant. XVI. vii.-viii. seq. The many children of Herod’s ten

wives were in almost constant intrigues against him and one another.

Footnote 297:

Strabo, xvi. 755.

Footnote 298:

It is necessary at every point to note the uncertain character of our

evidence. The _Historiae Philippicae_ of Pompeius Trogus written under

Augustus would have been of inestimable value for us, if we had them

in full. But we possess them merely in the summary of Justin (third

century?), which gives us all the substance, but little or none of the

personality of the writer. And in this case the loss is the more

serious because Trogus seems to have had a keener feeling for the

dramatic character of events and a broader sympathy than many other

ancient historians.

Footnote 299:

Josephus, Ant. XVII. x. 9.

Footnote 300:

This is the Varus made famous in the Teutoburg battle. The

insurrection mentioned in the text is the _polemos shel Varos_ of the

Seder Olam.

Footnote 301:

Caesar, Bell. Gall. iii. 10.

Footnote 302:

Josephus, Ant. XVII. x. 9.

Footnote 303:

Nicolaus of Damascus, philosopher and historian, was Herod’s principal

Greek adviser and the advocate of the Jews in many public

controversies. As far as we can judge from fragments, his History of

the World, in no less than 114 Books, was a loosely connected

compilation rather than a work of literary merit.

Footnote 304:

Josephus, Ant. XVIII. i. 1 and 6.

Footnote 305:

A complete investigation of this subject is contained in Domaszewski,

Die Religion des römischen Heeres.

Footnote 306:

Cagnat. in Dar.-Sagl. Dict. des ant. s. v. legio, p. 1084.

Footnote 307:

The signa were actually worshiped by the soldiers. They are the

_propria legionum numina_. Tac. Ann. ii. 17. Cf. Cagnat., _op. cit._

p. 1065. Domaszewski, _op. cit._ p. 115.

Footnote 308:

To the sense and tact of this typical Roman official the averting of a

crisis in the history of Palestinian Jewry is due. The rebellion which

Gaius would undoubtedly have provoked might have dragged other parts

of the world with it, and at that time the conditions were less

favorable for re-establishment of the empire than in 68 C.E.

Footnote 309:

Josephus, Ant. XVIII. vii. 2.

Footnote 310:

Josephus, Ant. XIX. vi.

Footnote 311:

That Tacitus shows a strong antipathy to the Jews can scarcely be

questioned. It is in these chapters (Hist. v. 2. seq.) more than most

others, that we are able to see the rhetorical historian of ancient

times almost in the act of preparing his narrative. The sources of

Tacitus are open to us. That he used Manetho and Apion instead of

Josephus and Nicolaus is itself ample indication of the complete lack

of conscience with which such a writer could select his evidence

according to the thesis he meant to establish.

Footnote 312:

Cagnat. Inscr. Gr. ad res Rom. pertin. ii. n. 176.

Footnote 313:

Cf. for the Jewish feeling toward him, Jos. Ant. VI. i. 2; Ketub. 17a;

Pes. 88b. He is represented as a rigidly observant and pious Jew.

However, the boon companion of the young Gaius and the voluptuaries of

the imperial court must have undergone an overwhelming change of heart

if he was really worthy of the praise lavished upon him.

Footnote 314:

Josephus, Ant. XIX. vii.

Footnote 315:

Josephus, Ant. XX. i. One of the slain rioters is named Hannibal.

Footnote 316:

Josephus, Ant. XX. v.

Footnote 317:

Josephus, Ant. XX. viii.

CHAPTER XVIII

THE REVOLT OF 68 C.E.

Footnote 318:

Cf. Livy, Books XXXIX and XL.

Footnote 319:

Tac. Ann. iii. 40 seq.; _ibid._ ii. 52; iv. 23. In 52 C.E., Cilicia

rose in revolt; _ibid._ xii. 55. The Jewish disturbances of the same

year are alluded to in Tac. Ann. xii. 54—a passage omitted in Reinach.

Footnote 320:

Josephus, Wars, II. xvi.

Footnote 321:

The entire life of this curious impostor, as portrayed by Lucian, is

of the highest interest. The maddest and most insolent pranks received

no severer punishment than exclusion from Rome.

Footnote 322:

C. I. L. vii. 5471.

Footnote 323:

For the Armenian, British, etc., rebellions, see Suet. Nero, 39, 40.

In at least one other part of the empire, prophecy and poetry

maintained the hope of an ultimate supremacy, something like the

Messianic hope of the Jews. This was in Spain, and upon this fact

Galba laid great stress. Suet. Galba, 9: _Quorum carminum sententia

erat, oriturum quandoque ex Hispania principem dominumque rerum_.

Footnote 324:

Suetonius speaks first of the joy shown at his death, then of the

grief. It is, however, easy to see that the latter manifestation was

probably the more genuine and lasting.

Footnote 325:

Josephus, Ant. XX. viii. 11; Vita, 3.

Footnote 326:

We learn from the same passage that a great many accounts of Nero

existed, and many of them were favorable. The implication further is

that these accounts were written after his death. We have only the

picture drawn by Tacitus and Suetonius. If we had one written from the

other side, like Velleius Paterculus’ panegyric of Tiberius (Vell.

Pat. ii. 129 seq.), we should be better able to judge him.

Footnote 327:

Gittin 56a.

Footnote 328:

Reinach, Textes, pp. 176-178.

Footnote 329:

Neither the arch nor the inscription exists any longer. A copy of the

inscription was made, before the ninth century, by a monk of the

monastery of Einsiedeln, to whose observation and antiquarian interest

we owe more than one valuable record.

Footnote 330:

The phrase _Iudaica superstitione imbuti_, already quoted, shows what

the term would be likely to suggest to Roman minds. In Diocletian’s

time, when the Persians were the arch-enemies of Rome, and Persian

doctrine in the form of Manicheism was widely spread over the empire,

the emperors did not hesitate to call themselves _Persicus_. But

_Persicus_ never meant an adherent of a religious sect.

Footnote 331:

_Idumaea_ is used for _Iudaea_ in Statius Silvae, iii. 138; v. 2, 138;

Valerius Flaccus, Argon. 12.

CHAPTER XIX

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ROMAN JEWISH COMMUNITY

Footnote 332:

Philo, Leg. ad Gaium, 24.

Footnote 333:

We may compare such expressions as _magica arte infecti_, Tac. Ann.

ii. 2; Cic. Fin. III. ii. 9.

Footnote 334:

Long before the attempts made in the nineteenth century to

rehabilitate all the generally acknowledged historical monsters,

historians had looked askance at the portrait of Tiberius drawn by

Tacitus. For a recent discussion, cf. Jerome, The Tacitean Tiberius,

Class. Phil. vii. pp. 265 seq.

Footnote 335:

Suet. Tib. 36. The _mathematici_ are strictly the astrologers whose

science was called μάθησις. Cf. the title of Firmicus

Maternus, _Matheseos libri_. The governmental attempt to suppress the

_mathematici_ was a total failure, but the law’s attitude toward them

may be seen from the rescript of Diocletian (294 C.E.): _ars

mathematica damnabilis interdicta est_ (Cod. Just. IX. xviii. 2).

Footnote 336:

Nero assigned Sardinia to the senate as ample satisfaction for Achaea,

which he took under his own jurisdiction.

Footnote 337:

Acts xi. 26; xxvi. 28. Ιησοῦ χρήστου in the inscription

quoted in n. 10. In this case the identification of names may be due

to iotacism.

Footnote 338:

Cf. the well-known rhetorician Philostr. Vita. Soph. ii. 11, and in

Rome itself Inscr. gr. Sic. et Ital. 1272; and _ibid._ 2417, 2.

Footnote 339:

The question of the authenticity and date of the Acts does not belong

to this study. A thorough discussion will be found in Wendland, Die

urchristlichen Literaturformen, 3rd p. 314 seq.

Footnote 340:

Acts xi. 19; xiii. 5, 50.

Footnote 341:

συναγωγή = ἐκκλησία. Le Bas, 2528 (318

C.E.), a Marcionite association.

Footnote 342:

There was a jurist Tertullian of whom some fragments have been

preserved in the Digest (29, 2, 30; 49, 17, 4). He has on plausible

grounds been assumed to be the same as the Church Father. There can be

no question that the latter had legal training. As for the cruelties

described by Tacitus, it may be said that Eusebius has no word of

them, even in his denunciation of Nero. (Hist. Eccl. II. xxv.)

Footnote 343:

All the Church Fathers mention these outrageous charges. Pliny (Ep. x.

96) refers vaguely to wickednesses charged against them, but the

_flagitia cohaerentia nomini_ are more likely to be the treasonable

machinations which the Christian associations were assumed to be

engaged in than these foul and stupid accusations. It will be

remembered that Tertullian (_loc. cit._) is more eager to free the

Christians from the charge of treason than of any other. Treason in

this case, however, meant not sedition or rebellion, but anarchy,

_i.e._ attempts at the destruction of the state. The attitude of

medieval law toward heresy gives a good analogy.

Footnote 344:

It would scarcely be necessary to refute this slander, if it had not

recently renewed currency; Harnack, Mission and Ausbreitung.

Tertullian knows nothing of it, nor Eusebius, although the latter

refers in the case of Polycarp to Jewish persecution of Christians

(Hist. Eccl. IV. xv. 29). Tertullian, on the contrary, implies that an

enemy of the Jews would be likely to be a persecutor of Christians

(Apol. 5).

Footnote 345:

Like most men of his time he bore two names, his native name of Saul

and the name by which he was known among Christians, Paul. This is

indicated by the phrase Σαῦλος ὁ καὶ Παῦλος (Acts xiii.

9), which is the usual form in which such a double name was expressed.

Footnote 346:

The mother church at Jerusalem consisted exclusively of Jews until the

time of Hadrian (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. IV. v. 2).

Footnote 347:

Quint. Inst. X. i. 93.

Footnote 348:

Maecenas, too, was of the highest Etruscan nobility. Horace, Sat. I.

vi. 1 seq. The antiquity of Etruscan families was proverbial among the

Romans.

Footnote 349:

Mommsen seeks to make his crabbed style a racial characteristic. The

statement is quite gratuitous. His peculiarity of expression is amply

explained by his youth, his lack of literary practice, and his

absorption in his philosophical pursuits.

Footnote 350:

Pers. v. 176. Reinach, Textes, p. 264.

Footnote 351:

Strabo apud Jos. Ant. XIV. vii. 2: καὶ τόπον οὐκ ἔστι ῥᾳδίως

εὑρεῖν τῆς οίκουμένης ὅς οὐ παραδέδεκται τοῦτο τὸ φῦλον μηδ’

ἐπικρατεῖται ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ. Seneca apud Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 10:

_Cum interim usque eo sceleratissimae gentis consuetudo valet ut per

omnes iam terras recepta sit; victi victoribus leges dederunt_.

Footnote 352:

Besides the capital passage (Sat. xiv. 96) Juvenal speaks of Jews in

Sat. iii. 10 seq., 296; vi. 156, 542.

Footnote 353:

Cf. Garrucci, Cimitero ... in Signa Randanini; Rossi, Roma Sotteranea,

especially the Indices. As late as 296 C.E. the epitaph of the Bishop

of the Roman church is given in Greek.

CHAPTER XX

THE FINAL REVOLTS OF THE JEWS

Footnote 354:

Perhaps the “egg laid on the Sabbath” would have excited less comment,

if the fact were kept in mind that a decision in a specific case can

hardly fail to be particular.

Footnote 355:

C. I. L. ix. 1. 26.

Footnote 356:

Laius outraged Chrysippus, son of Pelops, who had been left in his

care. The Euripidean lost play on Oedipus seems to have adopted that

version. Pisander, Schol. Eur. Phoen. 1760: πρῶτος δὲ Λάιος τὸν

ἀθέμιτον ἔρωτα τοῦτον ἔσχεν.

Footnote 357:

Cf. Philo, De Spec. Leg. 7.

Footnote 358:

Tosefta Ab. Zar. ii. 6.

Footnote 359:

Ziebarth, Kulturbilder aus griechischen Städten, p. 73.

Footnote 360:

In very much earlier times Jews left dedications in the temple of Pan

Euhodus. Ditt. Inscr. Or. 74: Θεύδοτος Δωρίωνος Ἰουδαῖος σωθεὶς

ἐκ πελάγου. Cf. 73, Πτολεμαῖος Διονυσίου Ἰουδαῖος.

Footnote 361:

This became a standing formula and in inscriptions is regularly

abbreviated N. K. C. (Valerius Probus, 4), _i.e. non kalumniae causa_.

The use of _k_ for _c_ testifies to the antiquity of the formula.

Footnote 362:

Suet. Domit. 12.

Footnote 363:

Dio Cassius (Xiph.), lxvii. 14.

Footnote 364:

Passed in 81 B.C.E. This law punished offenses as diverse as murder,

arson, poisoning, perjury, abortion, and abuse of magisterial power.

In every case it was the effect of the act that was considered.

Footnote 365:

Reinach, Textes, p. 197, n. 1.

Footnote 366:

The _polemos shel kitos_ of Mishnah Sota ix. 14 and the Seder Olam.

Quietus was a Moorish chieftain of great military ability. He seems to

have hoped for the succession to the throne. After the end of the

revolt he was transferred to his native province, Mauretania, by

Hadrian, and was ultimately executed for treason.

Footnote 367:

Meg. Taan., Adar 12; Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, 3rd iv. 445 seq.

Footnote 368:

In the case of non-Jews, the Messianic hope was simply the dread of an

impending cataclysm. As far as this dread was connected with the

failure of the Julian line, it proved groundless. But the Jewish

Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of this time are full of prophecies of

the end of the world. It was the general belief that the world was

very old, and that a fixed cycle, then rapidly coming to its end,

determined the limits it would reach.

Footnote 369:

Jerus. Taan. iv. 7, p. 68 d. Ekah Rab. ii. 1.

Footnote 370:

Dio Cassius (Xiph.), lxix. 12; Reinach, Textes, p. 198.

Footnote 371:

Dig. 50, 15, 1, 6.

Footnote 372:

Euseb. Hist. Eccl. IV. vi. 4.

Footnote 373:

Gen. Rab. lxiii. (xxv. 23) makes Hadrian the typical heathen king, as

Solomon is the typical Jewish king. His name is followed, as is that

of Trajan, by a drastic curse. But there are traditions of a kindlier

feeling toward him. Sibyl. v. 248. In the Meg. Taan. the 29th of Adar.

Footnote 374:

Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. IV. vi., quoting Aristo of Pella. Jerome in

Ezek. i. 15. It is here that the famous passage of Jerome occurs,

which describes the Jews as “buying their tears.” Cf. also Itiner.

Burdigal. (Hierosolymitanum), I. v. 22.

Footnote 375:

Vopiscus, Vita Saturn. viii.; Reinach, Textes, p. 326. The

authenticity of this letter has been questioned, but the transmission,

although indirect, is better documented than in most such cases.

Hadrian is known to have written an autobiography, and Phlegon, his

freedman, who also wrote his life, no doubt used it. Spartianus, Hadr.

i. 1; xiv. 8.

Footnote 376:

The writers Spartianus, Capitolinus, etc., dedicate their work to

Diocletian or Constantine. It was suggested by Dessau, Hermes, 24,

337, that these writers never existed, and were invented by a forger

of a century later. Mommsen, Hermes, 25, 298, assumed their existence,

but regarded the extant works as revised at the time mentioned by

Dessau. Other investigators, except H. Peter, accept Mommsen’s

conclusions. Whether they are authentic or not, these biographies are

alike wretched in style and thought.

Footnote 377:

Paul, Sent. V. xxiii. 14; Dig. 48, 8, 3, 2; 8, 8. The date is not

certain; Dig. 48, 8, 3, 4.

Footnote 378:

B. G. U. 347, 82.

Footnote 379:

Dig. 48, 8, 11. pr.

Footnote 380:

Paul, Sent. V. xxii. 3.

Footnote 381:

Lampridius, Vita Alex. 22.

Footnote 382:

Jews made converts even after the prohibition of Theodosius (Jerome,

Migne Patrol, 25, p. 199; 26, p. 311). One further ground for doubting

the statement of Paul as it appears in the extant texts is the

following: In the Digest (48, 8, 4, 2) it is only the physician and

the slave that are capitally punished for castration. The owner of the

slave (_ibid._ 48, 8, 6) is punished by the loss of half his property.

Further, the penalty for circumcision is stated to be the same as that

for castration. That was the case not only in Modestinus’ time, who

lived after Paul, but as late as Justinian, since it is received into

the Digest. Yet Paul, according to the extant text, makes the

circumcision of alien slaves a capital crime (V. xxii. 4). The

discrepancy can scarcely be reconciled.

Footnote 383:

Capitol. Antoninus Pius, 5.

Footnote 384:

193 C.E. It was on this occasion that the Pretorians offered the

imperial purple to the highest bidder.

Footnote 385:

Josephus, Ant. XIV. x.

Footnote 386:

The legend of Polycarp assumes a large and powerful Jewish community.

In late Byzantine times, the Jews of Asia Minor were still a powerful

factor. The emperor Michael II, a Phrygian, was suspected of Jewish

leanings; Theophanes (Contin.), ii. 3 ff.

CHAPTER XXI

THE LEGAL POSITION OF THE JEWS IN THE LATER EMPIRE

Footnote 387:

The theory advanced by Wilcken-Mitteis (Grundzüge und Chrestomathie

der Pap. vol. I.) that all who paid a poll-tax were _dediticii_, and

therefore excluded from the Const. Ant. is wholly gratuitous. There is

no evidence whatever connecting the _dediticii_ with the poll-tax.

Footnote 388:

There are few reliable statements in the extant texts for estimating

the population. Beloch’s work on the subject puts all the data

together, but nothing except uncertain conjectures can be offered.

Footnote 389:

Lanciani, Ancient Rome, pp. 50-51; Pelham, Essays on Roman History,

pp. 268 seq.

Footnote 390:

Lampridius, Alex. 33: _corpora omnium constituit vinariorum_ ... _et

omnino omnium artium_.

Footnote 391:

These are the _collegia, idcirco instituta ut necessariam operam

publicis utilitatibus exhiberent_ (Dig. 50, 6, 6, 1). They are the

transportation companies and others engaged in caring for and

distributing the _annona_, the fire companies and the burial

associations of the poor. Cf. C. I. L. vi. 85, 29691; x. 1642, xiv.

2112.

Footnote 392:

The _institutio alimentaria_ commemorated on the marble slabs

(_anaglypha_) in the Forum and by the bronze tablets of Veleia and the

Baebiani (C. I. L. ix. 1147; xi. 1455). It had begun with Nerva:

_puellas puerosque natos parentibus egestosis sumptu publico per

Italiae oppida ali iussit_ (Aur. Vict., Nerva, xii.).

Footnote 393:

An entire article of the Digest (26, 1) is devoted to the _tutela_.

Another one (27, 1) deals with _excusationes_, which are mainly

exemptions from the burden of the _tutela_.

Footnote 394:

The distinction is thoroughgoing in the penal clauses cited in the

Digest. It was already established in Trajan’s time (Plin. Ep. X.

lxxix. 3). It is implied in Suetonius, Gaius, 27: _multos honesti

ordinis_. It is doubtful, however, whether the distinction was already

recognized in the time of Caligula.

Footnote 395:

Gaius wrote about 150 C.E., probably in the eastern provinces.

Footnote 396:

Abot ii. 5. The saying of Hillel has no direct reference to apostasy,

and concerns rather arrogance or eccentricity of conduct. But it

literally describes the act by which such a man as Tiberius Julius

Alexander ceased to be classed as a Jew.

Footnote 397:

Cf. Plutarch, Numa, 17; Dionys. Hal. iv. 43.

Footnote 398:

Dig. 50, 2, 3, 3.

Footnote 399:

Cod. Theod. viii. 14.

Footnote 400:

Exodus xxi. 2; Josephus, Ant. IV. viii. 28.

Footnote 401:

Bab. Bat. 3b; Gittin 46b. The duty was regarded as of the highest

urgency.

Footnote 402:

Vogelstein and Rieger, Gesch. der Juden, p. 61 seq. Friedländer,

Darstellungen der Sitt. 7th i. p. 514.

Footnote 403:

Ox. Pap. ii. no. 276.

Footnote 404:

Aurelian reigned from 270-275 C.E. The _sol invictus_ whom he adored

was probably the Baal of Palmyra. Cumont, Les rel. orient, pp. 170,

367, n. 59.

Footnote 405:

Cod. Theod. xvi. 4.

Footnote 406:

In 311 C.E. Galerius, and in 318 C.E. Constantine and Licinius,

legalized the practice of Christianity. In 380 C.E., by the edict of

Thessalonica, most of the heathen practices became penal offenses.

Footnote 407:

Every state as such had its characteristic and legally established

state ritual. Many centuries later Gladstone, then “the rising hope of

the stern and unbending Tories,” stated, as a self-evident

proposition, that a government in its collective capacity must profess

a religion (The Church in its Relation to the State, 1839).

Footnote 408:

Cyprian. De catholicae ecclesiae unitate, ch. x.

Footnote 409:

Matth. v. 13. Cf. generally the Pauline Epistles, _e.g._ II. Corinth.

xiii. 13.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PERIODICALS

The Jewish Quarterly Review: First Series, London, 1889-1900. Second

Series, Philadelphia, 1910-date.

Revue de études juives, Paris, 1880-date.

Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, Breslau,

1851-date.

ENCYCLOPEDIAS

Jewish Encyclopedia: New York, 1901-1906.

Encyclopedia Biblica: London, 1899.

Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible, 1901-1904.

Hastings’ Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, 1908. Not yet completed.

Daremberg-Saglio: Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines,

1877. Not yet completed.

Pauly-Wissowa: Realenzyklopädie, 1894. Not yet completed.

Schaff-Herzog-Hauck: Realenzyklopädie für protestantische Kirche und

Theologie. 3d ed. Eng. tr. 1908.

GENERAL REFERENCE BOOKS

Grätz: Geschichte der Juden (1873-1895). Eng. tr., History of the Jews

(1891).

Schürer: Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi (4th

ed.), 1901.

Juster: Les juifs dans l’empire romain, 1914.

Wendland: Die hellenistisch-römische Kultur in ihren Beziehungen zum

Judentum und Christentum, 1912.

Wendland-Poland-Baumgarten: Die hellenistische Kultur.

Friedländer: Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms. Leipzig (7th

ed.). Eng. tr. London, 1909.

Cumont: Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain, 1912.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

INDEX

Aboda Zara, 329.

Abstraction, 42.

Aelia Capitolina, 288, 342.

Aeolian, 50.

Africanus, the Younger, 45.

Agatharchidas, 178.

Agrippa I, king of the Jews, 283, 313.

Agrippa II, king of the Jews, 290.

Akiba, rabbi, 342.

Akmonia, 327.

Alexander (Jannai), king of the Jews, 274.

Alexander Severus, Roman emperor, 346, 356.

Alexander the Great, 37, 38, 52, 78, 212, 368.

Alexandria, 91, 107 _seq._, 200, 229, 255, 339, 362.

Allia, 252.

Amalekites, 77.

Antigonus, 128.

Antigonus, king of the Jews, 267, 270.

Antigonus of Socho, 128, 133, 386.

Antinois, 107.

Antioch, 119, 138, 282.

Antiochus Cyzicenus, 63, 275.

Antiochus Epiphanes, 135 _seq._, 205.

Antiochus Sidetes, 63.

Anti-Semitism, 97.

Apamea, 226.

Apella, 177, 248, 402.

Aphrodite, 32, 114, 376.

Apion, 168, 170, 189.

Apocrypha, 18, 67, 331.

Apollo, 27, 46, 168.

Apollonius Molo, 170, 194.

Appuleius Decianus, 223.

Aramaic, 118.

Archelaus, 278.

Archigallus, 389.

Aristobulus I, son of John Hyrcanus, 63.

Aristobulus II, son of Alexander Jannai, 64, 267.

Aristophanes, 24.

Aristotle, 81, 84, 212.

Armenia, 265.

Army, Roman, 352.

Artaxerxes Ochus, 61, 181.

Artemis, 27, 140.

Asclepius, 46.

Asebeia, 34, 35, 123, 163 _seq._, 334, 376.

Asia Minor, 58, 63, 331, 348.

Asianism, 198.

Ass, 168 _seq._

Assideans. See Hasidim.

Assuan, 60, 96.

Astrology, 241, 243, 317, 407.

Atheism, 100, 191 _seq._, 335.

Athena, 33, 83.

Athens, 52.

Atonement, Day of, 399 _seq._

Atticism, 198.

Augustus, Roman emperor, 245, 254, 257, 294.

Aurelian, Roman emperor, 366.

Avaris, 173.

Babylon, 56, 266.

Bacchanalia, 166, 238, 310.

Bagoas, 62.

Barbarian, 49, 51.

Bar Kochba. See Bar Kosiba.

Bar Kosiba, 65, 342, 348.

Bastian, 377.

Ben Sira. See Jesus, son of Sira.

Bible, 20, 59, 60.

Byzantine, 411.

Cabiri, 149.

Caesar (Gaius Julius Caesar), 222, 244, 294.

Caligula. See Gaius.

Calumnia, 332 _seq._

Camillus, 45.

Candide, 85.

Caphthor, 77, 381.

Caracalla, 348, 351.

Carthage, 45, 188.

Cassius, Dio. See Dio Cassius.

Catiline, 222, 260.

Celsus, 255.

Chaeremo, 201.

Chaldeans, 244, 255.

Charles, 19.

Chrestus, 313.

Christians, 313, 316, 346, 366.

Cicero, 53, 196, 220 _seq._

Circumcision, 80, 143, 345, 411.

Citium, 114, 376.

City-state, 69, 105 _seq._

Claudius, Roman emperor, 284, 313.

Clearchus, 84.

Clemens. See Flavius Clemens.

Clemens, of Alexandria, 86, 200.

Clodius, 244.

Constantine, 353.

Constitutio Antoniniana, 262, 350, 361, 371, 403.

Crassus, 265, 397.

Credulity, 176, 271.

Crete, 164, 186.

Cybele, 46, 158, 161, 238, 242.

Cynics, 158, 240.

Cyprian, 366.

Cyprus, 33, 338.

Cyrene, 249, 338.

Damocritus, 170, 189.

Daniel, Book of, 52, 135.

David, 73, 179.

Dead Sea, 81.

_Dediticii_, 361.

Deification, 37 _seq._, 261.

Delphi, 231, 378.

Deme, 107.

Demeter, 27.

Demetrius, Jewish writer, 127.

Demetrius (the Besieger), 38, 127, 212.

Demosthenes, 53.

Diagoras of Melos, 193.

Diana. See Artemis.

Diaspora, 60, 208, 369.

Diatribe, 158.

Dio Cassius, 300, 334, 338, 342.

Diocletian, 350, 353, 365.

Dionysus, 32, 35, 142, 171, 376.

Dioscuri, 46.

Domitian, 335.

Dorian, 50.

Druids, 142, 319.

Ecclesia, 366, 408.

Ecclesiasticus. See Jesus, son of Sira.

Egypt, 80, 88, 97, 144, 152, 153, 166, 172, 249, 269, 305, 338, 345,

353, 362.

Eleazar, 206.

Elephantine, 60, 96, 97, 180.

Eleusis, 35, 152, 377.

Eliphaz, 70.

Ennius, 53.

Epicurus, 164.

Eschatology, 72, 161.

Essenes, 279.

Ethiopic, 19.

Etruscans, 43, 210, 213, 321.

Euhemerus, 47.

Euphrates, river, 87.

Eusebia, 339, 342.

Euthyphro, 84.

Exodus, 96, 99.

Ezra, 57.

Fast, 399.

_Fiscus Iudaicus_, 332, 363.

Flaccus, prefect of Egypt, 200.

Flaccus, proconsul of Asia, 221.

Flavius Clemens, 335, 336.

Florus, Gessius, 283, 286.

Formula, 43.

Freedmen, 220, 245, 255, 307, 379.

Gabinius, 233.

Gaius, Roman emperor (Caligula), 282, 313.

Gaius, Roman jurist, 361, 412.

Galilee, 280.

Gauls, 187, 232.

Gerizim, 57, 138.

Gods, 24, 40.

Greek names, 123, 128.

_Grundideen_, 40, 377.

_Haberim._ See Pharisees.

Hades, 152, 154.

Hadrian, 107, 340, 343.

Hannibal, 174, 188.

Harmodius, 37.

Hasidim, 130 _seq._, 147.

Hasmoneans, 63, 74, 158.

Hecataeus of Abdera, 92 _seq._, 176, 182.

Helladius, 102.

Hellene, 49.

Hellenization, 79, 116, 133, 145, 207.

Henotheism, 29.

Heracles, 46.

Hermippus, 89.

Herod (the Great), king of the Jews, 264, 269, 322, 403.

Herodotus, 80.

Heroes, 29, 30, 36.

Hillel, 69.

Hindu, 85.

_Historia Augusta_, 344, 357, 411.

Homer, 23, 25, 49, 150, 184, 200.

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus), 245 _seq._, 321.

Human sacrifices, 187.

Hyksos, 98.

Hyrcanus II, son of Alexander Jannai, 267.

Idumaea, 157, 168, 270.

Images, 273, 280.

Immortality, 71, 153 _seq._, 237.

Impiety. See Asebeia.

Inhospitality, 93, 183 _seq._

Ionian, 50.

Isis, 161, 166, 251, 307, 311.

Isocrates, 78.

Jerusalem, 178, 224, 233.

Jesus, founder of Christianity. See Christians.

Jesus, son of Sira (Ecclesiasticus), 19, 67, 118.

Joel, Book of, 78, 382.

John, high priest, son of Simon (Hyrcanus), 63, 155, 274.

Jonathan, Hasmonean prince, son of Mattathiah, 63.

Jordan, 73.

José ben Joëzer, 133.

Joseph, son of Tobiah, Egyptian tax-farmer, 130.

Josephus, Titus(?) Flavius, 18, 85, 99, 109, 155, 164, 193, 285, 289,

296, 306, 373.

Judah Makkabi, 63, 132, 214.

Jupiter, 43.

Juvenal, 54, 189, 323 _seq._

Kautzsch, 19.

_Lectisternium_, 46.

Levant, 72.

Lex Cornelia de Sicariis, 337, 344.

Liby-Phoenicians, 53.

Lucian, 192.

Lysimachus, 195.

Ma. See Cybele.

Maccabeans. See Hasmoneans.

Maccabees, First Book of, 74, 130, 132, 141, 180, 214.

Maccabees, Second Book of, 131, 141, 180.

Maccabees, Fourth Book of, 204, 205.

Macedonians, 50, 108, 110.

Macrobius, 45, 223.

Maecenas, 245, 247, 263.

Magi, 85.

Magic, 41, 239.

Manetho, 99.

Marathon, 60.

Martial, 302, 325 _seq._, 329.

_Mathematici._ See Astrology.

Mattathiah, 63, 74, 180.

Megasthenes, 86.

Megillat Taanit, 20, 410.

Meïr, rabbi, 297.

Meleager of Gadara, 177, 329.

Menelaus, 37.

Messiah, 72 _seq._, 293, 298, 319, 341, 370, 406, 410.

Metics, 34, 109, 112.

Miletus, 331.

Minoan, 13, 77, 374.

Misanthropy. See Inhospitality.

Mishnah, 69, 328.

Mithra, 241, 357.

Mithradates, 63.

Mnaseas, 168.

Molech, 188, 393.

Molo. See Apollonius Molo.

Moloch. See Molech.

Müller, Max, 375.

Mysteries, 35, 152.

Mythology, 25, 26, 44, 236.

Names, 123, 128.

Nasi, 265, 363.

Naucratis, 104.

Nehemiah, 57, 61.

Nero, Roman emperor, 285, 294, 315 _seq._

Nerva, 334.

Nicarchus, 201.

Nicocles, 387.

Nicolaus, of Damascus, 277, 405.

Nile, 91.

_Olam ha-bo._ See Immortality.

Orphism, 153.

Osarsiph, 100.

Osiris, 100, 115, 385.

Ostia, 327.

Ovid, 250 _seq._

Pantheism, 31.

Papyri, 339. See also Elephantine; Assuan.

Parthians, 265, 297, 340, 370.

Passover, 97.

Paul, of Tarsus, 315, 320.

Paul, Roman jurist, 338, 346.

Pederasty, 160, 330.

Pentateuch, 67.

Pergamon, 107.

Persians, 52, 108.

Persius, 321 _seq._

Petronius, legate of Syria, 282.

Pharisees, 71, 155, 265, 283.

Philistia, 72.

Philo (of Alexandria), 17, 200, 227, 307, 373.

Phoenicia, 77, 78.

Pilate (Titus Pontius Pilatus), 280.

Pirke Abot, 128.

Plato, 42, 194.

Pliny, 196.

Plutarch, 171.

Polis. See City-state.

Polybius, 140, 141, 174.

Polytheism, 160.

Pompeius Trogus, 274, 404.

Pompey, 64, 181, 215, 227.

Poppaea Sabina, 316.

Porphyrius, 81.

Poseidon, 33.

Posidonius, 169, 170, 203.

Prayer, houses of, 69.

Propaganda, 148 _seq._, 208, 240, 263, 370.

Proselyte, 247, 296, 316, 389.

_Proseucha_, 65.

Psalms of Solomon, 216.

Pseudepigrapha, 19.

Ptolemies, 116, 133, 180.

Ptolemy Philadelphus, 102.

Ptolemy Philometor, 175, 178.

Ptolemy Philopator, 182.

Ptolemy Soter, 80, 91, 178.

Pyrrhus, 212.

Pythagoras, 89.

Quietus, Lusius, 339.

Ra, 38, 116.

Race, 48 _seq._, 379.

Reinach, Théodore, 17.

Religion, 21, 22.

Resurrection, 71, 155.

Rhetoric, 85, 167, 173, 178, 391.

Rhodes, 198.

Ritual murder, 190.

Rome, 63, 210 _seq._

Sabazios, 161, 171, 179, 255.

Sabbath, 143, 177, 181, 246 _seq._, 254, 321.

It may be worth while to indicate briefly the relation between the