CHAPTER XI

Literary work--'Tancred; or, the New Crusade'--Modern philosophy--The

'Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation'--'Life of Lord George

Bentinck'--Disraeli's religious views--Revelation as opposed to

science--Dislike and dread of Rationalism--Religion and

statesmanship--The national creed the supplement of the national

law--Speech in the theatre at Oxford--Disraeli on the side of the

angels.

[Sidenote: 'TANCRED']

As Disraeli's public life grew more absorbing his literary work was

necessarily suspended. But before the weight of leadership was finally

laid upon him he had written two more books--'Tancred; or, the New

Crusade,' the third of the series of novels which he called a trilogy,

and the biography of his friend and comrade Lord George Bentinck.

'Tancred' of all his writings was that which he himself most esteemed.

When it was composed he was still under the illusion of a possible

regenerated aristocracy. He saw that they had noble qualities, but they

wanted the inspiration of a genuine religious belief. Tancred, the only

child and heir of a ducal family, is an enthusiastic and thoughtful

youth with high aspirations after excellence. He is a descendant of the

Crusaders, and his mind turns back to the land which was the birthplace

of his nominal creed. There alone the Maker of the universe had held

direct communication with man. There alone, perhaps, it was likely that

He would communicate with his creature again. Christian Europe still

regarded the Israelites as the chosen people. Half of it still

worshipped a Jew and the other half a Jewess. But between criticism and

science and materialism, and the enervating influence of modern habits,

the belief which lingered in form had lost its commanding power.

Before the diseases of society could be cured the creed must be restored

to its authority. The Tractarians were saying the same thing in tones of

serious conviction. Disraeli, the politician and the man of the world,

was repeating it in a tone which wavered between mockery and

earnestness, the mockery, perhaps, being used as a veil to cover

feelings more real than they seemed.

Tancred, on leaving the University where he had brilliantly

distinguished himself, is plunged into the London world. He meets

attractive beings, whose souls, he imagines, must be as beautiful as

their faces. One illusive charmer proves to be a gambler on the Stock

Exchange; another has been studying the 'Vestiges of the Natural History

of Creation,' called here 'Revelations of Chaos,' and expounds the great

mystery to him in a gilded drawing-room.

'"The subject is treated scientifically," said the Lady Constance.

"Everything is explained by geology and astronomy, and in that way it

shows you exactly how a star is formed. Nothing can be so pretty, a

cluster of vapour, the cream of the Milky Way, a sort of celestial

cheese churned into light. You must read it. 'Tis charming."

'"Nobody ever saw a star formed," said Tancred.

'"Perhaps not. You must read the 'Revelations;' it is all explained. But

what is more interesting is the way in which man has been developed. You

know all is development. The principle is perpetually going on. First

there was nothing; then there was something; then--I forget the next. I

think there were shells, then fishes. Then came--let me see--did we come

next? Never mind that; we came at last, and at the next change there

will be something very superior to us, something with wings. Ah, that is

it! we were fishes. I believe we shall be crows; but you must read it."

'"I do not believe I ever was a fish," said Tancred.

'"Oh! but it is all proved. Read the book. It is impossible to

contradict anything in it; you understand it is all science. Everything

is proved by geology, you know. You see exactly how everything is made,

how many worlds there have been, how long they lasted, what went before,

what comes next. We are a link in the chain as inferior animals were

that preceded us. We in time shall be inferior. All that will remain of

us will be some relics in a new Red Sandstone. This is development. We

had fins; we may have wings."'

The theory thus airily sketched has been established since, in a more

completed argument, by Darwin. Such solid evidence as there is for it

has been before mankind for thousands of years, and has not seemed

unanswerable. The Jews and the Greeks knew as well as modern

philosophers that human bodies are built on the same type, and are bred

and supported by the same means as the bodies of animals; that the minds

of animals are in the same way clumsy likenesses of ours. Compared to

the real weight of these acknowledged facts the additions of Darwin, or

of the author of the 'Vestiges,' are relatively nothing. If the doctrine

of development has passed into popular acceptance, if it has been

received into Churches and adapted to Catholic theology, the

explanation is not in the increased form of evidence but in a change in

ourselves. Candid consideration of our natures, as we now find them

makes it appear not so improbable that we are but animals after all.

Tancred, fresh from Tractarian Oxford, is unconvinced. He hurries to

Palestine, sees a vision of angels on Mount Sinai, falls in love with a

Jewish maiden who is an embodied spirit of inspiration, and is

interrupted at the moment of pouring out his homage by the arrival of

'the Duke and Duchess at Jerusalem.' Whether the coming of these

illustrious persons was to end in a blessing on his enthusiasm or in

recalling him to a better recognition of what was due to his station in

society the story is silent.

The 'Life of Lord George Bentinck' is an admirably written biography of

the friend who had stood by Disraeli in his conflict with Peel, and who,

after living long enough to show promise of eminence, had suddenly and

prematurely died. To the student of the Parliamentary history of those

times the book is of great value. To the general reader the most

interesting parts of it are those which throw light on Disraeli's own

mind.

The most important fact to every man is his religion. If we would know

what a man is we ask what notions he has formed about his duty to man

and God. The question is often more easily asked than answered, for

ordinary persons repeat what they have learnt, and have formed no clear

notions at all; and the few wise, though at bottom they may be as

orthodox as a bishop, prefer usually to keep their thoughts to

themselves. Disraeli, however, in this book invites attention to his own

views. An insincere profession on such a subject forfeits the respect of

everyone, and we are entitled to examine what he says and to enquire

how far he means it.

[Sidenote: ALTERNATIVE THEORIES OF LIFE]

Those who cannot bear suspense and feel the necessity of arriving at a

positive conclusion, make their choice between two opinions--one, that

God created the world and created man to serve Him, that He gave to man

a revelation of His law and holds him answerable for disobedience to it:

the other, that the world has been generated by the impersonal forces of

nature: that all things in it, animate and inanimate, find their places

and perform their functions according to their several powers and

properties; that man having ampler faculties than other animals,

discovers the rules which are good for him to follow, as he discovers

other things, and that what he calls 'revelations' are no more than

successive products of the genius of gifted members of his race thrown

out in a series of ages. The second of these theories is what we

generally call the 'creed of science;' the first is the religious and is

represented by Judaism and Christianity. Disraeli, with a confessed

pride in belonging himself to the favoured race, desires us to

understand that he receives with full and entire conviction the fact

that a revelation was really made to his forefathers, and rejects the

opposite speculation as unsupported by evidence and degrading to human

nature. The subject is introduced in an argument for the admission of

the Jews to Parliament. He does not plead for their admission on the

principle of 'toleration,' which he rejects as indifferentism, but on

the special merits of the Jews themselves, and on their services to

mankind. He regards Christianity as simply completed Judaism. Those who

profess to be Jews only he considers unfortunate in believing only the

first part of their religion, but still as defending and asserting the

spiritual view of man's nature in opposition to the scientific, and as

holding a peculiar place in the providential dispensation. He speaks of

the mysteries of Christianity in a tone which, if not sincere, is

detestable. 'If,' he says, 'the Jews had not prevailed upon the Romans

to crucify our Lord, what would have become of the atonement? But the

human mind cannot contemplate the idea that the most important deed of

time could depend upon human will. The immolator was preordained, like

the Victim, and the holy race supplied both.' The most orthodox divine

could not use severer words of censure than Disraeli used for the

critical rationalism which treats the sacred history as a myth--for

Bishop Colenso, for the Essayists and Reviewers. His words have not the

ring of the genuine theological metal. Artificial and elaborate diction

is not the form in which simple belief expresses itself. Yet the fault

may not be entirely in Disraeli. Even when most in earnest he was

inveterately affected. It is to be remembered also that in his real

nature he remained a Jew, and his thoughts on these great subjects ran

on Asiatic rather than on European lines. We imagine that the Scriptures

must be read everywhere into the same meaning; we forget how much

European thought has passed into them through the traditions of the

Church and through the various translations. In the English version St.

Paul reasons like an Englishman. A Jew reads in St. Paul's language

allusions to oriental customs and beliefs of which Europeans know

nothing; we have therefore no reason to suspect Disraeli of insincerity

because he did not express himself as we do.

[Sidenote: RELIGION AND THE STATE]

Perhaps the truth may be this: He was a Conservative English statesman;

he knew that the English Church was the most powerful Conservative

institution still remaining. Criticism was eating into it on one side,

and ritualism on the other, breaking through the old use and wont, the

traditionary habits which were its strongest bulwarks. He wished well to

the Church. He was himself a regular communicant, and he desired to keep

it as it was. He believed in the religious principle as against the

philosophic; and from the nature of his mind he must have known that

national religions do not rest upon argument and evidence. When forms

vary from age to age and country to country no one of them can be

absolutely free from error. Plato, having drawn the model of a

commonwealth with a code of laws as precise as positive enactment can

prescribe, goes on to say that for conduct in ordinary life which law

cannot reach there is the further rule of religion. Religion, however,

is a thing which grows and cannot be made. The central idea that man is

a responsible being is everywhere the same; but the idea shapes various

forms for itself, into which legend, speculation, and prevailing

opinions necessarily enter. As time goes on, therefore, questions rise

concerning this or that fact and this or that ceremony, which if

indulged will create general scepticism. Such enquiries must be sternly

repressed. In religion lies the only guidance for human life. The wise

legislator, therefore, will regard the Church of his country as the best

support of the State. The subject will reflect that although observances

may seem offensive and stories told about the gods may seem incredible;

yet as a rule of action a system which has been the growth of ages is

infinitely more precious than any theory which he could think out for

himself. He will know that his own mind, that the mind of any single

individual, is unequal to so vast a matter, that it is of such

immeasurable consequence to him to have his conduct wisely directed

that, although the body of his religion be mortal like his own, he must

not allow it to be rudely meddled with. He may think as he likes about

the legends of Zeus and Here, but he must keep his thoughts to himself:

a man who brings into contempt the creed of his country is the deepest

of criminals; he deserves death and nothing less. Θανάτῳ ζημιούσθω, 'Let

him die for it' a remarkable expression to have been used by the wisest

and gentlest of human lawgivers.

Disraeli's opinions on these subjects were perhaps the same as Plato's.

He too may have had his uncertainties about Zeus and Here, and yet have

had no uncertainty at all about the general truth of the teaching of the

Church of England, while as a statesman he was absolutely convinced of

the necessity of supporting and defending it, defending it alike from

open enemies and from the foolish ecclesiastical revivalism into which

Tractarianism had degenerated. The strength of the Church lay in its

hold upon the habits of the people, and whoever was breaking through the

usages which time had made familiar and consecrated was equally

dangerous and mischievous. The critics were bringing in reason to decide

questions which belonged to conscience and imagination. The ritualists

were bringing back pagan superstition in a pseudo-Christian dress. He

despised the first. He did what he could to restrain the second with a

Public Worship Bill as soon as he had power to interfere. Late in his

career, when he was within view of the Premiership, he used an

opportunity of expressing his feeling on the subject in his own

characteristic manner.

[Sidenote: A SCENE AT OXFORD]

Oxford having produced the High Churchmen, was now generating

rationalists and philosophers. Intellectual society was divided into the

followers of Strauss and Darwin and those who believed that the only

alternative was the 'Summa Theologiæ.' Both streams were concentrated in

support of the Liberal leader, who was Disraeli's political antagonist;

one because he represented progress, the other because in matters

spiritual he was supposed to hold the most advanced Catholic doctrines.

In the year 1864 Disraeli happened to be on a visit at Cuddesdon, and it

happened equally that a diocesan conference was to be held at Oxford at

the time, with Bishop Wilberforce in the chair. The spiritual atmosphere

was, as usual, disturbed. The clerical mind had been doubly exercised by

the appearance of Colenso on the 'Pentateuch' and Darwin on the 'Origin

of Species.' Disraeli, to the surprise of everyone, presented himself in

the theatre. He had long abandoned the satins and silks of his youth,

but he was as careful of effect as he had ever been, and had prepared

himself in a costume elaborately negligent. He lounged into the assembly

in a black velvet shooting-coat and a wide-awake hat, as if he had been

accidentally passing through the town. It was the fashion with

University intellect to despise Disraeli as a man with neither sweetness

nor light; but he was famous, or at least notorious, and when he rose to

speak there was general curiosity. He began in his usual affected

manner, slowly and rather pompously, as if he had nothing to say beyond

perfunctory platitudes.

The Oxford wits began to compare themselves favourably with the dulness

of Parliamentary orators, when first one sentence and then another

startled them into attention. They were told that the Church was not

likely to be disestablished. It would remain, but would remain subject

to a Parliament which would not allow an _imperium in imperio_. It must

exert itself and reassert its authority, but within the limits which

the law laid down. The interest grew deeper when he came to touch on the

parties to one or other of which all his listeners belonged. High Church

and Low Church were historical and intelligible, but there had arisen

lately, the speaker said, a party called the Broad, never before heard

of. He went on to explain what Broad Churchmen were.

It would not be wise to treat the existence and influence of this

new party with contempt.... It is founded on the principle of

criticism. Now doubt is an element of criticism, and the tendency

of criticism is necessarily sceptical. It is quite possible that

such a party may arrive at conclusions which we may deem monstrous.

They may reject inspiration as a principle and miracles as a

practice. That is possible: and I think it quite logical that

having arrived at such conclusions they should repudiate creeds and

reject articles of faith, because creeds and articles of faith

cannot exist or be sustained without acknowledging the principle of

inspiration and the practice of miracles. All that I admit. But

what I do not understand, and what I wish to draw the attention of

this assembly and of this country generally to, is this: that,

having arrived at these conclusions, having arrived conscientiously

at the result that with their opinions they must repudiate creeds

and reject articles, they should not carry their principles to

their legitimate end, but are still sworn supporters of

ecclesiastical establishments, fervent upholders of or dignitaries

of the Church.... If it be true, as I am often told it is, that the

age of faith has passed, then the fact of having an opulent

hierarchy, supported by men of high cultivation, brilliant talents

and eloquence, and perhaps some ambition, with no distinctive

opinions, might be a very harmless state of affairs, and it would

certainly not be a very permanent one. But, my Lord, instead of

believing that the age of faith has passed when I observe what is

passing round us, what is taking place in this country, and not

only in this country, but in other countries and other hemispheres,

instead of believing that the age of faith has passed I hold that

the characteristic of the present age is a craving credulity. My

Lord, man is a being born to believe, and if no Church comes

forward with its title-deeds of truth sustained by the traditions

of sacred ages, and by the convictions of countless generations to

guide him, he will find altars and idols in his own heart, in his

own imagination. And what must be the relations of a powerful

Church without distinctive creeds with a being of such a nature?

Before long we shall be living in a flitting scene of spiritual

phantasmagoria. There are no tenets, however extravagant, and no

practices, however objectionable, which will not in time develop

under such a state of affairs, opinions the most absurd and

ceremonies the most revolting....

Consider the country in which all this may take place. Dangerous in

all countries, it would be yet more dangerous in England. Our

empire is now unrivalled for its extent; but the base, the material

base of that empire is by no means equal to the colossal

superstructure. It is not our iron ships, it is not our celebrated

regiments, it is not these things which have created or indeed

really maintain an empire. It is the character of the people. I

want to know where that famous character of the English people will

be if they are to be influenced and guided by a Church of immense

talent, opulence, and power without any distinctive creed. You have

in this country accumulated wealth that has never been equalled,

and probably it will still increase. You have a luxury that will

some day peradventure rival even your wealth; and the union of such

circumstances with a Church without a distinctive creed will lead,

I believe, to a dissolution of manners and morals, which prepares

the tomb of empires.

The opinions of the new school are paralysing the efforts of many

who ought to be our friends. Will these opinions succeed? My

conviction is that they will fail.... Having examined all their

writings, I believe without exception, whether they consist of

fascinating eloquence, diversified learning, or picturesque

sensibility exercised by our honoured in this University [Dean

Stanley], and whom to know is to admire and regard; or whether you

find them in the cruder conclusions of prelates who appear to have

commenced their theological studies after they have grasped the

crozier [Bishop Colenso]; or whether I read the lucubrations of

nebulous professors [Frederick Maurice] who, if they could persuade

the public to read their writings, would go far to realise that

eternal punishment which they deny; or, lastly, whether it be the

provincial arrogance and precipitate self-complacency which flash

and flare in an essay or review--I find the common characteristic

of their writings is this: that their learning is always

second-hand.... When I examine the writings of their masters, the

great scholars of Germany, I find that in their labours [also]

there is nothing new. All that inexorable logic, irresistible

rhetoric, bewildering wit could avail to popularise these views was

set in motion to impress the new learning on the minds of the two

leading nations of Europe [by the English and French deistical

writers of the last century], and they produced their effect [in

the French Revolution]. When the turbulence was over, when the

waters had subsided, the sacred heights of Sinai and of Calvary

were again revealed, and amidst the wreck of thrones, extinct

nations, and abolished laws mankind, tried by so many sorrows,

purified by so much suffering, and wise with such unprecedented

experience, bowed again before the Divine truths that Omnipotence

had entrusted to the custody and promulgation of a chosen

people....

The discoveries of science are not, we are told, consistent with

the teachings of the Church.... It is of great importance when this

tattle about science is mentioned that we should attach to the

phrase precise ideas. The function of science is the interpretation

of nature, and the interpretation of the highest nature is the

highest science. What is the highest nature? Man is the highest

nature. But I must say that when I compare the interpretation of

the highest nature by the most advanced, the most fashionable

school of modern science with some other teaching with which we are

familiar, I am not prepared to admit that the lecture-room is more

scientific than the Church. What is the question now placed before

society with a glib assurance the most astounding? The question is

this: Is man an ape or an angel? I, my Lord, I am on the side of

the angels. I repudiate with indignation and abhorrence the

contrary view, which I believe foreign to the conscience of

humanity. More than that, from the intellectual point of view the

severest metaphysical analysis is opposed to such a conclusion....

What does the Church teach us? That man is made in the image of his

Maker. Between these two contending interpretations of the nature

of man and their consequences society will have to decide. This

rivalry is at the bottom of all human affairs. Upon an acceptance

of that Divine interpretation for which we are indebted to the

Church, and of which the Church is the guardian, all sound and

salutary legislation depends. That truth is the only security for

civilisation and the only guarantee of real progress.

[Sidenote: ON THE SIDE OF THE ANGELS]

Mr. Disraeli is on the side of the angels. Pit and gallery echoed with

laughter. Fellows and tutors repeated the phrase over their port in the

common room with shaking sides. The newspapers carried the announcement

the next morning over the length and breadth of the island, and the

leading article writers struggled in their comments to maintain a decent

gravity. Did Disraeli mean it, or was it but an idle jest? and what must

a man be who could exercise his wit on such a subject? Disraeli was at

least as much in earnest as his audience.

The phrase answered its purpose. It has lived and become historical when

the decorous protests of professional divines have been forgotten with

the breath which uttered them. The note of scorn with which it rings has

preserved it better than any affectation of pious horror, which indeed

would have been out of place in the presence of such an assembly.

The Earl of Beaconsfield · 第 11 / 17 章