[Sidenote: [1350-1400 A.D.]]
In an earlier chapter we left the affairs of Florence shortly after
the time of the great plague in the middle of the fourteenth century.
Succeeding chapters have outlined the history of the Neapolitan kingdom,
of the Lombard tyrannies, and of the maritime republics, and, in so
doing, have necessarily brought us pretty constantly in contact with
Florentine affairs. We are now to give more specific attention to the
great Tuscan city, with regard to its internal conditions during the last
century following the great plague. The central events of this period
have to do with the struggles that culminated in the insurrection of the
_ciompi_, and the momentary assumption of power by the masses.
The growing discontent of the workmen gives us an illustration of
the old-time conflict between capital and labour. The attempt of the
wool manufactures to put themselves on a political equality with
the supposedly higher arts was one of those socialistic movements
which from time to time have made themselves felt among all European
civilised peoples. Nothing comparable to this was ever seen in the old
Orient, under despotic governments which subordinated and enslaved the
individual; but such uprisings occurred in Rome under the commonwealth,
and were only prevented from frequent repetition in imperial Rome by
the pauperising ministrations of the paternal government. The violent
outbreak of such a movement in Florence evidences the wide prevalence
there of the democratic spirit, and the discontent that is the natural
accompaniment of conditions making it possible for the individual to
better his social state. Again and again in Italy of this period men
came up from the masses and acquired the utmost distinction. Where such
a defiance of hereditary traditions is possible there must be a state
of social unrest; but, on the other hand, it is precisely this state of
unrest that makes a great progressive civilisation possible. The present
socialistic uprising in Florence did not reach more than a temporary
success, so far as the precise ambitions of its promoters were concerned;
but, doubtless it contributed their numberless ancillary channels to the
augmentation of the great stream of progress that was sweeping humanity
forward toward the deep waters of the Renaissance.
While our present concern has to do solely with these internal affairs
of Florence, it will be well to bear in mind the external political
conditions with which these struggles of the guilds were contemporary, as
they have been already outlined in previous chapters. It must be recalled
that during all this time of internecine strife Florence was pretty well
occupied with external warfares as well. This was the half-century when
the tyrants of Milan were making their power secure, and were reaching
out with more and more expectant grasp for the lands of influence that
might make them supreme in all Italy. Galeazzo Visconti was the enemy
of Florence during the early decades of the period, and his son Gian
Galeazzo, who succeeded him in 1385--just after the period of the
ciompi’s insurrection--terrorised northern Italy throughout the remainder
of the century. It was in the wars of these Lombard tyrants that Sir John
Hawkwood appeared. First he warred for Visconti; then, lured by the gold
of Florence, he turned enemy to his old employer. Opposed to Hawkwood
in his later campaigns was that other great leader of mercenaries,
Jacopo del Verme, the leader whose famous feat of cutting the dams and
flooding the plain about Hawkwood’s army gave the redoubtable Englishman
an opportunity to make that famous retreat which is one of the most
picturesque incidents of military annals.
Almost precisely contemporary with the insurrection of the ciompi, was
the termination of the so-called Babylonish Captivity of the popes at
Avignon, an event soon followed by the Great Schism and its attendant
dissensions. In the same decade, too, occurred the famous overthrow of
the Genoese by Venice in the war of Chioggia. All these events have been
treated elsewhere and will be disregarded in the present chapter; but, as
has been said, it will be well for the reader to bear in mind these great
political upheavals which furnish the setting for the local insurrections
in Florence, and which were of necessity closely associated with them in
the minds of contemporaries.[a]
SOCIAL UPHEAVALS OF THE MIDDLE OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
[Sidenote: [1339-1353 A.D.]]
Democracy had not had for the Florentines the disadvantage sometimes
attributed to it--that of making great enterprises impossible. It was
their ruling spirit; and, being neither an expedient of empiricism nor
yet a deduction of theory, it had not limited the advance of their
external power which absorbed their former rivals, Arezzo and Pistoia,
and reduced Siena to a tributary state. But in the interior of their town
itself they had always opposed a weak resistance to those fatal quarrels
which so often caused them to fall into a state of anarchy. Nobles
deprived of their rights, and finding in persecution that sustenance of
life which would soon have failed them had they been left to degenerate
in their narrow caste; burghers in possession of the privileges of
which they had despoiled the nobles, and which they guarded fiercely,
like a new garden of the Hesperides; lastly the people, who climbed to
the assault as the burghers had climbed before them--all kept up an
agitation with a contrary aim, but incessant, weakening the power of the
state. No stability was left to the state; never had Dante’s words been
truer with regard to what was woven in October and no longer existed in
mid-November. If one day, against their will, the burghers grudgingly
consented to the institution of casting lots which meant the ruin of
their pretensions to oligarchy, shortly after they withdrew with one
hand what they had given with the other; they replaced in the bags of
the electoral colleges the names which had been drawn from the priors’
bags, and _vice versa_, so that the same names could be frequently
drawn. But the triumph of their cunning was a short one! The democratic
instinct framed a law which made this abuse impossible (December, 1339);
henceforth the tickets drawn from the bags were destroyed, and no one who
filled one office could receive a second, till the bags had been entirely
emptied.
These continual changes in the institutions were not accomplished without
disturbances which were a constant cause of alarm, even if they did not
lead to taking up arms. Macchiavelli declares that the abasement of the
nobles was a cause of prosperity for Florence, because the magistrates
were more respected. How can this be believed when the rich burghers are
seen reproducing the excesses and abuses of those whom they succeeded in
power? A petition of August 27th, 1352, accused them of pride, arrogance,
and injustice, and obtained the concession that those accused of misdoing
should be punished as nobles. What threat could have been more effective
in holding them back on the brink of the precipice? However, they fell
to the bottom. The following year their acts of brigandage formed a
constant topic. Each night some daring robbery was committed. They forced
the tills of the money-changers; carried away clothes and cloth from
the tailors--forty-five articles on one occasion--two hundred halves
of salted pigs from a pork butcher; from others, beds with mattresses,
ticken, and covers. In spite of the traffic, which was great even after
the curfew, the robbers were never surprised at work. In vain did the
podesta, Paolo Vaiani, a severe Roman eager for justice, put on foot
all the men at his disposal, and even himself keep watch. After several
nights spent in the open air, he at last discovered certain men carrying
bales to the walls and throwing them over; their accomplices loaded a
boat with them and took them to Pisa. But they were men of low rank,
many of whom believed they were only helping a bankrupt and saving his
possessions from confiscation--the least of offences, if it was one
at all, according to the ideas of those times. These men received the
bastinado; the others were hanged.
The principal criminals were still to be discovered--those who prudently
remained in the background undeterred in their shameful exploits by these
examples _in anima vili_. After long investigation and examination it
was at last discovered that the thieves were “honourable citizens,” who
met with trumpets, lutes, and other musical instruments, as if for the
purpose of giving a serenade. Certain young men of good family stood at
either end of the street and begged the passers-by to take another road,
because the musicians wished to remain unrecognised. The deafening noise
made the request appear rational, and so the place was left free for
houses and shops to be pillaged in the darkness of the night, without
attracting suspicion, without fear of interruption. One of the leaders of
the band was Bordone Bordoni, of an old and wealthy burgher family, whose
members succeeded each other, almost without interruption, in public
offices. Put to torture, he confessed. His brother Gherardo, one of the
ambassadors sent the previous year to Charles IV, pleaded his cause with
the priors, and they, indulgent towards a criminal of their own rank,
opposed the capital sentence which the people demanded and which the
podesta wished to pronounce. Finding it impossible to bend this severe
Roman to their desire, they disbanded his body-guard. They believed that
without these latter he would be forced to submit. But he refused to
accept this ridiculous situation, indignantly gave up the rod, emblem of
command, and retired to Siena (March 11th, 1353).
[Sidenote: [1353-1355 A.D.]]
Immediately the town was roused. Men declared that justice was no longer
to be had by the humble. The least fault caused them to be slaughtered;
if, however, a man of powerful position was banished for a crime, he
posed as a victim of political proscription. If the podestas were
cashiered when they were anxious to render justice, who would be willing
to come to Florence? The walls were covered with angry inscriptions,
insulting the priors. Those who succeeded them hastened to disavow a
compromising fellowship; yielding to the general sentiment, they sent an
envoy to Siena to beg the podesta to return, promising strict obedience.
Paolo Vaiani did not yield immediately; he enumerated his grievances:
corn had increased in price, and his salary was not sufficient for
his expenses. If he returned, it must be with an increase of 2,000
florins--more than was needful, says one of the chroniclers. He had
Bordone beheaded, and sent many of his accomplices into exile. By this
means he calmed the people, and at last cleansed Florence of these
miscreants of high rank. But their relatives were left to rekindle the
almost extinguished fire. Gherardo Bordoni accused the Mangioni and the
Beccanugi of his brother’s death. To avenge him he took advantage of the
disorder in the town caused by the approach of the Grand Company (1354).
With his _consorti_ and his followers he pursued his enemies even to
their homes, and killed two women who, according to the custom of the
time, were enjoying the cool of the evening on the threshold. The troops
of the seigniory tried to restore order, but they were powerless. The
militia of the suburbs, with their gonfalons, were called out. This time
five of the Bordoni and twelve of their accomplices were condemned to
confiscation of goods and capital punishment, unless they preferred to go
into exile (July, 1354).
Far more serious, and with more disastrous results in this city
constantly a prey to the disputes of its families, was the rivalry of
the Ricci and the Albizzi. Macchiavelli compares it with that of the
Buondelmonti and the Uberti, in which history, not clear-sighted, and
misinformed, so long saw the generative act of Florentine annals. A
discussion was going on concerning the origin of the Albizzi. According
to some, they came from Arezzo, and consequently were Ghibellines. On
the contrary, others, their friends, declared that they had been driven
thence because they were Guelfs. True or false, the accusation of being
Ghibellines was not without danger at a time when the announced approach
of Charles IV was awakening former terrors. When minds are agitated, the
least incident appears important, and furnishes food for hatred. The
Albizzi have servants at Casentino to defend their property? It is a lie!
They are there to attack the Ricci. An ass brushed against one of the
Ricci at Mercato Vecchio, and the driver was beaten for his negligence?
Evidently the Ricci are attacking the Albizzi. And thus two large
families took up arms, and with them the entire city. It was not easy
to disarm them, and they were always ready to take up arms again. If an
occasion for doing so did not soon appear, they would employ ruse instead
of force.
The detail of events is wanting; but by the measures taken for or against
the great, the fluctuations of public opinion may be seen, or rather the
ephemeral preponderance of one or other of the two factions. At one time
popular government restores to the nobles, provided they be of the Guelf
faction, the right to hold posts of secondary importance, and suppresses
the big drum used to issue denunciations against them (April 10th,
1355). Twelve days instead of five, fifteen days instead of ten, as the
case may be, are allowed their enemies to bring an action against them,
and consequently for them to escape. They are allowed to enter the public
palace, and to rebuild their ruined houses. No more bail, no relatives
responsible beyond the third degree. At another time (August 21st,
1355), “in order to preserve and defend popular liberty and innocence,
especially that of weak and unhappy persons,” it was decreed that
nobles condemned for homicide, acts of wounding, robbing, incendiarism,
adultery, etc., “shall no longer be allowed, nor yet their descendants,
to live in the home of their family.” It was perceived that the burghers
were becoming infused with the spirit of the nobles, and in consequence
the difficulties of passing from one rank to the other were increased;
three-quarters of the votes were required in the ballot, a majority
difficult to realise, and it became, moreover, an obstacle to the
cancelling of sentences and to the recall of exiles. When the seigniory
was merciful to the nobles, it was a sign that the Albizzi were in power;
when it was severe to them, it was under the influence of the Ricci.
[Illustration: AN ITALIAN BRONZE KNOCKER]
Most frequently the Ricci were in power. They held community of ideas
with the medium crafts, and with them they forbade the holding of
office by the fourteen lesser crafts, an accomplished fact which was
nevertheless always contested; they maintained the inexorable law of
_divieto_, which held at a distance the numerous relatives of a burgher
in office, without injuring the lower classes, who either had few
relatives or else did not know them. The nobles and the burghers forgot,
as did the Albizzi, that this government had been able to bring to a
happy conclusion the unfortunate affair of Telamone, without engaging
in war; to create a fleet, though they had no shore; to drive away the
free companies, without paying them shameful ransoms; to keep their
engagements with the Visconti, without offending the legate; and to
restore order, which, precarious as it may seem to us, then appeared
satisfactory. They saw only the crime of these lower classes in being so
numerous in office, as arrogant at having obtained position as they were
eager to obtain it, despotic, as their class always is, thinking only of
their own interests, and each of them believing himself a king. These
reproaches are heard in every age in the writings of the chroniclers,
always disposed to despise what lies before their eyes; and, moreover,
how many men can be found who do not deserve such reproaches? The
optical illusion which distance gives is necessary to perceive in the
rich burghers only, as we see them in the past, “the old friends of
their country, despisers of their own wealth to increase that of the
republic”; and it requires the contrary error, which comes from too
close a neighbourhood, to perceive only the failings of the lower class
in a government where the lesser crafts dominated. “It is wonderful,”
said Matteo Villani,[c] “that Florence did not perish then.” The simple
statement of facts shows us what to think on this subject. How many
times, under other governments, has Florence not been seen on the brink
of ruin, yet ever rising with powerful force which nothing could destroy.
Another historian of Florence, Signor Gino Capponi,[d] blames Dante for
lamenting the confusion of ranks, the introduction into the city of men
from Certaldo, Campi, and Signa, who became merchants and money-changers
and formed the nerve of the new race, and he approves the rich burghers
who were now the objects of the same complaints which they formerly
brought against the nobles. But it should be remembered that in each
seigniory of that time, at the most, three members out of nine were of
the lowest crafts, and that old families still kept their share. If the
people of the middle classes who make the laws agreed by preference with
the lowest classes, it certainly was no proof that the lowest classes
were unreasonably exacting; and it leads one to think that the rich
burghers were extremely so, especially in refusing to admit any newcomer
to a share in the power.[b]
MACCHIAVELLI’S ACCOUNT OF THE CIOMPI INSURRECTION
[Sidenote: [1355-1356 A.D.]]
After the victory of Charles the government was formed of the Guelfs of
Anjou and it acquired great authority over the Ghibellines. But time, a
variety of circumstances, and new divisions had so contributed to sink
this party feeling into oblivion, that many of Ghibelline descent now
filled the highest offices. Observing this, Uguccione, the head of the
family of the Ricci, contrived that the law against the Ghibellines
should be again brought into operation, many imagining the Albizzi to
be of that faction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come long ago
to Florence. Uguccione by this means hoped to deprive the Albizzi of
participation in the government, for all of Ghibelline blood who were
found to hold offices would be condemned in the penalties which this
law provided. The design of Uguccione was discovered to Piero son of
Filippo degli Albizzi, and he resolved to favour it; for he saw that to
oppose it would at once declare him a Ghibelline; and thus the law which
was renewed by the ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead
of robbing Piero degli Albizzi of reputation, contributed to increase
his influence, although it laid the foundation of many evils. Piero
having favoured this law, which had been contrived by his enemies for
his stumbling-block, it became the stepping-stone to his greatness; for,
making himself the leader of this new order of things, his authority went
on increasing, and he was in greater favour with the Guelfs than any
other man.
As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search out who were
Ghibellines, and as this renewed enactment against them was therefore
of small value, it was provided that authority should be given to the
_capitani_ to find who were of this faction; and, having discovered, to
signify and admonish them that were, not to take upon themselves any
office of government; to which admonitions, if they were disobedient,
they became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all those who in Florence
were deprived of the power to hold offices were called _ammoniti_, or
“admonished.” The capitani, in time acquiring great audacity, admonished
not only those to whom the admonition was applicable, but any others at
the suggestion of their own avarice or ambition; and from 1356, when
this law was made, to 1366, there had been admonished above two hundred
citizens. The captains of the Parts and the sect of the Guelfs were thus
become powerful; for everyone honoured them for fear of being admonished;
and most particularly the leaders, who were Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo
da Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. The insolent mode of proceeding
was offensive to many; but none felt so particularly injured with it
as the Ricci; for they knew themselves to have occasioned it, they saw
it involved the ruin of the republic, and their enemies the Albizzi,
contrary to their intention, become great in consequence.
[Sidenote: [1356-1371 A.D.]]
On this account Uguccione de’ Ricci, being one of the seigniory, resolved
to put an end to the evil which he and his friends had originated,
and with a new law provided that to the six captains of Parts an
additional three should be appointed, of whom two should be chosen from
the companies of minor artificers, and that before any party could be
considered Ghibelline, the declaration of the capitani must be confirmed
by twenty-four Guelfic citizens, appointed for the purpose. This
provision tempered for the time the power of the _capitani_, so that the
admonitions were greatly diminished, if not wholly laid aside. Still
the parties of the Albizzi and the Ricci were continually on the alert
to oppose each other’s laws, deliberations, and enterprises, not from a
conviction of their inexpediency, but from hatred of their promoters.
In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, when the Guelfs
again regained the ascendant. There was in the family of the Buondelmonti
a gentleman named Benchi, who, as an acknowledgment of his merit in a war
against the Pisans, though one of the nobility, had been admitted amongst
the people, and thus became eligible to office amongst the seigniory; but
when about to take his seat with them, a law was made that no nobleman
who had become of the popular class should be allowed to assume that
office. This gave great offence to Benchi, who, in union with Piero
degli Albizzi, determined to depress the less powerful of the popular
party with admonitions, and obtain the government for themselves. By the
interest which Benchi possessed with the ancient nobility, and that of
Piero with most of the influential citizens, the Guelfic party resumed
their ascendency, and by new reforms among the “parts” so remodelled the
administration as to be able to dispose of the offices of the captains
and the twenty-four citizens at pleasure. They then returned to the
admonitions with greater audacity than ever, and the house of the Albizzi
became powerful as the head of this faction. On the other hand, the Ricci
made the most strenuous exertions against their designs; so that anxiety
universally prevailed, and ruin was apprehended alike from both parties.
The seigniory, induced by the necessity of the case, gave authority
to fifty-six citizens to provide for the safety of the republic. It
is usually found that most men are better adapted to pursue a good
course already begun, than to discover one applicable to immediate
circumstances. These citizens thought rather of extinguishing existing
factions than of preventing the formation of new ones, and effected
neither of these objects. The facilities for the establishment of
new parties were not removed; and out of those which they guarded
against, another more powerful arose, which brought the republic into
still greater danger. They, however, deprived three of the family of
the Albizzi, and three of that of the Ricci, of all the offices of
government, except those of the Guelfic party, for three years; and
amongst the deprived were Piero degli Albizzi and Uguccione de’ Ricci.
They forbade the citizens to assemble in the palace, except during the
sittings of the seigniory. They provided that if anyone were beaten, or
possession of his property detained from him, he might bring his case
before the council and denounce the offender, even if he were one of the
nobility; and that if it were proved, the accused should be subject to
the usual penalties. This provision abated the boldness of the Ricci,
and increased that of the Albizzi; since, although it applied equally
to both, the Ricci suffered from it by far the most; for if Piero was
excluded from the palace of the seigniory, the chamber of the Guelfs,
in which he possessed the greatest authority, remained open to him; and
if he and his followers had previously been ready to admonish, they
became after this injury doubly so. To this predisposition for evil, new
excitements were added.
_The Eight “Saints of War”_
[Sidenote: [1371-1375 A.D.]]
The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors,
residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates, who, proud and
avaricious, oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, then
at Bologna, taking advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence,
endeavoured to render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld
provisions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopes
of the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked them with
a large army, trusting that being famished and unarmed he should find
them an easy conquest. He might perhaps have been successful, had not his
forces been mercenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced to abandon
the enterprise for the sum of 130,000 florins, which the Florentines paid
them. People may go to war when they will, but cannot always withdraw
when they like. This contest, commenced by the ambition of the legate,
was continued by the resentment of the Florentines, who, entering into a
league with Barnabò of Milan, and with the cities hostile to the church,
appointed eight citizens for the administration of it, giving them
authority to act without appeal, and to expend whatever sums they might
judge expedient, without rendering an account of the outlay.
This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now dead, reanimated
those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who, in opposition to the
Albizzi, had always favoured Barnabò and opposed the church, and this,
the rather, because the eight commissioners of war were all enemies of
the Guelfs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio,
Carlo Strozzi, and others to unite themselves more closely in opposition
to their adversaries. The Eight carried on the war, and the others
admonished during three years, when the death of the pontiff put an end
to the hostilities, which had been carried on with so much ability and
with such entire satisfaction to the people, that at the end of each year
the Eight were continued in office, and were called _santi_, or holy,
although they had set ecclesiastical censures at defiance, plundered the
churches of their property, and compelled the priests to perform divine
service. So much did citizens at that time prefer the good of their
country to their ghostly consolations, and thus showed the church that if
as her friends they had defended, they could as enemies depress her; for
the whole of Romagna, the Marches, and Perugia were excited to rebellion.
Yet whilst this war was carried on against the pope, they were unable to
defend themselves against the captains of the Parts and their faction;
for the insolence of the Guelfs against the Eight attained such a pitch,
that they could not restrain themselves from abusive behaviour, not
merely against some of the most distinguished citizens, but even against
the Eight themselves; and the captains of the Parts conducted themselves
with such arrogance that they were feared more than the seigniory. Those
who had business with them treated them with greater reverence, and
their court was held in higher estimation; so that no ambassador came to
Florence without commission to the captains. Pope Gregory being dead, and
the city freed from external war, there still prevailed great confusion
within; for the audacity of the Guelfs was insupportable, and as no
available mode of subduing them presented itself, and as it was thought
that recourse must be had of being prepared against this calamity, the
leaders of the party assembled to arms, to determine which party was the
stronger. With the Guelfs were all the ancient nobility, and the greater
part of the most powerful popular leaders, of which number, as already
remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the other side, were all the
lower orders, the leaders of whom were the eight commissioners of war,
Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and with them the Ricci, Alberti, and
Medici. The rest of the multitude, as most commonly happens, joined the
discontented party.
[Illustration: A FLORENTINE MERCHANT]
[Sidenote: [1375-1378 A.D.]]
It appeared to the heads of the Guelfic faction that their enemies
would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger in
case a hostile seigniory should resolve on their subjugation. Desirous,
therefore, to take into consideration the state of the city, and that of
their own friends in particular, they found the _ammoniti_ so numerous
and so great a difficulty, that the whole city was excited against them
on this account. They could not devise any other remedy than that, as
their enemies had deprived them of all the offices of honour, they
should banish their opponents from the city, take possession of the
palace of the seigniory, and bring over the whole state to their own
party--in imitation of the Guelfs of former times, who found no safety
in the city till they had driven all their adversaries out of it. They
were unanimous upon the main point, but did not agree upon the time of
carrying it into execution. It was in the month of April, in the year
1378, when Lapo, thinking delay unadvisable, expressed his opinion that
procrastination was in the highest degree perilous to themselves, as in
the next seigniory, Salvestro de’ Medici would very probably be elected
gonfalonier, and they all knew he was opposed to their party. Piero
degli Albizzi, on the other hand, thought it better to defer, since
they would require forces, which could not be assembled without exciting
observation, and if they were discovered, they would incur great risk.
He thereupon judged it preferable to wait till the approaching feast of
St. John, on which, being the most solemn festival of the city, vast
multitudes would be assembled, amongst whom they might conceal whatever
numbers they pleased. To obviate their fears of Salvestro, he was to be
admonished, and if this did not appear likely to be effectual, they would
admonish one of the “colleagues” of his quarter, and upon re-drawing, as
the ballot-boxes would be nearly empty, chance would very likely occasion
that either he or some associate of his would be drawn, and he would thus
be rendered incapable of sitting as gonfalonier.
They therefore at last came to the conclusion proposed by Piero, though
Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the delay dangerous, and that,
as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable, he who waits for
the concurrence of every advantage either never makes an attempt, or,
if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They admonished the
colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of Salvestro, for the
design was discovered by the Eight, who took care to render all attempts
upon the drawing futile.
Salvestro Alamanno de’ Medici was therefore drawn gonfalonier, and,
being of one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure
that the people should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having
resolved to put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle
classes favourably disposed, and many of the highest of the people on
his side, he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso
Strozzi, and Giorgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They,
therefore, secretly drew up a law which had for its object to revive
the restrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the authority of the
_capitani di parte_, and also to recall the _ammoniti_ to their dignity.
In order to attempt and obtain their ends, at one and the same time,
having to consult, first the colleagues and then the councils, Salvestro
being provost (which office for the time made its possessor almost
prince of the city), he called together the colleagues and the council
on the same morning, and the colleagues being apart, he proposed the law
prepared by himself and his friends, which, being a novelty, encountered
in their small number so much opposition that he was unable to have it
passed.
Salvestro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leave
the room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, went
immediately to the council, and taking a lofty position from which he
could be both seen and heard, said that, considering himself invested
with the office of gonfalonier not so much to preside in private cases
(for which proper judges were appointed, who have their regular sittings)
as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the powerful, and
ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the republic was being
ruined, he had carefully attended to both these duties, and to his utmost
ability provided for them, but found the perversity of some so much
opposed to his just designs as to deprive him of all opportunity of doing
good, and them not only of the means of assisting him with their counsel,
but even hearing him. Therefore, finding he no longer contributed either
to the benefit of the republic or of the people generally, he could not
perceive any reason for his longer holding the magistracy, of which he
was either undeserving, or others thought him so, and would therefore
retire to his house, that the people might appoint another in his stead,
who would either have greater virtue or better fortune than himself. And
having said this, he left the room as if to return home.
_Mob Violence_
Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous of
novelty, raised a tumult, at which the seigniory and the colleagues came
together, and finding the gonfalonier leaving them, entreatingly and
authoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the council
room, which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were
threatened in opprobrious language; and an artificer seized Carlo
Strozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but was
with difficulty prevented by those around. He who made the greatest
disturbance, and incited the city to violence, was Benedetto degli
Alberti, who, from a window of the palace, loudly called the people to
arms; and presently the courtyards were filled with armed men, and the
colleagues granted to threats what they had refused to entreaty. The
_capitani di parte_ had at the same time drawn together a great number of
citizens to their hall, to consult upon the means of defending themselves
against the orders of the seigniors; but when they heard the tumult that
was raised, and were informed of the course the councils had adopted,
each took refuge in his own house.
Let no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine he can afterwards
control them at his pleasure, or restrain them from proceeding to
the commission of violence. Salvestro intended to enact his law, and
compose the city; but it happened otherwise; for the feelings of all had
become so excited, that they shut up the shops; the citizens fortified
themselves in their houses; many conveyed their valuable property into
the churches and monasteries, and everyone seemed to apprehend something
terrible at hand. The companies of the arts met, and each appointed
an additional officer or syndic; upon which the priors summoned their
colleagues and these syndics, and consulted a whole day how the city
might be appeased with satisfaction to the different parties; but much
difference of opinion prevailed, and no conclusion was come to. On the
following day the arts brought forth their banners, which the seigniory,
understanding, and being apprehensive of evil, called the council
together to consider what course to adopt. But scarcely were they met,
when the uproar recommenced, and soon the ensigns of the arts, surrounded
by vast numbers of armed men, occupied the courts. Upon this the council,
to give the arts and the people hope of redress, and free themselves
as much as possible from the charge of causing the mischief, gave a
general power, which in Florence is called _balia_, to the seigniors, the
colleagues, the Eight, the _capitani di parte_, and to the syndics of
the arts, to reform the government of the city for the common benefit of
all. Whilst this was being arranged, a few of the ensigns of the arts and
some of the mob, desirous of avenging themselves for the recent injuries
they had received from the Guelfs, separated themselves from the rest,
and sacked and burned the house of Lapo da Castiglionchio, who, when he
learned the proceedings of the seigniory against the Guelfs, and saw
the people in arms, having no other resource but concealment or flight,
first took refuge in Santa Croce, and afterwards, being disguised as a
monk, fled into the Casentino, where he was often heard to blame himself
for having consented to wait till St. John’s day, before they had made
themselves sure of the government. Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi
hid themselves upon the first outbreak of the tumult, trusting that when
it was over, by the interest of their numerous friends and relations,
they might remain safely in Florence.
The house of Lapo being burned, as mischief begins with difficulty but
easily increases, many other houses, either through public hatred or
private malice, shared the same fate; and the rioters, that they might
have companions more eager than themselves to assist them in their work
of plunder, broke open the public prisons, and then sacked the monastery
of the Agnoli and the convent of Santo Spirito, whither many citizens had
taken their most valuable goods for safety. Nor would the public chambers
have escaped these destroyers’ hands, except out of reverence for one of
the seigniors who, on horseback and followed by many citizens in arms,
opposed the rage of the mob.
This popular fury being abated by the authority of the seigniors and
the approach of night, on the following day the balia relieved the
admonished, on condition that they should not for three years be capable
of holding any magistracy. They annulled the laws made by the Guelfs to
the prejudice of the citizens; declared Lapo da Castiglionchio and his
companions rebels, and with them many others, who were the objects of
universal detestation. After these resolutions, the new seigniory were
drawn for, and Luigi Guicciardini was appointed gonfalonier, which gave
hope that the tumults would soon be appeased; for everyone thought them
to be peaceable men and lovers of order. Still the shops were not opened,
nor did the citizens lay down their arms, but continued to patrol the
city in great numbers.
[Illustration: ITALIAN NOBLEMAN, FOURTEENTH CENTURY]
Presently a disturbance arose, much more injurious to the republic than
anything that had hitherto occurred. The greatest part of the fires and
robberies which took place on the previous days was perpetrated by the
very lowest of the people; and those who had been the most audacious
were afraid that, when the greater differences were composed, they would
be punished for the crimes they had committed; and that, as usual, they
would be abandoned by those who had instigated them to the commission
of crime. To this may be added the hatred of the lower orders towards
the rich citizens and the principals of the arts, because they did not
think themselves remunerated for their labour in a manner equal to their
merits. For in the time of Charles I, when the city was divided into
arts, a head or governor was appointed to each, and it was provided that
the individuals of each art should be judged in civil matters by their
own superiors. These arts were at first twelve; in the course of time
they were increased to twenty-one, and attained so much power that in a
few years they grasped the entire government of the city; and as some
were in greater esteem than others, they were divided into major and
minor; seven were called the “major,” and fourteen the “minor arts.”
From this division, and from other causes, arose the arrogance of the
_capitani di parte_; for these citizens, who had formerly been Guelfs,
and had the constant disposal of that magistracy, favoured the followers
of the major and persecuted the minor arts and their patrons; and hence
arose the many commotions already mentioned. When the companies of the
arts were first organised, many of those trades, followed by the lowest
of the people and the plebeians, were not incorporated, but were ranged
under those arts most nearly allied to them; and, hence, when they were
not properly remunerated for their labour, or their masters oppressed
them, they had no one of whom to seek redress, except the magistrate
of the art to which theirs was subject; and of him they did not think
justice always attainable. Of the arts, that which always had the
greatest number of these subordinates was the woollen; which being the
most powerful body, and first in authority, supported the greater part of
the plebeians and lowest of the people.
The lower classes, then, the subordinates not only of the woollen,
but also of the other arts, were discontented, from the causes just
mentioned; and their apprehension of punishment for the burnings and
robberies they had committed did not tend to compose them. Meetings took
place in different parts during night, to talk over the past, and to
communicate the danger in which they were. When one of the most daring
and experienced, in order to animate the rest, spoke thus: “If the
question now were whether we should take up arms, rob and burn the houses
of the citizens, and plunder churches, I am one of those who would think
it worthy of further consideration, and should, perhaps, prefer poverty
and safety to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good. But as we have
already armed, and many offences have been committed, and those who are
first in arms will certainly be victors, to the ruin of their enemies
and their own exaltation; thus honours will accrue to many of us, and
security to all.” These arguments greatly inflamed minds already disposed
to mischief so that they determined to take up arms as soon as they had
acquired a sufficient number of associates, and bound themselves by oath
to mutual defence, in case any of them were subdued by the civil power.
Whilst they were arranging to take possession of the republic, their
design became known to the seigniory, who, having taken a man named
Simone, learned from him the particulars of the conspiracy, and that
the outbreak was to take place on the following day. Finding the danger
so pressing, they called together the colleagues and those citizens who
with the syndics of the arts were endeavouring to effect the union of the
city. It was then evening, and they advised the seigniors to assemble
the consuls of the trades, who proposed that whatever armed force was in
Florence should be collected, and with the gonfaloniers of the people and
their companies meet under arms in the piazza next morning. It happened
that whilst Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolo da San Friano
was regulating the palace clock, and becoming acquainted with what was
going on, returned home and spread the report of it in his neighbourhood,
so that presently the piazza of Santo Spirito was occupied by above a
thousand men. This soon became known to the other conspirators, and San
Pietro Maggiore and San Lorenzo, their places of assembly, were presently
full of them, all under arms.
At daybreak, on the 21st of July, there did not appear in the piazza
above eighty men in arms friendly to the seigniory, and not one of the
gonfaloniers; for knowing the whole city to be in a state of insurrection
they were afraid to leave their homes. The first body of plebeians that
made its appearance was that which had assembled at San Pietro Maggiore;
but the armed force did not venture to attack them. Then came the other
multitudes, and finding no opposition, they loudly demanded their
prisoners from the seigniory; and being resolved to have them by force if
they were not yielded to their threats, they burned the house of Luigi
Guicciardini; and the seigniory, for fear of greater mischief, set them
at liberty. With this addition to their strength they took the gonfalon
of justice from the bearer, and under the shadow of authority which it
gave them, burned the houses of many citizens, selecting those whose
owners had publicly or privately excited their hatred. Many citizens, to
avenge themselves for private injuries, conducted them to the houses of
their enemies; for it was quite sufficient to insure its destruction, if
a single voice from the mob called out, “To the house of such a one,” or
if he who bore the gonfalon took the road towards it. All the documents
belonging to the woollen trade were burned, and after the commission
of much violence, by way of associating it with something laudable,
Salvestro de’ Medici and sixty-three other citizens were made knights,
amongst whom were Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi,
and others similarly their friends; though many received the honour
against their wills. It was a remarkable peculiarity of the riots that
many who had their houses burned were on the same day and by the same
party made knights; so close were the kindness and the injury together.
This circumstance occurred to Luigi Guicciardini, gonfalonier of justice.
In this tremendous uproar, the seigniory, finding themselves abandoned by
their armed force, by the leaders of the arts, and by the gonfaloniers,
became dismayed; for none had come to their assistance in obedience to
orders; and of the sixteen gonfalons, the ensign of the Golden Lion
and of the Vaio, under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi, alone
appeared; and these, not being joined by any other, soon withdrew. Of the
citizens, on the other hand, some, seeing the fury of this unreasonable
multitude and the palace abandoned, remained within doors; others
followed the armed mob, in the hope that, by being amongst them, they
might more easily protect their own houses or those of their friends.
The power of the plebeians was thus increased and that of the seigniory
weakened. The tumult continued all day, and at night the rioters
halted near the palace of Stefano, behind the church of St. Barnabas.
Their number exceeded six thousand, and before daybreak they obtained
by threats the ensigns of the trades, with which and the gonfalon of
justice, when morning came, they proceeded to the palace of the provost,
who refusing to surrender it to them, they took possession of it by force.
The seigniory, desirous of a compromise, since they could not restrain
them by force, appointed four of the colleagues to proceed to the palace
of the provost, and endeavour to learn what was their intention. They
found that the leaders of the plebeians, with the syndics of the trades
and some citizens, had resolved to signify their wishes to the seigniory.
They therefore returned with four deputies of the plebeians, who demanded
that the woollen trade should not be allowed to have a foreign judge;
that there should be formed three new companies of the arts; namely, one
for the wool-combers and dyers, one for the barbers, doublet-makers,
tailors, and such like, and the third for the lowest class of people.
They required that the three new arts should furnish two seigniors;
the fourteen minor arts, three; and that the seigniory should provide
a suitable place of assembly for them. They also made it a condition
that no member of these companies should be expected during two years to
pay any debt that amounted to less than 50 ducats; that the bank should
take no interest on loans already contracted and that only the principal
sum should be demanded; that the condemned and the banished should be
forgiven, and the admonished should be restored to participation in the
honours of government. Besides these, many other articles were stipulated
in favour of their friends, and a requisition made that many of their
enemies should be exiled and admonished. These demands, though grievous
and dishonourable to the republic, were for fear of further violence
granted, by the joint deliberation of the seigniors, colleagues, and
council of the people. But in order to give it full effect, it was
requisite that the council of the commune should also give its consent;
and, as they could not assemble two councils during the same day, it
was necessary to defer it till the morrow. However, the trades appeared
content, the plebeians satisfied; and both promised that, these laws
being confirmed, every disturbance should cease.
On the following morning, whilst the council of the commune were
in consultation, the impatient and volatile multitude entered the
piazza, under their respective ensigns, with loud and fearful shouts,
which struck terror into all the council and seigniory; and Guerrente
Marignolli, one of the latter, influenced more by fear than anything
else, under pretence of guarding the lower doors, left the chamber and
fled to his house. He was unable to conceal himself from the multitude,
who, however, took no notice, except that, upon seeing him, they insisted
that all the seigniors should quit the palace, and declared that if they
refused to comply, their houses should be burned and their families put
to death.
The law had now been passed; the seigniors were in their own apartments;
the council had descended from the chamber, and without leaving the
palace, hopeless of saving the city, they remained in the lodges and
courts below, overwhelmed with grief at seeing such depravity in the
multitude, and such perversity or fear in those who might either have
restrained or suppressed them. The seigniory, too, were dismayed and
fearful for the safety of their country, finding themselves abandoned
by one of their associates, and without any aid or even advice; when,
at this moment of uncertainty as to what was about to happen, or what
would be best to be done, Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, either
from motives of ambition (being desirous of remaining masters of the
palace), or because they thought it the most advisable step, persuaded
them to give way to the popular impulse, and withdraw privately to their
own homes. This advice, given by those who had been the leaders of the
tumult, although the others yielded, filled Alamanno Acciajuoli and
Niccolo del Bene, two of the seigniors, with anger; and, reassuming a
little vigour, they said, that if the others would withdraw they could
not help it, but they would remain as long as they continued in office,
if they did not in the meantime lose their lives. These dissensions
redoubled the fears of the seigniory and the rage of the people, so that
the gonfalonier, disposed to conclude his magistracy in dishonour than in
danger, recommended himself to the care of Tommaso Strozzi, who withdrew
him from the palace and conducted him to his house. The other seigniors
were, one after another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamanno
and Niccolo, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing themselves left
alone, also retired, and the palace fell into the hands of the plebeians
and the eight commissioners of war, who had not yet laid down their
authority.
_Michele di Lando_
When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the gonfalonier of
justice was in the hands of Michele di Lando, a wool-comber. This man,
barefoot, with scarcely anything upon him, and the rabble at his heels,
ascended the staircase, and, having entered the audience chamber of the
seigniory, he stopped, and turning to the multitude said, “You see this
palace is now yours, and the city is in your power; what do you think
ought to be done?” To which they replied, they would have him for their
gonfalonier and lord; and that he should govern them and the city as he
thought best. Michele accepted the command; and, as he was a cool and
sagacious man, more favoured by nature than by fortune, he resolved to
compose the tumult and restore peace to the city. To occupy the minds of
the people, and give himself time to make some arrangement, he ordered
that one Nuto, who had been appointed _bargello_, or sheriff, by Lapo da
Castiglionchio, should be sought. The greater part of his followers went
to execute this commission; and, to commence with justice the government
he had acquired by favour, he commanded that no one should either burn or
steal anything; while, to strike terror into all, he caused a gallows to
be erected in the court of the palace. He began the reform of government
by deposing the syndics of the trades, and appointing new ones; he
deprived the seigniory and the colleagues of their magistracy, and burned
the balloting purses containing the names of those eligible to office
under the former government. In the meantime, Ser Nuto, being brought
by the mob into the court, was suspended from the gallows by one foot;
and those around having torn him to pieces, in little more than a moment
nothing remained of him but the foot by which he had been tied.
The eight commissioners of war, on the other hand, thinking themselves,
after the departure of the seigniors, left sole masters of the city, had
already formed a new seigniory; but Michele, on learning this, sent them
an order to quit the palace immediately; for he wished to show that he
could govern Florence without their assistance. He then assembled the
syndics of the trades, and created as a seigniory, four from the lowest
plebeians, two from the major, and two from the minor trades. Besides
this, he made a new selection of names for the balloting purses, and
divided the state into three parts; one composed of the new trades,
another of the minor, and the third of the major trades. He gave to
Salvestro de’ Medici the revenue of the shops upon the Ponte Vecchio; for
himself he took the provostry of Empoli, and conferred benefits upon many
other citizens, friends of the plebeians, not so much for the purpose of
rewarding their labours, as that they might serve to screen him from envy.
It seemed to the plebeians that Michele, in his reformation of the
state, had too much favoured the higher ranks of the people, and that
they themselves had not a sufficient share in the government to enable
them to preserve it; and hence, prompted by their usual audacity, they
again took arms, and coming tumultuously into the court of the palace,
each body under their particular ensigns, insisted that the seigniory
should immediately descend and consider new means for advancing
their well-being and security. Michele, observing their arrogance,
was unwilling to provoke them, but without further yielding to their
request, blamed the manner in which it was made, advised them to lay
down their arms, and promised that then would be conceded to them, what
otherwise, for the dignity of the state, must of necessity be withheld.
The multitude, enraged at this reply, withdrew to Santa Maria Novella,
where they appointed eight leaders for their party, with officers and
other regulations to insure influence and respect; so that the city
possessed two governments, and was under the direction of two distinct
powers. These new leaders determined that eight, elected from their
trades, should constantly reside in the palace with the seigniory, and
that whatever the seigniory should determine must be confirmed by them
before it became law. They took from Salvestro de’ Medici and Michele
di Lando the whole of what their former decrees had granted them, and
distributed to many of their party offices and emoluments to enable them
to support their dignity. These resolutions being passed, to render them
valid they sent two of their body to the seigniory, to insist on their
being confirmed by the council, with an intimation, that if not granted
they would be vindicated by force. This deputation, with amazing audacity
and surpassing presumption, explained their commission to the seigniory,
upbraided the gonfalonier with the dignity they had conferred upon him,
the honour they had done him, and with the ingratitude and want of
respect he had shown towards them. Coming to threats towards the end of
their discourse, Michele could not endure their arrogance, and sensible
rather of the dignity of the office he held than of the meanness of his
origin, determined by extraordinary means to punish such extraordinary
insolence, and drawing the sword with which he was girt, seriously
wounded, and caused them to be seized and imprisoned.
[Illustration: AN ITALIAN CAPTAIN, FOURTEENTH CENTURY]
When the fact became known, the multitude were filled with rage, and
thinking that by their arms they might insure what without them they had
failed to effect, they seized their weapons, and with the utmost fury
resolved to force the seigniory to consent to their wishes. Michele,
suspecting what would happen, determined to be prepared, for he knew his
credit rather required him to be first in the attack than to wait the
approach of the enemy, or, like his predecessors, dishonour both the
palace and himself by flight. He therefore drew together a good number
of citizens (for many began to see their error), mounted on horseback,
and followed by crowds of armed men, proceeded to Santa Maria Novella,
to encounter his adversaries. The plebeians, who, as before observed,
were influenced by a similar desire, had set out about the same time as
Michele, and it happened that, as each took a different route, they did
not meet in their way, and Michele, upon his return, found the piazza
in their possession. The contest was now for the palace, and joining in
the fight, he soon vanquished them, drove part of them out of the city,
and compelled the rest to throw down their arms and escape or conceal
themselves, as well as they could. Having thus gained the victory, the
tumults were composed, solely by the talents of the gonfalonier, who
in courage, prudence, and generosity surpassed every other citizen of
his time, and deserves to be enumerated among the glorious few who have
greatly benefited their country; for, had he possessed either malice or
ambition, the republic would have been completely ruined, and the city
must have fallen under greater tyranny than that of the duke of Athens.
But his goodness never allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed to the
universal welfare: his prudence enabled him to conduct affairs in such a
manner that a great majority of his own faction reposed the most entire
confidence in him; and he kept the rest in awe by the influence of his
authority.
By the time Michele di Lando had subdued the plebeians the new seigniory
was drawn, and amongst those who composed it were two persons of such
base and mean condition that the desire increased in the minds of the
people to be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen; and
when, upon the 1st of September, the new seigniory entered office and
the retiring members were still in the palace, the piazza being full of
armed men, a tumultuous cry arose from the midst of them, that none of
the lowest of the people should hold office amongst the seigniory. The
obnoxious two were withdrawn accordingly. The name of one was Il Tira,
of the other Baroccio, and in their stead were elected Giorgio Scali and
Francesco di Michele. The company of the lowest trade was also dissolved,
and its members deprived of office, except Michele di Lando, Lorenzo di
Puccio, and a few others of better quality. The honours of government
were divided into two parts, one of which was assigned to the superior
trades, the other to the inferior; except that the latter were to furnish
five seigniors, and the former only four. The gonfalonier was to be
chosen alternately from each.
_Momentary Peace; Renewed Insurrections_
[Sidenote: [1378-1381 A.D.]]
The government, thus composed, restored peace to the city for the
time; but though the republic was rescued from the power of the lowest
plebeians, the inferior trades were still more influential than the
nobles of the people, who, however, were obliged to submit for the
gratification of the trades, of whose favour they wished to deprive
the plebeians. The new establishment was supported by all who wished
the continued subjugation of those who, under the name of the Guelfic
party, had practised such excessive violence against the citizens. And
as amongst others thus disposed, were Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti,
Salvestro de’ Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi, these four almost became
princes of the city. This state of the public mind strengthened the
divisions already commenced between the nobles of the people and the
minor artificers, by the ambition of the Ricci and the Albizzi; from
which, as at different times very serious effects arose, and as they will
hereafter be frequently mentioned, we shall call the former the popular
party, the latter the plebeian. This condition of things continued three
years, during which many were exiled and put to death; for the government
lived in constant apprehension, knowing that both within and without the
city many were dissatisfied with them. Those within, either attempted or
were suspected of attempting, every day some new project against them;
and those without, being under no restraint, were continually, by means
of some prince or republic, spreading reports tending to increase the
disaffection.
Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He held a command
under Charles of Durazzo, a descendant of the kings of Naples, who,
designing to undertake the conquest of the dominions of Queen Joanna,
retained his captain in that city, with the concurrence of Pope Urban,
who was at enmity with the queen. Many Florentine emigrants were also
at Bologna, in close correspondence with him and Charles. This caused
the rulers in Florence to live in continual alarm, and induced them to
lend a willing ear to any calumnies against the suspected. Whilst in
this disturbed state of feeling it was disclosed to the government that
Gianozzo da Salerno was about to march to Florence with the emigrants,
and that great numbers of those within were to rise in arms, and deliver
the city to him. Upon this information many were accused, the principal
of whom were Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi; and after these,
Cipriano Mangione, Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi,
and Giovanni Anselmi, the whole of whom, except Carlo Strozzi, who fled,
were made prisoners; and the seigniory, to prevent anyone from taking
arms in their favour, appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti,
with a strong armed force, to guard the city. The arrested citizens were
examined, and although nothing was elicited against them sufficient to
induce the capitano to find them guilty, their enemies excited the minds
of the populace to such a degree of outrageous and overwhelming fury
against them, that they were condemned to death, as it were, by force.
Nor was the greatness of his family, or his former reputation, of any
service to Piero degli Albizzi, who had once been, of all the citizens,
the man most feared and honoured. Someone, either as a friend to render
him wise in his prosperity, or an enemy to threaten him with the
fickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his making a feast for
many citizens sent him a silver bowl full of sweetmeats, amongst which
a large nail was found, and being seen by many present, was taken for a
hint to him to fix the wheel of fortune which, having conveyed him to the
top, must, if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom. This
interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and afterwards by his
death.
[Sidenote: [1381-1382 A.D.]]
After this execution the city was full of consternation, for both victors
and vanquished were alike in fear; but the worst effects arose from the
apprehensions of those possessing the management of affairs; for every
accident, however trivial, caused them to commit fresh outrages, either
by condemnations, admonitions, or banishment of citizens; to which
must be added, as scarcely less pernicious, the frequent new laws and
regulations which were made for defence of the government, all of which
were put in execution to the injury of those opposed to their faction.
They appointed forty-six persons, who, with the seigniory, were to
purge the republic of all suspected by the government. They admonished
thirty-nine citizens, ennobled many of the people, and degraded many
nobles to the popular rank. To strengthen themselves against external
foes, they took into their pay John Hawkwood, an Englishman of great
military reputation, who had long served the pope and others in Italy.
Their fears from without were increased by a report that several bodies
of men were being assembled by Charles of Durazzo for the conquest of
Naples, and many Florentine emigrants were said to have joined him.
Against these dangers, in addition to the forces which had been raised,
large sums of money were provided; and Charles, having arrived at Arezzo,
obtained from the Florentines 40,000 ducats, and promised he would not
molest them. His enterprise was immediately prosecuted, and having
occupied the kingdom of Naples, he sent Queen Joanna a prisoner into
Hungary. This victory renewed the fears of those who managed the affairs
of Florence, for they could not persuade themselves that their money
would have a greater influence on the king’s mind than the friendship
which his house had long retained for the Guelfs, whom they so grievously
oppressed.
This suspicion, increasing, multiplied oppressions; which again, instead
of diminishing the suspicion, augmented it; so that most men lived in the
utmost discontent. To this the insolence of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso
Strozzi (who by their popular influence overawed the magistrates) also
contributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that by the power these
men possessed with the plebeians they could set them at defiance; and
hence it is evident that not only to good men, but even to the seditious,
this government appeared tyrannical and violent. To put a period to the
outrageous conduct of Giorgio, it happened that his servant accused
Giovanni di Cambio of practices against the state, but the capitano
declared him innocent.
Upon this, the judge determined to punish the accuser with the same
penalties that the accused would have incurred had he been guilty; but
Giorgio Scali, unable to save him either by his authority or entreaties,
obtained the assistance of Tommaso Strozzi, and with a multitude of
armed men, set the informer at liberty and plundered the palace of the
capitano, who was obliged to save himself by flight. This act excited
such great and universal animosity against him, that his enemies began to
hope they would be able to effect his ruin, and also to rescue the city
from the power of the plebeians, who for three years had held her under
their arrogant control.
To the realisation of this design the capitano greatly contributed; for
the tumult having subsided, he presented himself before the seigniors,
and said he had cheerfully undertaken the office to which they had
appointed him, for he thought he should serve upright men who would take
arms for the defence of justice, and not impede its progress. But now
that he had seen and had experience of the proceedings of the city, and
the manner in which affairs were conducted, that dignity which he had
voluntarily assumed with the hope of acquiring honour and emolument he
now more willingly resigned, to escape from the losses and danger to
which he found himself exposed. The complaint of the capitano was heard
with the utmost attention by the seigniory, who promising to remunerate
him for the injury he had suffered and provide for his future security,
he was satisfied. Some of them then obtained an interview with certain
citizens who were thought to be lovers of the common good, and least
suspected by the state; and in conjunction with these, it was concluded
that the present was a favourable opportunity for rescuing the city from
Giorgio and the plebeians, the last outrage he had committed having
completely alienated the great body of the people from him. They judged
it best to profit by the occasion before the excitement had abated, for
they knew that the favour of the mob is often gained or lost by the
most trifling circumstance; and more certainly to insure success, they
determined, if possible, to obtain the concurrence of Benedetto Alberti,
for without it they considered their enterprise to be dangerous.
Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of unassuming manners,
an ardent lover of the liberties of his country, and one to whom
tyrannical measures were in the highest degree offensive; so that he was
easily induced to concur in their views and consent to Giorgio’s ruin.
His enmity against the nobles of the people and the Guelfs, and his
friendship for the plebeians, were caused by the insolence and tyrannical
proceedings of the former; but finding that the plebeians had soon become
quite as insolent, he quickly separated himself from them; and the
injuries committed by them against the citizens were done wholly without
his consent. So that the same motives which made him join the plebeians
induced him to leave them.
Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades to their side, they
provided themselves with arms and made Giorgio prisoner. Tommaso fled.
The next day Giorgio was beheaded, which struck so great a terror into
his party, that none ventured to express the slightest disapprobation,
but each seemed anxious to be foremost in defence of the measure. On
being led to execution, in the presence of that people who only a short
time before had idolised him, Giorgio complained of his hard fortune,
and the malignity of those citizens who, having done him an undeserved
injury, had compelled him to honour and support a mob, possessing neither
faith nor gratitude. Observing Benedetto Alberti amongst those who had
armed themselves for the preservation of order, he said, “Do you, too,
consent, Benedetto, that this injury shall be done to me? Were I in your
place and you in mine, I would take care that no one should injure you. I
tell you, however, this day is the end of my troubles and the beginning
of yours.” He then blamed himself for having confided too much in a
people who may be excited and inflamed by every word, motion, and breath
of suspicion. With these complaints he died, in the midst of his armed
enemies delighted at his fall. Some of his most intimate associates were
also put to death, and their bodies dragged about by the mob.
The death of Giorgio caused very great excitement; many took arms at the
execution in favour of the seigniory and the capitano; and many others,
either for ambition or as a means for their own safety, did the same.
The city was full of conflicting parties, which each had a particular
end in view, and wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed.
The ancient nobility, called “the great,” could not bear to be deprived
of public honours; for the recovery of which they used their utmost
exertions, and earnestly desired that authority might be restored to
the _capitani di parte_. The nobles of the people and the major trades
were discontented at the share the minor trades and lowest of the people
possessed in the government; whilst the minor trades were desirous of
increasing their influence, and the lowest people were apprehensive
of losing the companies of their trades and the authority which these
conferred.
Such opposing views occasioned Florence, during a year, to be disturbed
by many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the people took arms; sometimes
the major, and sometimes the minor trades and the lowest of the people;
and it often happened that, though in different parts, all were at
once in insurrection. Hence many conflicts took place between the
different parties or with the forces of the palaces; for the seigniory,
sometimes yielding and at other times resisting, adopted such remedies
as they could for these numerous evils. At length, after two assemblies
of the people, and many balias appointed for the reformation of the
city; after much toil, labour, and imminent danger, a government was
appointed, by which all who had been banished since Salvestro de’ Medici
was gonfalonier were restored. They who had acquired distinctions or
emoluments by the balia of 1378 were deprived of them. The honours of
government were restored to the Guelfic party; the two new companies of
the trades were dissolved, and all who had been subject to them assigned
to their former companies. The minor trades were not allowed to elect
the gonfalonier of justice; their share of honours was reduced from a
half to a third; and those of the highest rank were withdrawn from them
altogether. Thus the nobles of the people and the Guelfs repossessed
themselves of the government, which was lost by the plebeians after it
had been in their possession from 1378 to 1381, when these changes took
place.
The new establishment was not less injurious to the citizens, or less
troublesome at its commencement than that of the plebeians had been;
for many of the nobles of the people who had distinguished themselves
as defenders of the plebeians were banished with a great number of the
leaders of the latter, amongst whom was Michele di Lando; nor could all
the benefits conferred upon the city by his authority, when in danger
from the lawless mob, save him from the rabid fury of the party that was
now in power. His good offices evidently excited little gratitude in his
countrymen.
As these banishments and executions had always been offensive to
Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, and he censured them
both publicly and privately. The leaders of the government began to
fear him, for they considered him one of the most earnest friends of
the plebeians. It appeared as if, at any moment, something might occur,
which, with the favour of his friends, would enable him to recover his
authority, and drive them out of the city. Whilst in this state of
suspicion and jealousy, it happened that while he was gonfalonier of the
companies, his son-in-law, Filippo Magalotti, was drawn gonfalonier of
justice; and this circumstance increased the fears of the government, for
they thought it would strengthen Benedetto’s influence, and place the
state in the greater peril. Anxious to provide a remedy, without creating
much disturbance, they induced Bese Magalotti, his relative and enemy,
to signify to the seigniory that Filippo, not having attained the age
required for the exercise of that office, neither could nor ought to hold
it.
The question was examined by the seigniors, and part of them out of
hatred, others in order to avoid disunion amongst themselves, declared
Filippo ineligible to the dignity, and in his stead was drawn Bardo
Mancini, who was quite opposed to the plebeian interests, and an
inveterate foe of Benedetto. This man, having entered upon the duties
of his office, created a _balia_ for reformation of the state, which
banished Benedetto Alberti and admonished all the rest of his family
except Antonio. Not to give a worse impression of his virtue abroad
than he had done at home, he made a journey to the sepulchre of Christ,
and whilst upon his return died at Rhodes. His remains were brought
to Florence, and interred with all possible honours by those who had
persecuted him, when alive, with every species of calumny and injustice.
The family of the Alberti was not the only injured party during these
troubles of the city; for many others were banished and admonished.
[Sidenote: [1381-1393 A.D.]]
It was customary to create the balia for a limited time; and when the
citizens elected had effected the purpose of their appointment, they
resigned the office from motives of good feeling and decency, although
the time allowed might not have expired. In conformity with this laudable
practice, the balia of that period, supposing that they had accomplished
all that was expected of them, wished to retire; but when the multitude
were acquainted with their intention, they ran armed to the palace, and
insisted that, before resigning their power, many other persons should
be banished and admonished. This greatly displeased the seigniors; but
without disclosing the extent of their displeasure, they contrived to
amuse the multitude with promises, till they had assembled a sufficient
body of armed men, and then took such measures that fear induced the
people to lay aside the weapons which madness had led them to take up.
Nevertheless, in some degree to gratify the fury of the mob, and to
reduce the authority of the plebeian trades, it was provided that, as
the latter had previously possessed a third of the honours, they should
in future have only a fourth. That there might always be two of the
seigniors particularly devoted to the government, they gave authority to
the gonfalonier of justice, and four others, to form a ballot purse of
select citizens, from which, in every seigniory, two should be drawn.
This government, from its establishment in 1381, till the alterations
now made, had continued six years; and the internal peace of the city
remained undisturbed until 1393. During this time, Giovanni Galeazzo
Visconti, usually called the count of Virtù, imprisoned his uncle
Barnabò, and thus became sovereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he had
become duke of Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself king of Italy
by force. In 1391 he commenced a spirited attack upon the Florentines;
but such various changes occurred in the course of the war that he was
frequently in greater danger than the Florentines themselves, who,
though they made a brave and admirable defence, must have been ruined
if he had survived. As it was, the result was attended with infinitely
less evil than their fears of so powerful an enemy had led them to
apprehend; for the duke, having taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Siena,
and prepared a diadem with which to be crowned king of Italy at Florence,
died before he had tasted the fruit of his victories, or the Florentines
began to feel the effect of their disasters.[e]
[Illustration]
[Illustration]