THE KINGDOM OF MAGADHA AND THE SETTLEMENTS IN THE SOUTH.
King Ajataçatru of Magadha, who is said to have dethroned his father
Bimbisara in the the year 551 B.C. and put him to death, to have
persecuted the "Enlightened," and then, from a persecutor to have
changed into a zealous follower, demanded, according to the legends of
the Buddhists, that the Mallas should give up to him the remains of
Buddha (the ashes and the bones of his corpse) for preservation. But the
Mallas refused to do this. The Çakyas also laid claim to them because
Buddha sprang from their family; the warrior families of the Vrijis of
Vaiçali because Buddha was a Kshatriya; and finally the Koçalas of
Ramagrama demanded them. Ajataçatru intended to possess himself of them
by force. Then a learned Brahman succeeded in preventing the decision by
an appeal to arms; the remains were divided into eight portions, and
distributed among the different claimants, of whom each erected a
memorial for his portion. Ajataçatru buried his portion under a stupa,
_i.e._ a tower with a cupola, near his metropolis Rajagriha.[482]
Of the further deeds of Ajataçatru we only learn that he subjugated to
his dominion the Vrijis, who were governed by a council formed of the
elders of their families.[483] Of the immediate successors of Ajataçatru
in Magadha, Udayabhadra (519-503 B.C.), Anuruddhaka (503-495 B.C.), and
Nagadasaka (495-471 B.C.), nothing further is known than that each
murdered his father.[484] Nagadasaka, the great-grandson of Ajataçatru,
is said to have been dethroned by the people, who set up in his place
Çiçunaga a son of Ajataçatru, who seems to have previously ruled as a
vassal king in the city of the Vrijis, the conquered Vaiçali.[485] This
Çiçunaga, who ruled over Magadha from the year 471 to 453 B.C., was
succeeded on the throne by his son, Kalaçoka.[486]
From this subjugation and conquest of the territory of the Vrijis, from
a statement of the legend of the Buddhists, according to which Kalaçoka
inflicts punishments in Mathura on the Yamuna,[487]--and further from
the fact that the lists of the Brahmans for the kingdoms of the Bharatas
and the Koçalas, and the territories of Varanasi and Mithila, end with
the third or fourth successor of the princes who reigned, according to
the legend of the Buddhists, at the time of the Enlightened--we may
assume that after the reign of Ajataçatru the power of the kings of
Magadha increased, and continued to extend till the neighbouring states
on the north and west of Magadha were gradually embodied in this
kingdom. Kalaçoka provided a new metropolis; he left Rajagriha and took
up his abode in a city of his own building, Pataliputra. The name means
son of the trumpet-flower. It lay to the north-west of Rajagriha on the
confluence of the Çona and the Ganges, on the bank of the great river,
a little above the modern Patna. Megasthenes, who spent some time in
this city a century and a half after it was built, tells us that
Palibothra (such is the form he gives to the name) was the greatest and
most famous city of India. In shape it was a long rectangle, with a
circuit of about 25 miles. The longer sides were 80, the shorter sides
15, stades in length. Sixty-four gates allowed entrance through the
wooden wall, pierced by windows for archers, and was surrounded by a
wonderful trench, 600 feet broad, and 30 cubits deep, which was filled
by the waters of the Ganges and the Çona; the wall was in addition
flanked by 570 towers. The royal palace in the city was splendid, and
the inhabitants very numerous.[488] We have already learnt from the
sutras the circuit, equipment, and wealth of the royal citadels. That
Palibothra, at the time when it was the metropolis not only of the whole
land of the Ganges but also of the valley of the Indus, was only
protected by a wooden wall, provided, it is true, with many towers,
_i.e._ by a palisade, is remarkable, for it is sufficiently proved that
the cities and citadels of the Panjab in the fourth century B.C. were
surrounded by walls of bricks or masonry.
In the sutras of the Buddhists we have already seen that the Arian life
and civilisation extended in the first half of the sixth century from
the Panjab to the mouth of the Ganges, and also that the north-western
spurs of the Vindhyas, no less than the coast of Guzerat (Surashtra)
were occupied by Arian states. The ancient inhabitants of these regions,
the Bhillas and Kolas (Kulis), occupied here the same contemptible and
degraded position which the Chandalas occupied on the Ganges. In the
course of the sixth and in the fifth century B.C. the colonisation and
conquests of the Arian Indians made even more important advances. The
southern regions of the Deccan were appropriated, and the island of
Ceylon conquered. It has been observed that at an early time a trade
existed by sea between the land of the Indus and the Malabar coast; in
this way alone could the sandal-wood, which flourishes nowhere but this
coast, have reached the mouth of the Indus as early as 1000 B.C. (p.
15). The tradition of the Brahmans assigns the colonisation of the
Malabar coast, not of the northern part only, but even of Kerala, in the
south, to the twelfth century B.C. We shall be more secure if we assume
that the Arian settlements were not pushed further to the south till
Arian states arose on the coast of Surashtra. The first settlements on
the west coast are said to have been founded by Brahmans: an expedition
of Brahmans is said to have reached far to the south, and to have
founded settlements there; to have converted the inhabitants to
Brahmanism, and in this way to have founded the kingdom of Kerala (on
the sources of the Kaveri).[489] On the eastern shore of the Deccan the
Arian civilisation passed from the mouths of the Ganges to the south. We
do not know in what manner the Odras, who dwelt in the valley and on the
mouths of the Mahanadi, were gained over by the Brahmans. In the book of
the law they are reckoned among the degenerate warriors.[490] But in
this region the change to the Arian life must have been very complete;
there are no remains of an older language in the dialect of Orissa. The
language exhibits the stamp of Sanskrit, and the Brahmanic system was
afterwards carried out even more strictly here than in the valley of the
Ganges. Even on the Coromandel coast the southern parts are said to have
been colonised earlier than the centre. The first Arian settlers are
said to have landed on the island of Rameçvara, which lies off the mouth
of the Vaigaru, in the sixth century B.C., and then to have passed over
to the mainland, which was occupied by the tribes of the Tamilas, to
have eradicated the forests, and cultivated the land.[491] One of these
settlers, Pandya by name, is said to have obtained the dominion, and to
have given his name to the land, Sampanna-Pandya, _i.e._ the fortunate
Pandya; one of the successors of this Pandya built a palace further up
the Vaigaru, and called the new city Mathura. From this name we may
conclude that at least a part of the settlers who colonised the south
coast of the Deccan sprang from the banks of the Yamuna, and named the
new habitation after the sacred city of the ancient fatherland, just as
the name of the ruling family points to the Pandus, the ancient dynasty,
which for four generations after Buddha, _i.e._ down to the time of
Kalaçoka, ruled over the Bharatas between the Yamuna and the upper
Ganges.
Hither also, to the distant south of the Deccan, the Arian settlers
brought the system of castes and the Brahmanic arrangements of the
state, which were carried out with greater strictness, as is invariably
the case when an arrangement already developed into a complete and close
system is authoritatively applied to new conditions. The immigrants were
Brahmans and Kshatriyas; they took possession of considerable portions
of land. The ancient inhabitants, who did not adapt themselves to the
Brahmanic law, occupied on the south of the Coromandel coast, where the
Tamil language is spoken, as the colonies spread, a position even worse
than the Chandalas on the Ganges; even to this day, under the name of
Pariahs, they are more utterly despised, more harshly oppressed, than
the Chandalas. Even now the Brahman is allowed without penalty to strike
down the Pariah who has the impudence to enter his house;[492] and
contact of a member of the higher castes with a Pariah involves the
expulsion of the person thus rendered impure.
The books of the Singhalese, the oldest, and consequently the most
trustworthy, among all the historical sources of India, preserve the
following tradition about the arrival of the Arians on the island of
Ceylon. Vijaya was the son of the king of Sinhapura (lion city) in
Surashtra.[493] As the king was guilty of many violent actions, the
nation required him to put his son to death. The king instead placed him
on board a ship with seven hundred companions, and the ship was sent to
sea. These exiles called themselves Sinhalas, i.e. lions, after their
home, the lion city. The ship arrived at the island of Lanka. Vijaya
with his comrades overcame the original inhabitants, who are described
as strong beings (Yakshas); on the western coast of the island, at the
place where his ship touched the shore, he founded the city of
Tamraparni, and named the island, which now belonged to the victorious
lions of Surashtra, Sinhaladvipa, _i.e._ lion island. But Vijaya and his
companions had been banished from home without wives, and they would not
mingle their pure blood with the bad on the island. So he sent to the
opposite coast of the mainland, to Mathura on the Vaigaru, where Pandava
was king at that time, and besought his daughter in marriage, and
Pandava gave him his daughter with seven hundred other women for his
companions, and he in return sent to his father-in-law each year 200,000
mussels and pearls. The marriage of Vijaya was childless, and when he
felt himself near his end, he sent to his brother Sumitra, who meanwhile
had succeeded his father on the throne of Sinhapura, to come to Lanka,
in order to govern the new kingdom. Sumitra preferred to keep his
ancestral throne, but sent his youngest son, Panduvançadeva, who reigned
over the island for 30 years, and founded the new metropolis of
Anuradhapura in the interior of the island. Pandukabhya, the second
successor of Panduvançadeva, arranged the constitution of the kingdom.
He set up a Brahman as high priest, and had the boundaries of the
villages measured. When enlarging the metropolis, he caused dwellings to
be erected for the Brahmans, before the city, as the law requires, and
made a place for corpses, and near it built a special village for the
impure persons who tend the dead. Settlements were also erected for the
penitents. The immigrants formed the castes of the Brahmans and the
Kshatriyas; the original inhabitants, who submitted to the Brahman law,
formed the castes of the Vaiçyas and Çudras; a special caste, the
Paravas, we find, at any rate at a later time, entrusted with the pearl
fisheries. But Pandukabhya is said not to have confined himself to the
Arians in conferring offices; tradition expressly informs us that chiefs
of the ancient inhabitants received prominent posts in the new
constitution.[494]
We should deceive ourselves if we found in this tradition a credible and
certain narrative of the colonisation of Ceylon. The name of the
discoverer Vijaya, means victory and conquest; that of his successor,
Panduvançadeva, means god of the race of Pandu. In this tradition we can
only maintain the fact that the first settlers came from the west of
India, the coast of Guzerat; that a family from this region, which
claimed descent from the celebrated Pandu, acquired the dominion over
the island (the Greeks are acquainted with a kingdom of Pandus on the
peninsula of Guzerat, and the kingdom of Pandæa on the southern apex of
India); that the settlers in Ceylon entered into combination with the
older colony on the south coast of the Deccan, and, in contrast to
these, their fellow-tribesmen, formed a friendly relation with the whole
of the ancient inhabitants. Nor can we repose absolute faith in the
tradition of the Singhalese, which places the arrival of the first
settlers in the year 543 B.C. This year, which is the year of Buddha's
death, is obviously chosen because Ceylon from the middle of the third
century B.C. was a chief seat of Buddhism, and continued to be so when
their doctrine had been repressed and annihilated by the Brahmans in the
land of the Ganges, and on the whole mainland of India. Down to the
period of the introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon, and even for fully a
hundred years afterwards, the chronology of Singhalese authorities
abounds with impossibilities, contradictions, and demonstrable
mistakes.[495] We must therefore content ourselves with the assumption
that the first Arian immigrants landed in Ceylon about the year 500 B.C.
Though the life, manners, and religion of the Indians became firmly
rooted on both coasts of the Deccan, and beyond it, the centre of the
peninsula remained for the time untouched by Arian colonisation. Here
the wild pathless ranges of the Vindhyas opposed insuperable obstacles
to the advance of the Arian colonisation from the north, running as they
do right across the middle of the land from sea to sea. Thus even to
this day the tribes of the black Gondas (p. 9) inhabit the almost
inaccessible valleys and gorges of the broad mountain region, in their
original barbarism, with their old language and old worship of the
earth-god, to whom the tribes bordering on Orissa offered human
sacrifice even in our times. Among other tribes on the Narmada, the
custom which Herodotus ascribes to certain Indian tribes (p. 19) is
still in use: they slay old and weak members of the family, and eat
them.[496] On the other hand, Brahmanic manners and civilisation
penetrated gradually from the Coromandel coast to the Godavari, the
Krishna, the Palaru, and the Kaveri. Supported by the arms and weight of
the increasing power of Magadha, the influence of the Arian nation
became powerful enough to subjugate the Kalingas, the Telingas, and the
Tamilas, to the religious doctrine and life of the Brahmans. Yet even
here the Telingas and the Tamilas, like the Karnatas, the Tuluvas, and
the Malabars on the western side, maintained their languages, though
transformed, it is true, and intermingled with Sanskrit. The southern
apex of the Deccan has remained entirely untouched by Arian
colonisation. The sunken plateau, running from the western Ghats to the
east coast, which fills up the entire peninsula of the Deccan, here ends
in a lofty group of mountains, the Niligiris (Neelgherries), _i.e._ the
blue mountains. Through a deep depression filled with marsh and jungle,
which is limited and intersected to the north, this mountain-range rises
far above the plateau to a height of 6-8000 feet. The proximity of the
equator, combined with the cooling influence of the surrounding ocean,
assures at such an elevation the clearest sky, an eternal spring, and a
completely European vegetation, in the midst of which a handsome and
vigorous race of men, the Tudas, still live and flourish in complete
isolation.
The settlements on the coast of the Deccan and on the island of Ceylon
must have given a new impulse to the trade of India. The pearls, which
are found only on the north-west coast and in the straits of Ceylon, on
the numerous coral-banks of that region--the book of the law quotes
them, together with coral, among the most important articles of trade of
which the merchant ought to know the price--were not only an ordinary
ornament at the courts of Indian princes in the fourth century B.C., but
were even brought to the West about this period. The companions of
Alexander of Macedon tell us that the Persians and Medes weighed pearls
with gold, and valued pearl ornaments more than gold ornaments.
Onesicritus, the pilot of Alexander, tells us that the island of
Taprobane (Tamraparni) was 15,000 stades in the circuit; that there were
many elephants there, which were the bravest and strongest in India, and
amphibious animals, some like cows, others like horses. Taprobane was
twenty days' journey from the southern shore of India in the main sea;
but the ships of the Indians sailed badly, for they were ill built and
without decks.[497] Megasthenes tells us that Taprobane is richer in
gold and pearls even than India. The pearl oysters, which lay close
together, were brought up out of the sea with nets; the fleshy part was
thrown away, but the bones of the animals were the pearls, and the price
was three times as much as the price of gold.[498]
The death of the Enlightened had not checked the adoption of his
doctrine in the land of the Ganges. The legend, mentioned above, of the
contest of princes, nations, and families on the middle Ganges for the
relics of Buddha, may have owed its origin to the worship of relics,
which became current among the Buddhists some considerable time after
their master's death. On the other hand, the further narrative, that
after Buddha's death, a number of his disciples met to establish the
main doctrines of their master, cannot be brought into doubt. As has
been already remarked, Buddha is said to have commanded his disciples to
collect his doctrines after his death. Obedient to this injunction,
Kaçyapa, to whom Buddha formerly gave up the half of his possessions and
whom he clothed with his mendicant's garb, caused five hundred believers
(_Sthavira_) in the Enlightened to be gathered together. Ajataçatru of
Magadha had caused a special hall to be built for their discussions at
Rajagriha, at the entrance of the Niagrodha cave. Here the assembly
charged Upali (p. 358) with the duty of drawing up the prescripts of the
discipline (_vinaya_), "the soul of the law," of which Buddha had
declared Upali to have the best knowledge. Ananda was to collect the law
(_dharma_). _i.e._ the words of the master; he knew them all by heart.
Kaçyapa was to undertake the philosophical system (_abhidharma_); and
each was to place his collection before the assembly for criticism and
approval. These works are said to have occupied seven months.[499]
In the doctrine of Buddha a comparatively simple meaning prevailed,
which by its contrast to the fancifulness of the Brahmans must have
excited the desire to collect and retain what was in existence.
Moreover, the faith and conduct of the Buddhists had their
starting-points and centre so eminently in the life, example, and
doctrine of the master, that a meeting of disciples at the very moment
when their living centre was lost appears thoroughly probable. The need
of possessing the pure and entire doctrine of the master for support and
guidance, now that he was present in person no more, must have been very
deeply felt. But the tradition is obviously wrong in ascribing to the
earliest council the compilation of the entire canon of the Buddhist
scriptures as they were known at a later period, in the three divisions
of discipline, commands, and speculation. This assembly could do no more
than collect the speeches, doctrine, and rules of the master from
memory, and establish a correct copy of them by mutual control. It is
the words and commands, the sutras of Buddha, which were established and
collected at this meeting. Unfortunately we do not possess them in their
oldest and simplest form, since at a later time the occasion and
situation and place at which the master had spoken this or that
sentence, had uttered this or that doctrine, were added to the words of
Buddha. But in part at least it is possible to distinguish the old
simple nucleus from these additions.[500]
Buddha had imparted to all who wished to tread the path of liberation,
who undertook vows of poverty and chastity, the initiation of the
Bhikshu, _i.e._ of the mendicant, of the Çramana, _i.e._ the ascetic,
the priest of his new religion. These Çramanas he had recommended to
withdraw themselves from the world, and live after his own example in
solitary meditation on the four truths: pain, the origin of pain, the
annihilation of pain, and the way which leads to this. But his eremites
were not to live the life of the eremite continuously any more than
himself. Even the mere fact that they had to make a livelihood by
begging excluded any long-continued isolation and settled residence; and
along with renunciation Buddha's doctrine taught sympathy and help to
all creatures. This sympathy the Bhikshus were to carry out in act; more
especially they were bound to impart to the brethren who received
initiation and to the people the healing truths, which had disclosed
themselves to their meditation, in the same way as Buddha had done.
According to the command of the master, they might not, like the Brahman
penitents, spend the rainy season in the forest; they must pass it
together in protected places, in caves, villages or cities, at friendly
houses: in this season they must mutually instruct each other and
confess their sins. Complete isolation of the initiated would have been
opposed to the whole tendency of the doctrine and the pattern of the
master. The Bhikshus, who came from various circles of life, and
different castes, and had abandoned the hereditary and customary law of
the castes, could not but feel the need of assuring themselves mutually
of the new law now governing their life, of observing and developing it
in common. The adherents, and above all the representatives, of any new
doctrine always feel it incumbent on them to keep alive and nourish the
sense of their fellowship and mutual support as against existing
authority. These motives early led to a monastic life among the
adherents of Buddha who had received the initiation of the mendicant,
and wished to advance to complete liberation from regeneration. The
places of refuge and shelter in which they passed the rainy season were
regularly visited. There they resided; but in the finer season of the
year they left them in order to beg in the country and to preach, or to
meditate in the forest; and at the beginning of the rains (which in the
Buddhist calendar extended from the full moon of July to the full moon
of November) they again returned to the accustomed shelter. These
retreats were partly rocky caves, partly detached buildings, of which a
hall of assembly (_vihara_) must form part.
At the time when king Kalaçoka sat on the throne of Magadha (453
B.C.-425 B.C.) the initiated in a monastery in the city of Vaiçali are
said not to have strictly kept the rules and commands of the
Enlightened, and to have abandoned the correct mode of conduct. They
permitted themselves to sit on carpets, to drink intoxicating liquors,
and to receive gold and precious things as alms. Relying on the
protection of king Kalaçoka, they disregarded the exhortations of pious
men. To put an end to this scandal, Revata, who surpassed all the
Buddhists in the depth of his knowledge and the purity of his conduct,
warned, as it is said, by a dream, declared himself against these
deviations, and summoned a great council of Bhikshus to Vaiçali. With
the usual exaggeration of the Indians the legends maintain that more
than a million of the initiated met together. Revata chose four of the
wisest Sthaviras of the west and four of the east, and with these he
retired into the Balukarama-Vihara, a sequestered monastery at Vaiçali,
in order to ascertain whether the conduct of the monastery could be
maintained in the face of the teaching of Buddha or not. The result of
the investigation was, that the teaching of Buddha did not permit such
proceedings, and that the monastery must be expelled from the community
of the faithful. In order to establish this decision, to revise the
discipline, and "maintain the good law," seven hundred initiated were
selected from the great assembly and met in the Vihara under the
presidency of Sarvakami. This more limited council is said to have
ordered the exclusion of 10,000 ecclesiastics of Vaiçali as heterodox
and sinners from the community of the believers in Buddha, and to have
established the general rule that everything which agreed with the
prescripts of the ethics and spirit of the doctrine of Buddha, must be
recognised as legal, whether it dates from an ancient period or comes
into existence in the future; all that contradicts this, even though
already in existence, is to be rejected.
Whatever be the case with the separate facts in this tradition, we may
regard it as certain that when the first assembly of Sthaviras after
Buddha's death had collected his sayings, this second council undertook
the first statement in detail of the rules of discipline (_vinaya_). The
council was held one hundred and ten years after the death of the
Enlightened, in the year 433 B.C., in Vaiçali, _i.e._ in the territory
of Magadha, and consequently under the protection of king Kalaçoka;
their labours are said to have lasted eight months.[501] Owing to the
protection which Kalaçoka extended to Buddhism he is called among the
Brahmans, Kakavarna, _i.e._ Raven-black.[502]
Kalaçoka was succeeded on the throne of Magadha by his sons Bhadrasena,
Nandivardhana, and Pinjamakha.[503] Pinjamakha, according to the
statements of the Buddhists, was deposed by a robber of the name of
Nanda. The band to which Nanda belonged is said to have attacked and
plundered villages after Kalaçoka's time. When the chief was killed in
an attack, Nanda became the leader, and set before his companions a
higher aim in the acquisition of the throne. Strengthened by
reinforcements, he formed an army, conquered a city, and there caused
himself to be proclaimed king. Advancing further, and favoured by
success, he finally took Palibothra, and with the city he gained the
kingdom. This Nanda, who ascended the throne of Magadha in the year 403
B.C., is called by the Brahmans Ugrasena, _i.e._ leader of the terrible
army, or Mahapadmapati, _i.e._ lord of the innumerable army, and they
maintain that he was the son of the last king of Kalaçoka's tribe, who
had begotten him with a Çudra woman.[504] This statement and the
epithets quoted at any rate confirm the usurpation and the fact that it
was accomplished by force.
Nanda's successors did not maintain themselves on the throne of Magadha
beyond the middle of the fourth century. We are without definite
information about their achievements, and can only conclude from the
renown of the kingdom at this time, that the supreme power which Magadha
had acquired in the land of the Ganges, under Ajataçatru and Kalaçoka,
was not lost under their dominion; and from the confusion in the
statements of the Buddhists about this dynasty we may gather that they
favoured the Brahmans. The last genuine Nanda was Daçasiddhika. He was
deposed and murdered by the paramour of his wife, Sunanda, a barber, who
is sometimes called Indradatta, and sometimes Kaivarta after his
despised caste. Indradatta bequeathed the crown thus obtained to his
son, whom the Buddhists called Dhanananda, _i.e._ the rich Nanda, or
Dhanapala, _i.e._ the rich ruler, and the Brahmans Hiranyagupta, _i.e._
the man protected by gold. His reign lasted from the year 340 B.C. to
315 B.C., and he is said to have amassed great treasures. Western
writers called this king Xandrames or Agrames, and his kingdom the
kingdom of the Prasians, _i.e._ of the Prachyas (the Easterns) or the
Gangarides. They tell that Xandrames was of such a low and contemptible
origin that he was said to be the son of a barber. But his father had
been a man of extraordinary beauty, and by this means had won the heart
of the queen, who by craft killed her husband, the king. In this way the
father of Xandrames acquired the throne of the Prasians, and he
bequeathed it to his son, who nevertheless was detested and despised for
his low origin and his wickedness. At the same time the Greeks tell us
that Xandrames could put into the field an army of 200,000 foot
soldiers, 20,000 horses, 4000 elephants, and more than 2000 chariots of
war; others raise the number of the horse to 80,000, of the elephants to
6000, and put the chariots at 8000.[505] From these statements of the
Greeks and what they tell us elsewhere of the kingdom of the Prasians or
Gangarides, the western border of which is the Yamuna, it follows that
neither the change in the dynasty owing to the accession of the first
Nanda, nor the usurpation of Indradatta, interrupted the rise of the
power of Magadha, which had begun under Ajataçatru, and attained greater
dimensions under Kalaçoka. Not the army only but the gold of
Dhanapala-Xandrames, the son of Indradatta, is evidence of the splendour
and extent of the kingdom, which must have comprised the whole valley of
the Ganges to the east of the Yamuna.
FOOTNOTES:
[482] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 351, 372. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2,
80 ff. Köppen, "Rel. d. Buddha," s. 117.
[483] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 86 ff.
[484] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 89.
[485] Von Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 81.
[486] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 91. _n._ 1.
[487] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 147, 435.
[488] Diod. 2, 39. Strabo, p. 702. Arrian, "Ind." 10, 6, 7.
[489] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, 649, 650.
[490] Manu, 10, 45.
[491] The date follows from the fact that the settlers who are said to
have landed in Ceylon in 543 B.C. according to the era of the
Singhalese, find the kingdom of the Pandus and the city of Mathura in
existence. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 23 ff; 99 ff; cp. _infr._ p. 372.
[492] Benfey, "Indien," s. 221. Neither the book of the law nor the
sutras of the Buddhists mention the Pariahs, often as they speak of the
Chandalas.
[493] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2^2, 99 ff., 108 ff.
[494] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 137, _n._4, 2^2, 99 ff. The island then
received from the city of Tamraparni the name which is still in use
among the natives; Tamraparni is in Pali, Tambapanni; and from this is
formed the Taprobane of the Greeks. Lanka is no doubt the older name,
but like Sinhala it is still in use.
[495] Westergaard, "Ueber Buddha's Todesjahr," s. 100 ff. Lassen, _loc.
cit._ 2^2, 100 ff.
[496] Ritter, "Geographie," 4, 2, 519-542. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1.
377. These are, no doubt, the Padæans and Calatians of Herodotus (3, 98,
ff.). Lassen explains this name by _padya_, bad, and _kala_, black.
[497] Strabo, p. 72, 690.
[498] Arrian, "Ind." 8; Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 24.
[499] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 351, 372. Köppen, "Religion des
Buddha," s. 117. On the forms of the Sanskrit in which the old sutras
were written, Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 106 ff. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2,
493.
[500] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 217, 232. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2, 79, 80.
Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 143.
[501] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 93. Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 149.
[502] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 90.
[503] According to the Mahavança, Kalaçoka is succeeded by his ten sons,
who are followed by the nine Nandas. But as the commentary only allows
twelve rulers between Kalaçoka and Açoka it will suffice to mention the
eldest son, and the two last in the list of the brothers, whose names
are given by the scholia of the Mahavança, as these correspond to
Nandivardhana and Mahanandi among the Brahmans. "Vishnu-Purana," ed.
Wilson, p. 466; cf. Von Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 71, 77 ff.
[504] Lassen, "Ind, Alterth." 2^2, 97. Von Gutschmid, _loc. cit._
[505] Diod. 17, 93. Plut. "Alex." 62. Curt. 9, 2.