Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter
is superscripted (example: y^e). If two or more letters are
superscripted they are enclosed in curly brackets (example:
heerew^{th}).
* * * * *
THE
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS.
"A practical mathematician, who has quickness to seize a hint,
and sagacity to apply it, might avail himself greatly of these
scantlings. It is extremely probable, that Savery took from the
Marquis the hint of the Steam Engine, for raising water with a power
made by fire, which invention alone would entitle the author to
immortality."--_Granger's Biog. Hist._ vol. v. p. 278.
"Here it may not be amiss to recommend to the attention of every
mechanic the little work entitled a 'Century of Inventions,' by the
Marquis of Worcester, which, on account of the seeming improbability
of discovering many things mentioned therein, has been too much
neglected; but when it is considered that some of the contrivances
apparently not the least abstruse, have, by close application been
found to answer all that the Marquis says of them, and that the
first hint of that most powerful machine, the Steam Engine, is
given in that work, it is unnecessary to enlarge on the utility of
it."--_Trans. of the Society of Arts_, vol. iii. p. 6.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY C. ROWORTH, BELL YARD,
TEMPLE BAR.
THE
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS
OF THE
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.
FROM THE ORIGINAL MS.
WITH
HISTORICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES AND
A BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR.
BY
CHARLES F. PARTINGTON,
AUTHOR OF A DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT OF THE STEAM ENGINE,
AND LECTURER AT THE
LONDON, RUSSEL, SURREY, AND METROPOLITAN INSTITUTIONS,
MECHANICS' INSTITUTE, &c. &c.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
MDCCCXXV.
TO
DOCTOR GEORGE BIRKBECK,
PRESIDENT OF THE LONDON MECHANICS' INSTITUTION
AND OF THE CHEMICAL AND METEOROLOGICAL
SOCIETIES, FOUNDER AND PATRON OF THE
GLASGOW MECHANICS' INSTITUTE,
&c. &c. &c.
DEAR SIR,
As a connecting link in the History of the STEAM ENGINE, I know
that your attention has been directed to the Marquis of Worcester's
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS, and that its merits were duly appreciated by
you at a very early period of Life.--That these Illustrations of
one of the most valuable scientific productions of the seventeenth
century, may deserve your favourable notice, and prove an
acceptable present to the extensive class of Readers which your
patriotic exertions are now so rapidly adding to the Scientific
World, is the sincere wish of,
Dear Sir,
Your faithful and obliged
humble Servant,
CHARLES F. PARTINGTON.
London Institution,
Feb. 6th, 1825.
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR
OF
EDWARD
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.
* * * * *
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR
OF
EDWARD
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.
There are few persons who have suffered more from party zeal,
or gained less from historic candour, than the noble subject of
the following brief memoir. Indeed no regular biographer has yet
appeared to do justice to his zealous exertions in the cause of
his unfortunate but misguided master, or his still more patriotic
efforts for the advancement of scientific knowledge. All, however,
who have in any shape alluded, either to the political principles,
religious tenets, or scientific acquirements of the Marquis of
Worcester, appear to have been guided rather by a spirit of
fanatic intolerance, or a wish to clear King Charles from the heavy
responsibility which attached to instructions given under his own
hand and seal, when the Marquis was employed in Ireland. These
then appear to have been the concurring causes, that have so long
withheld from the noble Author the veneration his memory so justly
merits; and we now proceed to follow him through his short but
active career in public life.
Edward, sixth earl and second Marquis of Worcester, was born
at Ragland near Monmouth; and his family, who had long been
distinguished for the most devoted loyalty, possessed the largest
landed estate of any nobleman attached to the British court.
His grandfather Edward, fourth Earl of Worcester, enjoyed in a
most distinguished degree the favour of Queen Elizabeth, and her
successor King James. In 1593, he was instituted Knight of the
Garter, and received a pension of fifteen hundred pounds per annum
for life. Sandford describes him as "a great favourer of learning
and good literature:" he died in the 79th year of his age, at
Worcester House, in the Strand; and was buried in Ragland church.
Henry, the fifth earl, and father of the Marquis, succeeded to the
title and estates in 1628: the family revenue derived from those
in Monmouthshire alone, at this period amounting to upwards of
twenty-thousand pounds per annum. In 1642, the year in which he was
created Marquis of Worcester, he raised and supported an army of
1500 foot, and near 500 horse-soldiers, which were placed under the
command of his son Lord Herbert, the subject of this Memoir.
During the civil commotions, Charles made several visits to Ragland
castle, where he was entertained with the greatest magnificence,[1]
and on those occasions particularly distinguished the young Lord
Herbert. On an open rupture taking place between the King and
Parliament, his Majesty invested Lord Herbert with the command of
a large body of troops then raising in his native country, and
an opportunity was soon offered for calling his military talents
into action. Prince Rupert, shortly after the battle of _Marston
Moor_, directed his attention towards the Marches of Wales, which
awakening the jealousy of the Parliamentary General Massey, he by a
feigned counter-movement surprised the city of Monmouth, which had
always been considered as the key of South Wales, and thus threw the
inhabitants of Ragland into the greatest confusion and alarm.
[1] Some idea of the almost REGAL splendour of the noble possessor
of Ragland castle at this period, and an interesting picture of
baronial manners in the early part of the seventeenth century,
may be found in the following authentic document, which has been
accurately copied from the original MS.
LIST OF THE HOUSEHOLD, &C.
At eleven o'clock in the forenoon the castle gates were shut, and
the tables laid, viz. two in the dining-room, three in the hall,
one in Mrs. Watson's apartment, where the chaplains eat, (Sir Toby
Matthews being the first,) and two in the house-keeper's room, for
the ladies women.
The EARL entered the dining-room attended by his gentlemen.
As soon as he was seated, Sir Ralph Blackstone, steward of the
house, retired.
The comptroller, Mr. Holland, attended with his staff, as did the
sewer, the daily waiters, and many gentlemen's sons, with estates
from two to seven hundred pounds a year, who were bred up in the
castle: and my lady's gentlemen of the chamber.
_At the first table, sat_
The noble family, and such of the nobility as came there.
_At the second table, in the dining-room, sat_
Knights and honourable gentlemen, attended by footmen.
_In the hall, at the first table, sat_
Sir Ralph Blackstone, Steward--The Comptroller. The Secretary--The
Master of the Horse--The Master of the Fish Ponds, my Lord Herbert's
preceptor, with such gentlemen as came there under the degree of a
knight, attended by footmen, and plentifully served with wine.
_At the second table in the hall, served from my Lord's table, and
with other hot meats, sat_
The Sewer, with the gentlemen waiters, and pages, to the number of
twenty-four.
_At the third table in the hall, sat_
The Clerk of the Kitchen, with the yeomen, officers of the house,
two grooms of the chamber, &c.
_The other officers of the household, were_
Chief Auditor--Clerk of the Accounts--Purveyor of the Castle--Ushers
of the Hall--Closet Keeper--Gentlemen of the Chapel--Keeper of the
Records--Master of the Wardrobe--Master of the Armoury--Twelve
master Grooms of the Stables, for the War horses--Master of the
Hounds--Master Falconer--Porter and his man--two keepers of the Home
Park--two keepers of the Red deer Park--and footmen, grooms, and
other menial servants, to the number of _one hundred and fifty_!
On the first intelligence of the fall of Monmouth reaching the
Marquis, he despatched Lord Herbert with a considerable body of
forces, who joining a troop of cavaliers from Godridge, lodged
themselves undiscovered behind a rising ground near that city. A
party of about forty men, who volunteered for the occasion, were
headed by Lord Herbert, and proceeded to reconnoitre the town.
Having climbed an earthen redoubt which had been thrown up by the
Parliamentary forces, they passed the ditch and fell upon the guard,
who were immediately put to the sword, and a few seconds more
sufficed for breaking the _port-chain_ and forcing an entry for
the horse, who, having by this time joined their brave comrades,
entered the town at full gallop; surrounding the main guard, the
whole of whom they took prisoners. The result of this brilliant and
chivalrous enterprise was the capture of Colonel Broughton, four
captains, as many lieutenants and ensigns, the committee, all the
private soldiers, and a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition.
So signal a display of bravery and devotedness to the royal cause
in the young cavalier procured from his Majesty the warmest
commendations; and in the month of January, 1644, he had the
honour to receive his first commission to negotiate with the Irish
Catholics; while at the same time he was recommended by the king
to the Earl of Ormonde, as one whose loyalty might be relied upon.
With regard to his _Lordship's_ fitness for this appointment, there
can be but one opinion: educated among Catholics, and as such not
likely to excite the same suspicions as would naturally attach to
any negotiation with their avowed enemy, the Earl of Ormonde, and
possessing considerable influence at the court of Rome, he seemed
peculiarly qualified to fill the office of mediator; and having
become popular with the people at home by his known liberality
and patriotism, the appointment was not likely to excite much
dissatisfaction on the part of the Puritans.
The deranged state of his Majesty's affairs, which were now growing
desperate from the continued advantages of the rebels in Ireland,
and his still more violent and fanatic subjects at home, rendered
it necessary that some sacrifices should be made to conciliate the
Irish Catholics; as he would thus procure a powerful and efficient
force to aid him against the Covenanters. In proof of his anxiety on
this subject, there were no less than eight letters written by the
king himself, beside those of his secretaries, pressing for a speedy
adjustment of the differences that had so long agitated the sister
kingdom.
The first commission under the great seal was dated the sixth
of January, and furnished the Marquis with full power to levy
any number of men in Ireland or elsewhere; to make governors of
forts, &c.; and to receive the king's rents. Upon the twelfth of
March following, the Marquis received another commission, equally
as extensive as the preceding; a copy of which is preserved by
Rushworth, in his Collections, which we here subjoin.
"CHARLES R.
"CHARLES, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our trusty and well
beloved cousin, EDWARD Earl of Glamorgan, greeting. We, reposing
great and especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom
and fidelity, do by these presents, as firmly as under our
Great Seal, to all intents and purposes, authorise, and give
you power to treat and conclude with the confederate Roman
Catholics in our kingdom of Ireland, if upon necessity any be to
be conscended unto, wherein our lieutenant (the Earl of Ormonde)
cannot so well be seen in, as also not fit for us at present
publicly to own. Therefore we charge you to proceed according to
this our warrant with all possible secrecy; and for whatsoever
you shall engage yourself, upon such valuable considerations as
you in your judgment shall deem fit, we promise, upon the word
of a king and a Christian, to ratify and perform, the same that
shall be granted by you and under your hand and seal; the said
confederate Catholics having by their supplies testified their
zeal to our service: and this shall be in each particular to you
a sufficient warrant.
"Given at our Court at Oxford, under our Signet and Royal
Signature, the twelfth of March, in the twentieth year of our
reign, sixteen hundred and forty-five."[2]
[2] His lordship was created Earl of Glamorgan a few days prior to
his departure for Ireland, and Carte, who in every point in which
Charles was concerned, invariably concealed whatever tended to cast
a stain on the king's character, and whose gross partiality in this
particular instance we shall hereafter more fully notice, has even
questioned the propriety of the Marquis's assuming the title of Earl
of Glamorgan. To support this argument, it is said that his Majesty
ordered Secretary Nicholas to acquaint the Earl of Ormonde, "that,
the patent for making Lord Herbert Earl of Glamorgan had never
passed the great seal;" and the apologist for Charles, anxious to
make the most of this equivocation in the king, adduces it as an
objection to the authenticity of the Irish commission. Sandford,
however, who in an intimate acquaintance with the history of the
royal grants was surpassed by none, says, "that there now remains
in the signet office a bill, under the royal sign manual at Oxford,
if a patent did not thereupon pass the great seal, in order to his
creation into the honour of Earl of Glamorgan."
Who, it may be asked after perusing this document, will be hardy
enough to pronounce with Hume that "the king was incapable of
dissimulation?" especially when coupled with his Majesty's
subsequent declaration to both Houses of Parliament; in which he
expressly says, that the Marquis, having made an offer to raise
forces in Ireland and conduct them into England for his service, had
a commission to that purpose; "but then," adds the king, "it was to
that purpose only, and not to treat of any thing else without the
privity and direction of the Lord Lieutenant."
What degree of credit ought to be given to the latter part of his
Majesty's declaration, is pretty plainly shewn by the following
letter to the papal legate, which fully accords with the instrument
we have just quoted of the twelfth of March:
SIR,
Hearing of your resolution for Ireland, we do not doubt but
things will go well, and that the good intentions began by
means of the last pope, will be accomplished by the present, by
your means in our kingdoms of Ireland and England, you joining
with our dear cousin the Earl of GLAMORGAN; with whom whatever
you shall resolve we shall think ourselves obliged to, and
perform it at his return. His great merits oblige us to this
confidence, which we repose in him above all, having known him
above twenty years; during which time, he hath always signally
advanced himself in our good esteem, and by all kind of means
carried the prize above all our subjects. This being joined
to the consideration of his blood, you may well judge of the
passion which we have particularly for him, and that nothing
shall be wanting on our part to perfect what he shall oblige
himself to in our name, in consideration of the favours received
by your means. Confide therefore in him: but in the meanwhile,
according to the directions we have given him, how important it
is that the affair should be kept secret, there is no occasion
to persuade you, since you see that the necessity of the thing
requires it. This is the first letter which we have ever wrote
immediately to any Minister of State of the Pope, hoping it will
not be the last; but that after the said earl and you shall have
concerted your measures, we shall openly shew ourself, as we
have assured him.
Your Friend,
CHARLES R.
_From our Court at Oxford,
30th April, 1645._
The earl's negotiation had hitherto gone on prosperously, and there
was good reason to suppose that he would shortly have brought the
rebels to a complete concurrence with his Majesty's views, when a
most unexpected accident disconcerted the whole of his schemes.
An attempt having been made by the Irish upon Kilkenny about the
end of October, 1645, in which the titular Archbishop of Tuam
had a command; the rebels were beaten and the prelate killed, in
whose baggage was found a copy of the treaty which his Lordship
had entered into with the confederate Catholics and the pope's
nuncio. Of this discovery immediate information was furnished to
the Parliament, then sitting, which had invariably expressed the
greatest aversion to any concession being made to the Catholics;
and the matter became so public, that the Lords Ormonde and Digby
found it necessary to do something towards the vindication of his
Majesty's honour, and to preserve appearances with the Parliament.
The council having met on the twenty-sixth, Lord Digby appeared
at the board, and accusing the Earl of Glamorgan of high treason,
moved that he should be immediately committed to the castle. On the
following day he was examined by a committee of the council, when
he exonerated his Majesty, and requested that the whole blame of
the matter might be attributed to him; as he had consulted with
no one on the subject, but the parties with whom he had made the
agreement.[3]
[3] There is scarcely to be found on record, a more enthusiastic
instance of loyalty and self-devotion than was exhibited by his
lordship on this occasion; for with the damning proofs which he then
possessed of his Majesty's complete concurrence and participation
in the whole matter, there could not for an instant have been a
doubt of his own honourable acquittal. There was also a certain
assurance of procuring the favour of the Parliament: who required
nothing more than these documents to colour the proceedings they
were then meditating, and which, indeed, afterwards formed one of
the principal charges against this ill-fated monarch.
When the intelligence of his lordship's imprisonment reached
Kilkenny, where the supreme council then held their sittings,
the Catholics were thrown into the greatest confusion, and some
insisted on an immediate recourse to arms for his enlargement.
These proceedings, however, were soon stayed by the friends of the
Earl of Ormonde, and his lordship was shortly afterwards released
on bail. As soon as this was effected he repaired to Kilkenny,
in order to expedite the embarkation of a force amounting to
about three thousand men, which had been raised for the relief of
Chester; and, had there been a sufficient co-operation on the part
of the general council, they might have sailed time enough to have
afforded the most essential service to the royal cause; but after
repeated delays on their part, intelligence was brought of the loss
of that important city; and the Marquis, finding that his further
stay in Ireland was attended with considerable hazard to his own
life, without any commensurate benefit to his Majesty, resolved on
embarking for France, where he was soon after joined by the exiled
queen.
Immediately after his lordship's departure for the continent, the
parliamentary forces under Sir Thomas Fairfax appeared before
Ragland; and being refused admission by the venerable old Marquis,
their hostile approaches were carried on with great vigour, in
spite of repeated sallies from the fortress. The gallant veteran,
however, finding the garrison, which at first consisted of only
800 men, reduced to less than half that number, surrendered on
honourable terms on the 17th August. Notwithstanding the pledge
given by Sir Thomas Fairfax, the conditions of capitulation were
most disgracefully violated, and the Marquis was committed to the
custody of the Black Rod, where he languished till the December
following; when he expired in the eighty-fifth year of his age, and
was buried in St. George's Chapel at Windsor.
In the mean time the fortifications of Ragland were destroyed, and
all the timber in the parks was cut down, and sold by the committee
of sequestrations. The lead alone that covered the castle was sold
for 6,000 pounds, and the loss to the family in the house and woods,
has been estimated at not less than 100,000 pounds!
From the destruction of Ragland castle by the Parliamentary forces,
till the beginning of 1654, the earl's name scarcely occurs in the
political history of those times; but about that period, we find
him attached to the suit of Charles II., who then resided at the
court of France: and in the following year he was dispatched by
the exiled monarch to London, for the purpose of procuring private
intelligence and supplies of money, of which the king was in the
greatest need. He was, however, speedily discovered and committed
a close prisoner to the Tower, where he remained in captivity for
several years.
Some idea of the state of indigence to which the Marquis was now
reduced may be formed from a perusal of the following Letter,
directed to the celebrated Colonel Copley, who was, it appears, one
of the noble Author's supporters.
"Dear Friend,
"I knowe not with what face to desire a curtesie from you,
since I have not yet payed you the five pownds, and the mayne
businesse soe long protracted, whereby my reallity and kindnesse
should with thankefullnesse appeare; for though the least I
intende you is to make up the somme allready promised, to a
thousand pownds yearly, or a share ammounting to farr more,
(which to nominate before the perfection of the woorke were but
an _individuum vagum_, and therefore I deferre it, and vpon noe
other score,) yet, in this interim, my disapointments are soe
great, as that I am forced to begge, if you could possible,
eyther to helpe me with tenne pownds to this bearer, or to
make vse of the coache, and to goe to Mr. Clerke, and if he
could this daye helpe me to fifty pownds, then to paye yourself
the five pownds I owe you out of them. Eyther of these will
infinitely oblige me. The alderman has taken three days time to
consider of it. Pardon the great troubles I give you, which I
doubt not but in time to deserve by really appearing
"Your most thankful friend
WORCESTER.
_28th of March, 1656._
"To my honored friend
Collonell Christopher Coppley,
These."
On the king's restoration, the Marquis of Worcester was one of the
first to congratulate his Majesty on the happy event, though the
situation of the unfortunate nobleman was little bettered by the
change; indeed it appeared but as the signal for new persecutions,
as one of the earliest public acts of that ungrateful monarch may be
characterized as an invidious attempt to set aside the just claims
of his earliest and best friend.
In 1660 the House of Lords appointed a committee to consider of
the validity of a patent granted to the Marquis of Worcester in
prejudice to the Peers, upon the first intimation of which his
Lordship sent a messenger to the committee then sitting, stating his
willingness to surrender it, and it was shortly afterwards presented
to the House by his son Lord Herbert.
In 1663 appeared the first edition of the noble Author's Century
of Inventions, and on the 3d of April in the same year, a bill was
brought in for granting to him and his successors the whole of the
profits that might arise from the use of an engine, described in
the last article in the _Century_.[4]
[4] Lord Orford describes this bill to have passed on the "simple
affirmation of the discovery that he (the Marquis) had made;" but
his lordship's palpable want of candour in this statement will
be apparent when it is known that there were no less than seven
meetings of committees on the subject, composed of some of the
most learned men in the house, who, after considerable amendments,
finally passed it on the 12th of May.--Vide, _Journals of the Lords
and Commons for 1663-4_.
Of the merits of the _Century of Inventions_ as a literary
composition but little can with justice be said; whether, however,
as a scientific production, it deserves the character that has been
given of it by men more celebrated for their literary attainments,
than for scientific knowledge, the reader, after a perusal of the
work, will readily determine.[5]
[5] A popular author, to one of whose mistatements we alluded in a
preceding note, describes the Marquis as "a fantastic projector,"
and his "Century as an amazing piece of folly." Having however, in
the notes appended to this work, fully demonstrated not only the
practicability of applying the major part of the inventions there
described, but the absolute application of many of them, though
under other names, to some of the most useful purposes of life; we
shall leave it to the public to judge, whether the man who first
discovered a mode of applying steam as a mechanical agent, an
invention alone sufficient to immortalize the age in which he lived,
deserves the name of a fantastic projector.
The second edition of the "Century" was published in 1746; the
third in 1767: while the fourth, which may be considered as the
best edition, is a reprint from the first, and is furnished with an
appendix "containing an Historical Account of the Fire Engine for
Raising Water." It is dated Kyo, near Lancaster, June 18, 1778. The
fifth is a reprint from the Glasgow copy, "by W. Bailey, Proprietor
of the Speaking Figure, now showing, by permission of the Right Hon.
the Lord Mayor, at No. 42, within Bishopsgate," 1786. The sixth
edition was confined to 100 copies, and dated London 1813.
The Marquis likewise published a work entitled "An Exact and true
Definition of the most stupendous Water-commanding Engine, invented
by the Right Honourable (and deservedly to be praised and admired)
Edward Somerset Lord Marquis of Worcester, and by his Lordship
himself presented to his most excellent Majesty Charles II., our
most gracious Sovereign." This was published in a small quarto
volume consisting of only twenty-two pages, and is now become
extremely rare.
His lordship survived the publication of this work but two years; as
he died in retirement near London upon the third of April 1667. His
remains were conveyed with funeral solemnity to the cemetery of the
Beaufort family in Ragland church; where he was interred on Friday
the nineteenth of the same month, near the body of his grandfather,
Edward Earl of Worcester. The coffin was placed in an arched stone
vault, with the following inscription on a brass plate:
"Depositum Illustrissimi Principis Edwardi Marchionis et Comitis
Wigorniæ, Comitis de Glamorgan, Baronis Herbert de Raglan, Chepstow
et Gower, nec non serenissimo nuper Domino Regi Carolo primo,
Southwalliæ locum tenentis: qui obiit apud Lond. tertio die Aprilis,
An. Dom. MDCLXVII."
ORIGINAL LETTERS
AND
OFFICIAL PAPERS,
ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE PRECEDING MEMOIR.
The manuscripts from whence the annexed documents have been
selected, are now in the possession of his Grace the Duke of
Beaufort; and the Editor would be wanting in justice to another
distinguished member of the same noble family, did he omit to
acknowledge the great kindness which he has received from Lord
Granville Somerset, who has materially assisted the Editor in
illustrating the labours of his very ingenious ancestor.
GLAMORGAN
I heerew^{th} send you the rest of my dispatches for Ireland,
whether I praye hasten, time beeing most considerable. I am sensible
of the dangers y^u will undergoe, and y^e greate trouble and
expences you must be at, not being able to assiste y^w who have
already spent aboue a Million of Crowns in my service, neither can
I saye more then I well rememb^r to have spoke and written to you
that allready words could not expresse your merits nor my gratitude:
and that next to my wife and children I was most bound to take care
of you. whereof I have besides others particularly assured yo^r
Cosin Biron as a person deare unto you. What I can further thinke
at this pn̄t is to send y^w the Blue Ribben, and a Warrant for the
Title of Duke of Somerset both w^{ch} accept and make vse of at your
discretion, and if you should deferre y^e publishing of either for
a whyle to avoyde envye, and my being importuned by others yet I
promise yo^r Antiquitie for y^e one and your Pattent for y^e other
shall beare Date with the Warrants. And rest assured, if God should
crosse me w^{th} your miscarrying I will treate your Sonne as myne
owne, and that y^u labour for a deare freind as well as a thankefull
Master when tyme shall afforde meanes to acknowledge, how much I am
Yo^r most assured reall constant
and thankfull freind
Charles R.
Oxford Feb. 12, 1644.
_Oxford this seconde of January 1644 Severall Heades whereupon
you our Right trusty and right welbeloved Cosen Edward Earle of
Glamorgan may securely proceede in execution of our Commands._
First you may ingage y^r estate, interest and creditt that we
will most really and punctually performe any our promises to the
Irish, and as it is necessary to conclude a Peace suddainely, soe
whatsoever shall be consented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis
of Ormond, We will dye a thousand deaths rather than disannull or
breake it, and if vpon necessity any thing be to be condescended
unto, and yet the Lord Marquis not willing to be seene therein, as
not fitt for us at the present publickely to owne, doe you endeavour
to supply the same.
If for the encouragement of the Lord Marquis of Ormond you see
it needefull to have the Guarter sent him, or any further favour
demonstrated from vs vnto him, we will cause the same to be
performed.
If for the advantage of our service you see fitt to promise any
titles, even to the Titles of Earles in eyther of our Kingdomes,
vpon notice from you we will cause the same to be performed.
For the Maintenance of our Army vnder y^r Com^~aund we are
gratiously pleased to allowe the Delinquentes estates where you
overcome, to be disposed by you, as alsoe any our revenues in the
sayd places, Customes or other, our profitts, woods and the like
w^{th} the contributions.
Whatever Townes or places of importance you shall thinke fitt to
possesse you shall place Com^~aunders and Governours therein at y^r
pleasure.
Whatever Order we shall sende you (w^{ch} you are only to obey)
We give you leave to impart the same to y^r Counsill at Warr and
if they and you approve not thereof We give you leave to replye,
and soe farr shall we be from taking it as a disobedience, that we
com^~aunde the same.
At y^r returne we will accept of some officers vpon y^r
recom^~endation, to the ende noe obstacle or delay may be in the
execution of y^r desires in order to our service, and our com^~aunds
in that behalfe.
At y^r Returne you shall have y^e Com^~aund of South Wales,
Herefordshire, and Glocester-shire of the Welsh-side returned to you
in as ample manner as before.
In y^r abscence we will not give creditt or countenance to any
thing, w^{ch} may be preiudiciall to y^r Father, you, or yours
C. R.
HERBERT
I wonder, you are not yet gone for Ireland; but since you have
stayed all this time, I hope these will ouertake you, whereby you
will the more see the great trust and confidence I repose in your
integrity, of which I have had soe long and soe good experience;
commanding yow to deale with all ingenuity and freedome with our
Lieutenant of Ireland the Marquis of Ormond, and on the word of
a King and a Christian I will make good any thing, which our
Lieutenant shall be induced unto upon your persuasion: and if
you find it fitting, you may privately shew him these, which I
intend not as obligatory to him, but to myselfe, and for both your
encouragements and warrantise, in whom I repose my cheefest hopes,
not having in all my Kingdomes two such subjects; whose endeauours
joining, I am confident to be soone drawen out of the mire, I am
now enforced to wallow in; and then shall I shew my thankfullnesse
to you both, and as you have neuer failed mee, soe shall I neuer
faile you, but in all things shew how much I am
Oxforde the 12th
of March 1644.
HERBERT
I am confident that this honest trusty bearer will give you good
satisfaction why I have not in euerie thing done as you desired, the
wante of Confidence in you beeing so farre from beeing y^e cause
thereof that I am euery daye more and more confirmed in the trust
that I have of you, for beleeve me it is not in the power of any to
make you suffer in my opinion by ill Offices, but of this and diuers
other things I have given so full Instructions that I will saye no
more, but that I am
Yo^r most assured constant freind
CHARLES R.
Oxford 26 Feb. 1645.
GLAMORGAN
I am glad to heare that you are gone to Ireland and assure y^u that
as my selfe is nowyse dishartened by our late misfortune so neither
this Country; for I could not have expected more from them, then
theye have now freely undertaken though I had come hether absolute
Victorious w^{ch} makes me hope well of y^e neighbouring Sheeres.
So that (by y^e grace of God) I hope shortly to recover my late
losse with aduantage if such succours come to me from that Kingdome
w^{ch} I have reason to expect, but the circumstance of time is that
of the greatest consequence, beeing that which is cheefliest and
earnestliest recommended you by
Your most assured reall constant
freind
CHARLES R.
Hereford 23 June 1645.
GLAMORGAN
I have no time nor do you expect that I should make unnecessary
repetitions to you wherefore referring you to Digby for business
this is onlie to giue you assurance of my constant freindship to you
which considering the generall Defection of common honesty is in a
sorte requisite howbeit I knowe y^u cannot be but confident of my
making good all instructions and promises to you
Y^r most assured constant freind
CHARLES R.
Oxford 5 Aprile 1646
HENRIETTE MARIE R
Nous henriette Marie de bourbon Regne de la grande Bretagne auons
par l'ordre du Roy notre tres honoré Seigneur et Mary fait deliurer
es mains de notre tres cher et bien amé cousin Edouard Somerset
Comte et Marquis d Worcester un collier de Rubis contenant dix gros
Rubis et cent soixante perles enchassées et confilées en or entre
les dits Rubis comme aussy deux gros diamans l'un appellé Sancy et
l'autre le Portugal, confessans qu'outre les tres grandes depenses
faites par luy, pour le dit Roy notre tres honore Seigneur, il nous
a encore fourny trois cens soixante et dix mil liures tournois outre
les tres grands seruices qu'a ce present mesme il nous fait qui sont
au moins d'egale consequence, au regard de quoy nous faisons scauoir
que le dit collier et Diamans sont totalement pour en disposer par
luy soit par uente on engagement, sans que nous, ou aucun en notre
nom puisse en faire aucune demande, Rechercher ou troubler aucune
personne qui achetera ou prestera argent sur les dits Joyaux cy
dessus nommez en temoignage de quoy nous auons Signé et fait mettre
notre Séel Royal a cette presente a notre Cour a St Germain en Laye
ce Jourdhuy 20 May mil six cens quarente huiet.
L. S.
(The Royal Arms.)
_To the Kinges most Exelent Mai^{tie} The humble Petition of all
the Deputy Lieutenants Justices of the Peace the Knights &
Burgises for Parliam^t setting for the Countie of Monmouth &
indeede of all the Gentry & Comonalty Freehoulders and other
inhabitence within the said Countie nemine contradicente but una
voce most humbly_
Sheweth
That whereas y^e Right hon^{ble} our very good Lord the now Earle
and Marquisse of Worcester after about twenty yeares absence
comforteth and honoureth us w^{th} his p^rsence to y^e great
sattisfaction of all your Maj^{ties} most loyall & devote^d
subjects, Wee become most humble petition^{rs} to your Gratious
and most sacred Maj^{tie} that you wilbe pleased to incuredge his
Exelency to make his cheife residance heer, which by longe and
suffitient experience wee well know will much conduce to your
Maj^{ties} intherest, and seruice, and to the good and great
sattisfaction not onely of this but of all y^e adjacent Counties,
his Lords^p having always been a disinterested Governor and freind
to us all, as most espetially a most faithfull zealouse and
powerfull promoter of seruices to y^e Crowne, yett with care and
sweetnesse euer shewed towards your Maj^{ties} Loyall subjects,
and nowayes partiall to those of his owne perswation and religion,
where ever his Excelency hath had command looking but vpon his kings
intherest and y^e peoples justifiable pretentions neither can his
greatest enimies make appeare y^e least profe to y^e contrary.
May itt therefore please your most Excelent Maj^{tie} vpon this
our most humble petition suplycat^g to Joyne his Lords^{pp} with
his most deseruing sonne, the Lord Herbert, in the Liuetenancie of
this Countie, and wee esteeme it wille soe far from derogateing
from my Lord his Sonne who we must hon^r that it wilbe an adit^~on
of coumfort and hon^r to his Lords^{pp} to have his beloued
father Joyned with him, as his Grandfather was with his Father
the Lord Privie Seale, that wise and stout Privie counsellor: his
Lords^{pps} great grandfather and predecessor neither doe wee looke
with lesse awfullnesse and respect vpon our now Lord Marquisse of
Worcester, if he reside amonghst us in a poore Grange of his then
whilst he dwelt in his most sumptuous Castle of Ragland, like a
Prince attended, esteemeing his now pouertie in respect of his
then opulancie, but as a badge of Loyaltie, and as readilie and
cheerfully shall wee obey his commands who our harts attend, as much
as then, if Impower^d by your Gratious Maj^{tie} to bee our Joynt
Lord Lieutenant which hon^r and power wee most humbly begg may be
againe conferred upon his Excelency.
And wee shall euer pray, &c.
May it please y^r Grace
The obiections yow were pleased to make against the owning and
subscribing y^e Letter to his Ma^{tie} were as I humbly conceaue y^r
Graces resolution not to trouble y^e King for any money businesse
euen in your owne behalfe much lesse in an others, and secondly
that as for Creations you had absolutely promised his Ma^{tie}
you would not importune him againe, to the furst I answeare that
this is to save the Kings Coffirs, since certainely if eyther
honor or conscience should take place his Ma^{tie} ought to saue
me harmelesse from the six thousand pound Confest and proued to be
y^e Crownes Debt, soe happyly now vpon his Head by your Graces noe
lesse prudent and valerous then dutyfull endeauours blest by Devine
Prouidence neuer intending the ruine of his best deseruing subiects,
and y^e only promoting of his ribells, which the child unborne may
rue if not timely preuented, and as a wise Privye-Counsillor y^r
Graces part is to minde his Ma^{tie} soe of, as not totally to
disharten I will not say disgust his good subiects well desarueing
yet that as far as loyalty and Religion will giue them leaue, and I
am sory his Ma^{tie} should bedd a diew to workes of superergation
and loue in his subiects and most Certinely they are not his best
Councellers who aduise him to it, and y^r Grace will be most
Commendable in douing the Contrery, and at long running the King
will loue you best for it, soe that this obiection of y^r Grace I
humbly conceave to be totally solued.
As for the seconde y^r Graces promise not to speake for any more
Creations be pleased to vnderstand it rightly, and you are noe
motioner of this, you doe but lay before him my reasonable Petition
therein, such as indeed my Lord Chancellor was pleased to thinke
soe fitting as he once vndertook it for me, and I am confident
will thanke y^r Grace for reuiuing of it and in my Conscience soe
will y^e King too in graunting of it, for I cannot haue soe meane
a thought of his Ma^{tie} but that against the hayre he hath binne
forced to bistow honoure to the highest degree upon five member
men and vpon irth as subscribed to his father of happy memory his
death, and that he will thinke mutch to countinance him who only
assisted his late Ma'^{ie} to flye from theyr compulsion of him to
agree to such acts as would have lefet him selfe our now Gratious
King y^e sucessior of a title of a King of three Kingdoms but to the
substance of noe one of them. It was I furnished his Ma^{tie} with
money to goe (to) Theobalds to goe to Yorke when the then Marquis
of Hambleton refused to pay three hundered pound for his Ma^{tie}
at Theobalds only to deliuer him to the Parliament, as he had donne
the Earle of Strafford, and to * * * the * * * Parliament, It was
I carried him money to sett vp his standard at Yorke, and procured
my father to giue the then s^r John Byron five thousand pound to
rayse the first Regiment of Horse, and kept a table for aboue twenty
Officers at Yorke, which I vnderhand sent thether to keepe them
from takeing Conditions from y^e Parliament, and soe were ready to
accept his. It was I vittled the towre of London & gaue fiue and
twenty hundred pound to y^e then Lieutenant s^r John Byron my Cosin
Germain by my first wifes side. It was I raysed most of the Menne at
Edgehill fight, and after I was betrayed at when soe many Gentlemen
of Quality were taken and of twenty fiue thousand men first & last
by me raysed Eight thousand men disperssed by the Contriuance of
such as called themselues y^e Kings good subiects, and some of them
rewarded for it, they were my men weekely payed without takeing a
farthing contribution because the country tottered, who tooke in the
forest of Deane, Goodredge Castle, Monmouth, Chepstowe, Carlyon and
Cardiff from y^e Parliament forces, in w^{ch} and y^e Garrison of
Ragland I can bring profe of aboue an hundered and fifty thousand
pounds expended, and in ready Money first & last to y^e Kings owne
Purse aboue as much more, and of aboue thirty five thousand Pounds
Receaued by my father and me Comunely Armes in forty--forty two--and
forty three I have not now fiue and twenty hundered and that clogged
well, twenty thousand Pounds Crying Debts that keepe me not only
from a competent maintenance but euen from sleepe, I speake not
heare of aboue three hundered thowsands pounds which it hath cost
y^e Noblemen Knights and Gentlmen which ridd in my Life Guarde
for ther comporting they makeing amongst them aboue three-score
thousand Pownds yearly of Land of inheretance and I vpon my interest
with seauen Countys had begune an Engagement of above three hundered
thousand Pounds yearly land of inhiretance against my returne with
men from beyonde the sea in which endeauours my charges have beine
vast, besides hazard by sea euen of shipwracke and by Land of deadly
encounters, I doe not trouble y^r Lo^p with, but all this being true
to a tittle as vpon my word and honour dearer to me then my life I
advouche it, I cannot doubt but y^r Grace will call for a peane to
signe y^e Letter, and if you please sende this together with it,
and rest assured that if the King refuse my request I will neuer
importune you more, nor euer sett my foote into his Ma^{ties} Court
againe vnlesse expressly comanded by him for his seruice, otherwise
I will only heartyly pray for him but neuer hereafter shall I or
any freind of mine engage for him further, then y^e simple duty of
a Loyall subiect sitting quiettly at home noe ways breake the peace
or disobying the wholsom lawes of the land, and god seande him
better and more able subiects to searve his Ma^{tie} then my selfe,
willinger I am sure he cannot, and I beseeche y^r Grace to pardon me
if passion hath a little transported me beyonde good manners, and
lay what pennance you please vpon me soe it tende not to lessen y^r
Graces beliefe that I am
Y^r Graces
Most really deuoted freind
and seruant ever to obey you
WORCESTER.
Dec. 29th, 1665.
My deare Lord, my heart is yet full froughted and I can say much
more for myselfe, were I not ashamed of giueing y^r Grace soe great
a trouble with my scribling, which I will thus ende, promising to
smoother as long as may be my deplorable condition, and worse vsage,
but it will at last fly ouer the whole world to the disheartining
of all zelous and Loyall subiects, vnlesse such a true hearted
Englishman and fathful seruant as y^r Grace doe awaken his Ma^{tie}
out of the leturgie my enimies have cast him not to be sensible of
what I have done or suffered. Cardinall Mazarine presented me to his
King, with these woords "S^r who soeuer hath Loyalty or Religion
in recommendation must honour this well Borne Person," and Queene
Mother now Dowager hath often sayd to have heard her husband say
that next to her and his Children he wass bound to take a care of
me of whom it may be now verified qui iacet in terra non habet vnde
cadet, I am cast to the Ground I can fall noe lower.[6]
[6] The above Letter, as appears by the envelope, was directed to
his Grace the Duke of Albermarle.
* * * * *
_To the Kings most Excellent Majesty, The most humble Petition
of Edward Marquis of Worcester._
Sheweth
That yo^r petitioner overwhelmed with the very, very much he hath to
say, fearefull too long to detaine y^r sacred Ma^{ty} therewith from
the more serious affaires humbly prayeth that you wilbe pleased to
refer him to be heard by the Lord high Chancellor of England, The
Lord privie seale, The Duke of Alm^~erle, the Earle of Lotherdale,
the Lord Arlington, the Lord Ashley, and Mr. Secretary Morris, or to
such of them, or other persons, as yo^r Ma^{ty} shall thinke fitt,
and that vppon their Report yo^r Ma^{ty} will vouchsafe to doe with
yo^r petitioner, or to yo^r petitioner, what they in the petitioners
behalfe, and congruous to yo^r service shall finde reasonable, and
consonant with yo^r petitioners meritts or demeritts, the petitioner
most intirely submitting to your will and pleasure, Casting
himselfe vppon yo^r Ma^{tyes} goodnesse, noe wayes standing vppon
his deserts, though really found never soe many not thought of, or
hetherto kept from yo^r Ma^{tyes} knowledge, your peti^r doth not
say through envy or malice, since perhaps through ignorance such
ignorance notwithstanding as the divines call ignorantia crassa, but
whatsoever in quality or number, his services were, they were but
due to such a gratious King and Master as yo^r Ma^{tyes} Father
of happy memory was to yo^r petitioner, and to yo^r incomparable
selfe, and therefore acknowledgeth they fall farr shorte of his true
loyalty and devotion to either and being once rightly made knowne
and p^rsented to yo^r sacred Maiesty yo^r petitioner promiseth
himselfe noe lesse incouragement for the future from your Ma^{ty}
nor lesse abilities in himselfe to become as useful as formerly, and
as disinterresedly to serve you, Neither shall any thing for the
future dismaye, or in any kinde deterr, your petitioner, from that
his resolution, but from the bottome of his heart
He shall ever pray, &c.
WORCESTER.
Att y^e Court att Hampton Court Jan. 29th
1666.
His Ma^{ty} is graciously pleased to referr and recom^~end the
Peticōner to bee heard by the within named Lords Referrees or to any
fower or more of them, and they to give their Report to his Ma^{ty}
as soon as conveniently may bee.
ARLINGTON.
MADDAM