CHAPTER III

ECCLESIASTICAL HOSPITALITY AND ITS SIGNS

“Use hospitality one to another without grudging.”

I Peter IV, 9.

Rome was to conquer the northern Germanic world once more, not with

the sword as had been the case in the olden days of a pagan Rome, but

with the cross and its exponent, the monk. The northward surging

wave of Roman Cæsarism had been followed by the tidal wave,

southward-roaring, of Germanic barbarians. The orderly life of one

vast empire gave way to the restlessness and insecurity of the period

of migration and a shattered empire. Not individuals but whole peoples

go a-traveling with household goods and wife and children, whole towns

and countries become their inns, the standard of the conquerors are

their tavern signs. Then again flowing northward, progressing by

insensible stages, comes the silent throng of monastic brotherhoods,

the Benedictines in the van, who bring forth various orders from

their midst, the Cistercians among others, who dig and reclaim the

soil with their spades and later, as builders, dedicate it to their

God, unknown and now revealed, with high-soaring monuments of worship.

Undaunted by solitude, fearless of the wildness of desolate regions,

they enter the forest primeval to clear it and establish quiet

homesteads for themselves and their worship; their doors are open to

all those who pass their way. For had not St. Benedict, mindful of

repeated apostolic admonitions to the bishops, included hospitality in

the rules of his order? Therefore ere long there lacked not in any

convent certain rooms given over to the comfort of the wayfarer, be it

a “hospitium,” a “hospitale,” or a “receptaculum.” Witness the Hospice

of the Great St. Bernard in the Alps of the Vallais, named after the

pious founder of that earliest of Occidental orders, part of the

convent erected in the ninth century by the bishops of Lausanne, while

the shelter on Mont Cenis is said to date back to a past equally

remote. Beginning with the year 1000, convents likewise erect inns in

the villages, outside of their immediate domains, leasing these

against rental, while in the towns pilgrim inns, poor men’s taverns,

and “Seelhäuser” are endowed for the free housing of pilgrims and

wayfarers, evolving later into town inns.

To the pilgrim, then, who wended his way to the tombs of saints, and,

in the crusade times, to the holiest of graves in Jerusalem, mediæval

hospitality is mainly devoted. The crusaders were agents of especial

power in the development of hospitality, since on his lengthy journey

the pilgrim stood in need, not only of food and shelter, but also of

convoy along roads perilous everywhere. The Knights of St. John set

themselves these two tasks, to care for the pilgrims and escort them

in safety, which is implied by their name “fratres hospitales S.

Johannis.” In the rule of their order (ca. 1118) the foremost duty of

lay as well as clerical brothers was to serve the poor, “our lords.”

With like intent of safeguarding pilgrims the Order of Knights

Templars was instituted in 1119, especially for the care of German

pilgrims. We may venture to assume from their name, “Order of the

German House of our dear Lady in Jerusalem,” that a homelike Madonna

picture adorned their hospitable house as a pious welcome. Shakespeare

has inimitably described the warlike duties of these orders, duties

which went hand in hand with kindly care and hospitality, in the first

part of “Henry IV”:--

“To chase these pagans, in those holy fields

Over whose acres walk’d those blessed feet

Which, fourteen hundred years ago, were nailed

For our advantage, on the bitter cross.”

These knightly orders, whose hospitable roofs originally sheltered the

pious pilgrims bound for Jerusalem, also opened in welcome the gates

of their proud houses at home, which still adorn more than one old

German town. When Luther was summoned to Worms by the Emperor, in

1521, he stayed with the Knights of St. John. Here in this noble inn

he exclaimed to his friends, after the ordeal, with upraised arms, and

face shining with joy: “I am through, I am through.” Like an enduring

rock he had stood his ground and had expressed his unalterable will to

be a free Christian in those famous words: “Hier stehe ich, ich kann

nicht anders, Gott helfe mir! Amen.”

In like manner Luther had accepted ecclesiastical hospitality on his

journey Romeward, as a young monk, notably on the part of the Order of

St. Augustine. From the pages of that Baedeker of the fifteenth

century, the “Mirabilia Romae,” we can realize how thoroughly a

pilgrimage to Rome was viewed in those days as a pious journey to

hallowed places, relics and tombs of the saints. The work referred to

appeared first as a block-book, with pictures and text both printed

from the same wood block. The youthful monk may well have carried such

an early copy of the “Mirabilia” in his cowl when he entered the holy

precincts of the Eternal City, which revealed itself to his great

disillusionment as an ungodly spot and the seat of Anti-Christ.

Occasionally we also see the great reformer descending at a lay

tavern, such as the famous inn of the High Lily in Erfurt, which

subsequently saw within its walls great warriors like Maurice of

Saxony and Gustavus Adolphus.

To this day there is in England a hospital founded by the Knights of

St. John, in which every wayfarer can obtain bread and ale upon

request. This is the “Hospital of St. Cross without the walls of

Winchester,” as it is called in a document in the British Museum;

ceded by the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem to Richard

Toclive, Bishop of Winchester, in 1185, the bishop raising the number

of poor there entertained from 113 to 213, of whom 200 were to be fed

and 13 fed and clothed. Emerson once made a pilgrimage to the

hospital, claimed and received the victuals, and triumphantly quoted

the incident as a proof of the majestic stabilities of English

institutions. In his wake numberless Americans yearly wend their way

to the Hospital of the Holy Cross, and to the beautiful Minster of

Winchester embedded in verdure. There they lodge either at the

“George,” or, more cozily yet, in the ancient “God begot House” of a

type found, perhaps, in England only.

Another American no less renowned, Mark Twain, the “New Pilgrim,” as

he styled himself, has felt on his own physical self the blessings of

clerical hospitality in Palestine, the land of ecclesiastic

foundations, which he celebrates as follows in his “Innocents Abroad”:

“I have been educated to enmity toward all that is Catholic, and

sometimes, in consequence of this, I find it much easier to discover

Catholic faults than Catholic merits. But there is one thing I feel no

disposition to overlook, and no disposition to forget: and that is,

the honest gratitude I and all pilgrims owe to the Convent Fathers in

Palestine. Their doors are always open, and there is always a welcome

for any worthy man who comes, whether he comes in rags or clad in

purple.... A pilgrim without money, whether he be a Protestant or a

Catholic, can travel the length and breadth of Palestine, and in the

midst of her desert wastes find wholesome food and a clean bed every

night, in these buildings.... Our party, pilgrims and all, will always

be ready and always willing to touch glasses and drink health,

prosperity, and long life to the Convent Fathers in Palestine.”

We may well believe that private individuals then as now bid for the

patronage of pilgrims. Shakespeare tells us of a case in point, in his

“All’s Well that Ends Well” (Act III, Sc. V). Helena appears in

Florence in search of her husband gone to the wars, “clad in the dress

of a pilgrim,” and inquires where the palmers lodge. A kindly widow

tells her “at the Franciscans here near the port”; but knows how to

win the fair pilgrim by her words:--

“I will conduct you where you shall be lodged

The rather, for, I think, I know your hostess

As ample as myself.”

If, on the other hand, we consider how pilgrims made their long

journey more toilsome yet, as related by Helena herself,--

“Barefoot plod I the cold ground upon

With sainted vow my faults to have amended,”--

we shall appreciate how gratefully the proffer of the good widow must

have been accepted. The hospitality of the monks was not always

lavish; on the contrary, it proved scant and poor, as Germany’s

greatest troubadour, Walter von der Vogelweide, to his sorrow

experienced. Once he turned aside more than four miles from his road

in order to visit the far-famed convent of Tegernsee. The learned

monks, whose library forms to-day one of the treasures of the State

Library in Munich, may have been too deeply engrossed in the

transcription of a classic author, or in elaborate miniature

paintings; at any rate, they did not realize what noble guest sat at

their board and brought him--not the choice vintage which the thirsty

poet expected but simply water:--

“Ich schalt sie nicht, doch genade Gott uns beiden,

Ich nahm das Wasser, also nasser

Musst ich von des Mönches Tische scheiden.”

If guests were thus given cause for complaints of their treatment by

the convents, the monks on their side had no less ground for

occasional displeasure at the abuse of their hospitality. Carlyle

cites an instance of this kind in “Past and Present”; the excellent

abbot, Simon of Edmundsbury, had forbidden tournaments within his

domain. In spite of this prohibition twenty-four young nobles arranged

a knightly joust under his very nose, so to speak. Not content with

that, they rode gayly to the convent at its conclusion and demanded

supper and a night’s lodging. “Here is modesty,” says Carlyle. “Our

Lord Abbot, being instructed of it, orders the Gates to be closed; the

whole party shut in. The morrow was the vigil of the Apostles Peter

and Paul; no out-gate on the morrow. Giving their promise not to

depart without permission, those four-and-twenty young bloods dieted

all that day with the Lord Abbot waiting for trial on the morrow.”

And now Carlyle cites his own source the “Jocelini Chronica”: But

“after dinner”--mark it, posterity!--“the Lord Abbot retiring into his

Talamus, they all started up, and began carolling and singing; sending

into the Town for wine; drinking and afterwards howling

(ululantes);--totally depriving the Abbot and Convent of their

afternoon’s nap; doing all this in derision of the Lord Abbot, and

spending in such fashion the whole day till evening, nor would they

desist at the Lord Abbot’s order! Night coming on, they broke the

bolts of the Town-Gates, and went off by violence!”

Not only had convents to suffer from such exuberant guests; oftener

far they were burdened by those who forgot to depart and continue

their journey. The abbot, Herboldus Gutegotus of Murrhardt, the

convent whose romantic church still ranks among the finest

ecclesiastical monuments in Germany, used to tell such forgetful

guests the following little story: “Do you know why our Lord remained

but three days in his tomb?--Because during that time he was making a

friendly visit to the patriarchs and prophets in Paradise. So in order

not to cause them inconvenience he took timely leave and resurrected

upon the third day.” Evidently the refined abbot knew how to veil

politely the old Germanic directness which finds such clear expression

in the “Edda”:

“Go on betimes, loiter not as a guest ever in our abode;

He, though loved, becomes burdensome, who warms himself

too long at hospitable fires.”

In wild and inhospitable countries, the convents long remained, even

till recent times, the only shelters for travelers. Hence, when Henry

VIII of England began to confiscate monastic property on a grand

scale, a significant revolt for their reinstallment flamed up in the

north of England,--the so-called “Pilgrimage of Grace” of the year

1536, which was suppressed with deplorable sternness. The convents

were very popular in those parts because the monks had been the only

physicians and their doors were always open to all wayfarers.

Chaucer shows us in his “Canterbury Tales” that monks could be

pleasant guests as well as good hosts, for there we read in regard to

the friar: “He knew well the tavernes in every town”; and “What should

he studie and make himself wood?”

Having thus pictured to ourselves the clerical hospitality of the

Middle Ages, we shall not wonder that, in outward signs for the

designation of the houses as inns, religious subjects and their

pictorial presentation were adopted.

Among the saints particularly revered by the pious pilgrims St.

Christopher stands foremost, since he had himself experienced so

perilous a journey. In many mediæval pictures we see him leaning on

his massive staff, carrying the Christ child across a river. The

“Golden Legend” tells us that he was nearly drowned, so heavy was the

burden of this child. “Had I carried the whole world,” he says, when

finally reaching the shore, “my burden could have been no heavier”;

whereupon the child of whose identity he was not yet aware: “for a

sign that you have carried on your shoulders not only the world but

the Creator, thrust this staff into the ground near your hut, and

behold, it will blossom and bear fruit.” Hence the partiality for huge

pictures of St. Christopher, visible afar, such as we find

occasionally to this day in and upon certain churches; for instance,

the spacious mural paintings in the church of St. Alexander at

Marbach, the birthplace of Schiller, close to the tracks on which the

modern traveler thunders past; or the gigantic sculpture on the south

side of the cathedral in Amiens, or the large fresco in the minster at

Erfurt. They give us a conception of similar presentations on Poor

Men’s Inns and ecclesiastical hospices. The belief in the efficacious

protection by the saint, especially from sudden death, is expressed in

the French mediæval saying: “Qui verra Saint Christophe le matin, rira

le soir.” The tenacity of this belief among the people is well

instanced by the fact that the jewelers of so worldly a city as Nice

sell to owners of automobiles little silver plaques, with the picture

of the saint and the inscription, “Regarde St. Christophe et puis

va-t-en rassuré.” Let us hope, in the interest of the rest of mankind,

that these motorists do not feel too reassured in consequence.

American readers might be interested to hear that in their own country

a guest-house of St. Christopher gives refuge to the modern fraternity

of tramps, charitably called the “Brother Christophers” by the Friars

of the Atonement, who founded this house at Gray Moor, near the

beautiful residential district of Garrison, in the State of New York.

Another saint, deservedly in great favor, is St. George, who slew the

dragon, a knightly patron who smooths the traveler’s path and makes it

safe by brushing aside all its threatening dangers. Two of the finest

hostelries still existing are named after him: the “Ritter” in

Heidelberg, and the “George,” more ancient yet by a century, in the

time-hallowed town of Glastonbury. Two miracles have drawn pilgrims to

the latter place since olden times, the “Holy Thornbush,” which had

blossomed forth from the staff of Joseph of Arimathea and bloomed

every Christmas, and the “Holy Well,” in the garden of the cloister

school, now deserted, whose waters were to heal the bodily ailments of

the pious pilgrims. The throng of wayfarers to the convent, whose

gigantic abbot’s kitchen is eloquent of hospitality on a large scale,

made the establishment of a pilgrim’s inn outside the walls

imperative. First they erected the “Abbot’s Inn,” and when this proved

insufficient--at the end of the fifteenth century--the elegant Gothic

structure was erected, which bears to this day the ensign “Pilgrim’s

Inn,” but is popularly known as “The George,” from a likeness of the

saint which once adorned the handsome bracket so happily wedded to the

architecture of the house. The tourist undaunted by fearsome

reminiscences may ask to be given the choice apartment there, the

so-called “abbot’s chamber,” where Henry VIII rested on the day when

he ordered the last abbot hung on the town gate. The fine four-poster,

it is true, has been sold to a fancier of antiquities and replaced by

a new canopied bed, but despite this the room retains its mediæval

appearance.

About a hundred years later, the delightful Renaissance structure,

“Zum Ritter,” was erected in Heidelberg. Originally the house of a

wealthy Frenchman, it was subsequently changed into a hostelry and

took its name from the knight on the peak of the gable. Doubtless no

one has ever sung the praise of this noble building more worthily than

Victor Hugo, who visited Heidelberg in 1838, and passed by the house

of St. George every morning, as he said, “pour faire déjeuner mon

esprit.” Jokingly he observes that the Latin inscription (Psalm 127,

I) has protected the inn better than the little iron plate of the

insurance firm. As a matter of fact neither the great conflagration of

1635, during the Thirty Years’ War, nor the fires started under Mélac

and Maréchal de Lorges, in 1689 and 1693, could harm this inn, while

“all the other houses built without the Lord were burnt to the

ground.”

In England the good knight St. George was an especial favorite; even

in the middle of the last century there were in London alone no less

than sixty-six hostelries of that name. Truly, the pious meaning of

old associated with the sign had long been forgotten by hosts and

guests alike, so that as early as the seventeenth century these

mocking lines were penned:--

“To save a mayd St. George the Dragon slew--

A pretty tale, if all is told be true.

Most say there are no dragons, and ’tis said

There was no George; pray God there was a mayd.”

The pictures of the “valiant knight’s” mount were often so dubious

that a connoisseur of horses like Field Marshal Moltke, writing from

Kösen, Thuringia, construed it as the picture of a mad dog. On the

other hand, we have such charming conceptions of St. George as the

sign here shown, from the hamlet of Degerloch, delightfully situated

on the heights overlooking Stuttgart, a notable artistic achievement

in wrought iron, interesting, moreover, for the associations of merry

chase linked with the saint in the mind of the country folk.

[Illustration: Degerloch]

Among other saints frequently chosen for tavern signs, St. Martin must

be mentioned. At times he appears in like manner as does St.

Christopher; for instance, on the large reliefs decorating the façade

of the minster in Basle: a friend of the needy, dividing his cloak

with his sword, to share it with them; thus the pious saint lives on

in the minds of the people. At the season of the new wine, the 21st of

November, the Church commemorates his name: “A la saint Martin, faut

goûter le vin,” is the French saying.

At the sign of St. Dominic too, whose meaning of religious hospitality

had been utterly perverted in the course of time, stanch topers used

to congregate for joyous orgies. Proudly they called themselves

“Dominican”; and

“Bons ivrognes et grands fumeurs

Qui ne cessent jamais de boire”

is their interpretation of such strange affiliation, in a song of the

seventeenth century.

St. Urban has likewise figured on many a tavern sign. Once upon a time

he took refuge from his pursuers behind a grapevine, and for that

reason he has become a patron saint of vintners and tavern hosts.

“Alas,” exclaims the refined Erasmus of Rotterdam, “mine host is not

always as ‘urbane’ as he should be to justify this patronage.”

[Illustration: THE GOOD WOMAN]

There is one sign whose religious origin is not self-evident, namely,

the “Femme sans tête.” Yet the figure has its origin, no doubt, in

mediæval representations of saints after decapitation, sometimes shown

with the head in the hands. Whoever has perused the illustrated “Lives

of the Saints” with their many horrible mutilations of the martyrs

depicted in woodcuts, must have realized that their moral influence on

the popular imagination cannot have been of a beneficial nature. Even

great artists did not hesitate to celebrate such awful scenes with the

power of their genius. Among the drawings of Dürer we see the

executioner with his great sword ready to behead St. Catherine.

Nothing so disgusted Goethe in his Italian journey as all the painted

atrocities perpetrated on the martyrs. The most peculiar example of

this form of art is probably that in the Tower of London. It is a set

of horse armor presented, apparently without malice, by Emperor

Maximilian to Henry VIII of England, embellished with the most

gruesome scenes of martyrdom. In the Tower, where so much innocent

blood has flowed, one feels doubly repulsed by such excrescences of

so-called religious art: one is even tempted to accept the popular

conception of these beheaded saints as comforting symbols of

forgetfulness. In fact, the oil merchants chose the “woman without

head” as their sign, as one of the foolish virgins of the parable who

had neglected to provide themselves in good time with the necessary

oil: a warning example to delaying, unwilling customers.

A coarser interpretation of the figure styles it as the “silent

woman,” or as the “good woman,” who can no longer do mischief with her

tongue. Moreover, one finds this most gallant of signs--which should

be unmentionable in these days of woman’s emancipation--not only in

outspoken Holland, with the words: “Goede vrouw een mannen plaag” but

also in Italy; in Turin, for instance, styled as “La buona moglie.”

The most polite people on earth--I do not mean the Chinese, but the

French--have named a street in Paris the “Rue de la Femme sans Tête”

after a tavern of like appellation. Young Gavarni stayed awhile in the

“Auberge de la Femme sans Tête” in Bayonne, as the Goncourts tell us,

and waxed eloquent about the dainty charms of the “vierge du cabaret,”

the tavern-keeper’s daughter.

Ben Jonson, who loved to discuss with Shakespeare in the Siren Club

and to “anatomize the times deformity,” may have been stimulated to

write his comedy “The Silent Woman” by the tavern sign of that name.

In Jonson’s play, a Mr. Morose, an original old fellow, who holds all

noise in detestation, weds a young lady, whose barely audible voice

and scant replies have charmed him. When after the ceremony she

reveals herself a loquacious scold and he gives vent to his

disappointment, she replies with these endearing words: “Why, did you

think you had married a statue, or a motion only? one of the French

puppets, with the eyes turned with a wire? or some innocent out of the

hospital that would stand with her hands thus, and a plaise mouth,

and look upon you?”

But to comfort the feminists we should speak of a host truly gallant,

who had a great white sign made, with the inscription below, “The Good

Man.” To the universal inquiry, “Where is the good man? I can’t see

him,” he made answer, “Well, you see that is why I have left the blank

space; if only I could find him.”

Since there is a saint for every day of the calendar, we must not be

astonished to find names among those adopted for tavern signs which to

us bear no relation to sanctity; such as St. Fiacre over a drivers’

bar, which seems rather the invention of some wag.

We must needs realize that all these religious signs have their origin

in a time when popular imagination was mainly filled with the

happenings of the Bible and the legends of the saints; when religion

had not yet grown to be a Sunday occupation of a couple of hours, but

was most intimately interwoven with the life of every day. Hence we

find among subjects for signs not the saints only, whose human errors

and sufferings have riveted a bond between them and the common

people, but also the Deity itself. “La Trinité” was one of the latter

in mediæval France, as evidenced by this passage in the song of a

pilgrim:--

“De la alay plus oultre encore

En un logis d’antiquité

Qui se nomme la Trinité.”

Other pilgrim taverns styled themselves “A l’image du Christ.” We also

meet with such inscriptions as “L’Humanité de Jesus Christ, notre

sauveur divin”; the birth of Christ as a child, as in the charming old

Swiss sign “Hie zum Christkindli”; the Madonna and scenes of her life

like the “Annunciation,” called Salutation in England. These and many

other signs, such as “Purgatory,” “Hell,” and “Paradise,” which have

been revived in modern Paris on fantastic cabarets, meet our eyes on

tavern signs. An old enumeration of London bars of the seventeenth

century begins with the words:--

“There has been great sale and utterance of wine

Besides beer and ale, and ipocras fine

In every country region and nation

Chefely at Billingsgate, at the Salutation....”

And when the author tires of mentioning them all by name, he concludes

with:--

“And many like places that make noses red.”

Finally, we must turn to those signs, not religious at first sight,

which may well have their origin in attributes of the saints. Thus, we

meet in Swiss towns, which have St. Gall as their local patron, with

the sign of the “Bear”; “Crown” and “Star” are the symbols of the

three magi who followed the star to the lowly tavern in Bethlehem; the

“Wheel” reminds us of the martyrdom of St. Catherine; the “Stag” may

be a reminder of the legend of St. Hubert; while the “Bell,” once

used by St. Anthony to drive away the demons by its sound, was

fastened on the neck of animals to preserve them from epidemic

diseases. We often see the bell, in old woodcuts, fastened round the

neck of the little pig which accompanies the saint. The bell assumed a

very worldly meaning, when it called the tipplers to their merry

gatherings, which called forth in England the patriotic rhyme:--

“Let the King

Live Long!

Dong Ding

Ding Dong!”

The Tower of St. Barbara grew into an independent tavern sign, which,

misunderstood, occasionally changed into a cage. Even the platter on

which rested the head of the Baptist is deformed into the “Plat

d’argent” over a tavern door. Hogarth does not refrain from

introducing a sign in his engraving “Noon,” of 1738, showing the

Baptist’s head on a charger, with the cynical inscription “Good

Eating.” Whether such coarsenesses were actually perpetrated, even

under the lax régime of Charles II in England, when frivolity reigned

after the fall of Cromwell, it is hard to decide. Possibly they may be

set down as brutal outcroppings of the satirist’s truth-deforming

brain. The fact is, that even in the sixteenth century the abuse of

religious subjects for the most disreputable resorts roused the

indignation of serious, thinking men. Thus a certain Artus Désiré

indignantly laments, in a rhymed broadside, that the tavern-keepers

dare place over houses where the great hell devil himself is lodged

the images of God and the saints to advertise their vine:--

“De dieu les Sainctz sont leur crieurs de vin

Tant au citez que villes et villages,

Et vous mettront dessus les grands passages

Au lieux d’horreur et d’immondicité

Des susditz sainctz les dévotes images

En prophanant leur préciosité.”

Old Tavern Signs: An Excursion in the History of Hospitality · 第 6 / 24 章