The biographers of Abraham Lincoln, Nicolay and Hay, declare:
"The political creed of Abraham Lincoln embraced among other tenets,
a belief in the value and promise of colonization as one means of
solving the great race problem involved in the existence of slavery
in the United States.... Without being an enthusiast, Lincoln was a
firm believer in colonization."[104]
Speaking at Springfield, Illinois, June 26, 1857, Mr. Lincoln said:
"I have said that the separation of the races is the only perfect
prevention of amalgamation. I have no right to say that all the
members of the Republican Party are in favor of this nor to say that
as a party they are in favor of it. There is nothing in their
platform directly on the subject. But I can say a very large
proportion of its members are for it and that the chief plank in
that platform—opposition to the spread of slavery—is most
favorable to that separation. Such separation, if ever effected at
all, must be effected by colonization.... The enterprise is a
difficult one but where there is a will there is a way; and what
colonization needs most is a hearty will. Will springs from the two
elements of moral sense and self-interest. Let us be brought to
believe it is morally right, and at the same time favorable to, or,
at least, not against our interests, to transfer the African to his
native clime, and we shall find a way to do it, however great the
task may be."[105]
Upon his assumption of the office of President Mr. Lincoln sought to
carry into effect his colonization views. In his first annual message
to Congress—December, 1861—after alluding to the act "to confiscate
property used for insurrectionary purposes," enacted by Congress at
its extra session, under the operations of which thousands of slaves
had come into the custody of the Federal authorities and the further
fact that some of the states might adopt similar statutes with similar
results, he proceeds to say:
"In such cases I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such
persons from such states according to some mode of valuation in lieu
_pro tanto_ of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on
with such states respectively; that such persons, on such
acceptance, by the General Government, be at once deemed free, and
that in any event steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the
first mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence) at
some place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be
well to consider too whether the free colored people already in the
United States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be
included in such colonization.
"To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of
territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be
expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the
acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years the question of
constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us....
"If it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring
territory is to furnish homes for white men this measure effects
their object, for the emigration of colored men leaves additional
room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson however
placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and
commercial grounds than on providing room for population. On this
whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the
acquisition of territory, does not expediency amount to absolute
necessity—that without which the government itself cannot be
perpetuated."[106]
As a result of these urgent representations Congress, at its session
of 1862, placed at the disposal of the President the sum of
$600,000.00 to be expended at his discretion in colonizing with their
consent free persons of African descent in some country adapted to
their condition and necessities.[107]
Mr. Lincoln, with a view of carrying out this act of Congress, invited
a number of prominent colored men to meet him at the White House on
the 14th of August, 1862, and then and there urged upon them the
wisdom of availing themselves of the opportunity thus offered to make
for themselves a home beyond the borders of this country. Mr. Lincoln
said that the action of Congress in placing at his disposal a sum of
money for the purpose of aiding the colonization of the people of
African descent made it his duty, as it had for a long time been his
inclination, to favor that cause. Continuing, he said:
"And why should the people of your race be colonized, and where? Why
should you leave this country? This is perhaps the first question
for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have
between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other
two races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss; but this
physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both as I think.
Your race suffer very greatly, many of them by living among us,
while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we suffer on each
side. If this be admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we
should be separated.
"The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free,
but on this broad continent not a single man of your race is made
the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the
best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not propose to discuss
this, but to present it as a fact with which we have to deal. I
cannot alter it if I would."
In conclusion he said:
"I ask you then to consider seriously not pertaining to yourselves
merely, nor for your race and ours for the present time but as one
of the things if successfully managed, for the good of mankind—not
confined to the present generation."[108]
In his special message to Congress April 16th, 1862, after alluding to
the passage of the bill abolishing slavery in the District of
Columbia, he approves the same and declares: "I am grateful that the
principles of compensation and colonization are both recognized and
practically applied in this act."[109]
-----
Footnote 98:
_Jefferson Manuscript_, Raynor, p. 64.
Footnote 99:
_Writings of Jefferson_, Ford, Vol. X, p. 290
Footnote 100:
_Lincoln and Slavery_, Arnold, p. 124.
Footnote 101:
_The African Repository and Colonial Journal_, Vol. II, No. 1, p. 5.
Footnote 102:
_The African Repository and Colonial Journal_, Vol. II, p. 12.
Footnote 103:
_Idem_, p. 23.
Footnote 104:
_Abraham Lincoln, A History_, N. & H., Vol. VI, p. 355.
Footnote 105:
_Abraham Lincoln, Speeches, Letters and State Papers_, N. & H., Vol.
I, p. 235.
Footnote 106:
_Messages and Papers of the Presidents_, Vol. VI, p. 64.
Footnote 107:
_The Life, Public Services and State Papers of Abraham Lincoln_,
Raymond, p. 504.
Footnote 108:
_The Life, Public Services and State Papers of Abraham Lincoln_,
Raymond, p. 504.
Footnote 109:
_Messages and Papers of the Presidents_, Vol. VI, p. 73.