The situation in Great Britain is now at its most acute stage. There
the question never goes to the voters, but is decided by Parliament.
Seven times a woman-suffrage bill has passed its second reading in the
House of Commons by a large majority, only to be refused a third and
final reading by the Premier, who represents the Ministry, technically
known as the Government. In 1910 the bill received a majority of 110,
larger than was secured even for the budget, the Government's chief
measure. In 1911 the majority was 167, and again the last reading was
refused. The vote was wholly non-partizan--145 Liberals, 53 Unionists,
31 Nationalists (Irish), 26 Labor members. Ninety town and county
councils, including those of Manchester, Liverpool, Edinburgh, Glasgow,
Dublin, and those of all the large cities sent petitions to Parliament
to grant the final vote. The Lord Mayor of Dublin in his robes of state
appeared before the House of Commons with the same plea, but the
Liberal Government was unmoved.
In the passing years petitions aggregating over four million signatures
have been sent in. Just before the recent election the Conservative
National Association presented one signed by 300,000 voters. In their
processions and Hyde Park gatherings the women have made the largest
political demonstrations in history. There have been more meetings
held, more money raised, and more workers enlisted than to obtain
suffrage for the men of the entire world.
From the beginning the various associations have asked for the
franchise on the same terms as granted to men, not all of whom can
vote. For political reasons it seemed impossible to obtain this, and
meanwhile the so-called "militant" movement was inaugurated by women
outraged at the way the measure had been put aside for nearly forty
years. The treatment of these women by the Government forms one of the
blackest pages in English history, and the situation finally became so
alarming that the Parliament was obliged to take action. A Conciliation
Committee was formed of sixty members from all parties, who prepared a
bill that would enfranchise only women householders, those who already
had possessed the municipal franchise since 1869. This does not mean
property-owners, but includes women who may pay rent for only one room.
The associations accepted it partly because it recognized the principle
that sex should not disqualify, but principally because it was
unquestionably all that they could get at present. This is the bill
which was denied a third reading for two years on the ground that it
was not democratic enough! A careful canvass has shown that in the
different parts of the United Kingdom from 80 to 90 per cent, of those
whom it would enfranchise are wage- or salary-earning women, and not one
Labor member of Parliament voted against it.
Women in England have been eligible for School Boards since 1870; have
had the county franchise since 1888; have been eligible for parish and
district councils and for various boards and commissions since 1894,
and hundreds have served in the above offices. In 1907, as recommended
in the address of King Edward, women were made eligible as mayors and
county and city councilors, or aldermen. Three or four have been
elected mayors, and women are now sitting on the councils of London,
Manchester, and other cities. The municipal franchise was conferred on
the women of Scotland in 1882, and of Ireland in 1898.
The Irishwomen's Franchise League demands that the proposed Home Rule
bill shall give to the women of Ireland the same political rights as it
gives to men. This demand is strongly supported by many of the
Nationalist members of Parliament and some of the cabinet, and it is
not impossible that after all these years of oppression the women of
Ireland may be fully enfranchised before those of England, Scotland,
and Wales.
In the Isle of Man women property-owners have had the full suffrage
since 1881, and women rate- or rent-payers, since 1892.