Few historical events have been so impressive as the sudden and
complete union of the South-African States. Seldom have men's minds
progressed so rapidly, their life purposes changed so completely. In
1902 England, with the aid of her African colonists in Cape Colony and
Natal, was ending a bitter war, almost of extermination, against the
Dutch "Boers" of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. In that year
the ablest and most dreaded of England's enemies in Africa was the
Dutch General, Louis Botha, leader of the fiercest and most
irreconcilable Boers, who still waged a hopeless guerrilla warfare
against all the might of the British Empire. As one English paper
dramatically phrases it: "One used to see pictures of Botha in the
illustrated papers in those days, a gaunt, bearded, formidable figure,
with rifle and bandoliers--the most dangerous of our foes. To-day he is
the chief servant of the King in the Federation, the loyal head of the
Administration under the Crown, one of the half-dozen Prime Ministers
of the Empire, the responsible representative and virtual ruler of all
races, classes, and sects in South Africa, acclaimed by the men he led
in the battle and the rout no less than by the men who faced him across
the muzzles of the Mausers ten years ago. Was ever so strange a
transformation, so swift an oblivion of old enmities and rancors, so
rapid a growth of union and concord out of hatred and strife!"
Necessity has in a way compelled this harmony. The old issue of Boer
independence being dead, new and equally vital issues confronted the
South-Africans. The whites there are scarcely more than a million in
number, and they dwell amid many times their number of savage blacks.
They must unite or perish. Moreover, the folly and expense of
maintaining four separate governments for so small a population were
obvious. So was the need of uniform tariffs in a land where all
sea-coast towns found their prosperity in forwarding supplies to the
rich central mining regions of Kimberley and Johannesburg. Hence all
earnest men of whatever previous opinion came to see the need of union.
And when this union had been accomplished, Lord Gladstone, the British
viceroy over South Africa, wisely selected as the fittest man for the
land's first Prime Minister, General Botha. Botha has sought to unite
all interests in the cabinet which he gathered around him.
The clear analysis of the new nation and its situation which follows is
reproduced by permission from the _American Political Science Review_,
and is from the pen of Professor Stephen Leacock, head of the
department of Political Economy of McGill University in Montreal,
Canada. A distinguished citizen of one great British federation may
well be accepted as the ablest commentator on the foundation of
another.
On May 31, 1910, the Union of South Africa became an accomplished fact.
The four provinces of Cape Colony, Natal, the Orange Free State (which
bears again its old-time name), and the Transvaal are henceforth
joined, one might almost say amalgamated, under a single government.
They will bear to the central government of the British Empire the same
relation as the other self-governing colonies--Canada, Newfoundland,
Australia, and New Zealand. The Empire will thus assume the appearance
of a central nucleus with four outlying parts corresponding to
geographical and racial divisions, and forming in all a ground-plan
that seems to invite a renewal of the efforts of the Imperial
Federationist. To the scientific student of government the Union of
South Africa is chiefly of interest for the sharp contrast it offers to
the federal structure of the American, Canadian, and other systems of
similar historical ground. It represents a reversion from the idea of
State rights, and balanced indestructible powers and an attempt at
organic union by which the constituent parts are to be more and more
merged in the consolidated political unit which they combine to form.
But the Union and its making are of great interest also for the general
student of politics and history, concerned rather with the development
of a nationality than with the niceties of constitutional law. From
this point of view the Union comes as the close of a century of strife,
as the aftermath of a great war, and indicates the consummation, for
the first time in history, of what appears as a solid basis of harmony
between the two races in South Africa. In one shape or other union has
always been the goal of South-African aspiration. It was "Union" which
the "prancing proconsuls" of an earlier time--the Freres, the
Shepstones, and the Lanyons--tried to force upon the Dutch. A united
Africa was at once the dream of a Rhodes and (perhaps) the ambition of
a Kruger. It is necessary to appreciate the strength of this desire for
union on the part of both races and the intense South-African
patriotism in which it rests in order to understand how the different
sections and races of a country so recently locked in the
death-struggle of a three years' war could be brought so rapidly into
harmonious concert.
The point is well illustrated by looking at the composition of the
convention, which, in its sessions at Durban, Cape Town, and
Bloemfontein, put together the present constitution. South Africa, from
its troubled history, has proved itself a land of strong men. But it
was reserved for the recent convention to bring together within the
compass of a single council-room the surviving leaders of the period of
conflict to work together for the making of a united state. In looking
over the list of them and reflecting on the part that they played
toward one another in the past, one realizes that we have here a grim
irony of history. Among them is General Louis Botha, Prime Minister at
the moment of the Transvaal, and now the first prime minister of South
Africa. Botha, in the days of Generals Buller and the Dugela, was the
hardest fighter of the Boer Republic. Beside him in the convention was
Dr. Jameson, whom Botha wanted to hang after the raid in 1896. Another
member is Sir George Farrar, who was sentenced to death for complicity
in the raid, and still another, Sir Percy Fitzpatrick, once the
secretary of the Reform League at Johannesburg and well known as the
author of the "Transvaal from Within." One may mention in contrast
General Jan Smuts, an ex-leader of the Boer forces, and since the war
the organizing brain of the Het Volk party. There is also Mr. Merriman,
a leader of the British party of opposition to the war in 1899 and
since then a bitter enemy of Lord Milner and the new regime.
Yet strangely enough after some four months of session the convention
accomplished the impossible by framing a constitution that met the
approval of the united delegates. Of its proceedings no official
journal was kept. The convention met first at Durban, October 12, 1908,
where it remained throughout that month; after a fortnight's interval
it met again at Capetown, and with a three weeks' interruption at
Christmas continued and completed its work at the end of the first week
of February. The constitution was then laid before the different
colonial parliaments. In the Transvaal its acceptance was a matter of
course, as the delegates of both parties had reached an agreement on
its terms. The Cape Parliament passed amendments which involved giving
up the scheme of proportional representation as adopted by the
convention. Similar amendments were offered by the Orange River Colony
in which the Dutch leader sympathized with the leader of the
Afrikanderbond at the Cape in desiring to swamp out, rather than
represent, minorities. In Natal, which as an ultra-British and
ultra-loyal colony, was generally supposed to be in fear of union, many
amendments were offered. The convention then met again at Bloemfontein,
made certain changes in the draft of the constitution, and again
submitted the document to the colonies. This time it was accepted. Only
in Natal was it thought necessary to take a popular vote, and here,
contrary to expectation, the people voted heavily in favor of union.
The logic of the situation compelled it. In the history of the movement
Natal was cast for the same role as Rhode Island in the making of the
Federal Union of the United States of America. The other colonies, once
brought together into a single system, with power to adopt arrangements
in their own interests in regard to customs duties and transportation
rates, sheer economic pressure would have compelled the adhesion of
Natal. In the constitution now put in force in South Africa the central
point of importance is that it established what is practically a
unitary and not a federal government. The underlying reason for this is
found in the economic circumstances of the country and in the situation
in which the provinces found themselves during the years after the war.
Till that event the discord of South Africa was generally thought of
rather as a matter of racial rivalry and conflicting sovereignties than
of simple questions of economic and material interests.
But after the conclusion of the compact of Vereiniging in 1902 it was
found that many of the jealousies and difficulties of the respective
communities had survived the war, and rested rather upon economic
considerations than racial rivalries.
To begin with, there was the question of customs relations. The
colonies were separate units, each jealous of its own industrial
prosperity. Each had the right to make its own tariff, and yet the
division of the country, with four different tariff areas, was
obviously to its general disadvantage. Since 1903 the provinces had
been held together under the Customs Union of South Africa--made by the
governments of the Cape and Natal and the Crown Colony governments of
the conquered provinces. This was but a makeshift arrangement, with a
common tariff made by treaty, and hence rigidly unalterable, and with a
pro-rata division of the proceeds.
Worse still was the railroad problem, which has been in South Africa a
bone of contention ever since the opening of the mines of the Rand
offered a rich prize to any port and railway that could capture the
transit trade.
The essence of the situation is simple. The center of the wealth of
South Africa is the Johannesburg mines. This may not be forever the
case, but in the present undeveloped state of agriculture and
industrial life, Johannesburg is the dominating factor of the country.
Now, Johannesburg can not feed and supply itself. It is too busy. Its
one export is gold. Its quarter of a million people must be supplied
from the outside. But the Transvaal is an inland country dependent on
the seaports of other communities. In position Johannesburg is like the
hub of a wheel from which the railways radiate as spokes to the
seaports along the rim. The line from Cape Town to Johannesburg, a
distance of over 700 miles, was the first completed, and until 1894 the
Cape enjoyed a monopoly of carrying the whole trade of Johannesburg.
But with the completion of the tunnel through the mountains at Laing's
Nek the Natal government railway was able to connect with Johannesburg
and the port of Durban entered into competition with the Cape Ports of
Cape Town and East London over a line only 485 miles long.
Finally, the opening of the Delagoa Bay Railway in 1894 supplied
Johannesburg with an access to the sea over a line 396 miles long, of
which 341 was in the Transvaal itself. This last line, it should be
noticed, led to a Portuguese seaport, and at the time of its building
traversed nowhere British territory. Hence it came about that in the
all-important matter of railroad communication the interests of the
Transvaal and of the seaboard colonies were diametrically opposed.
To earn as large a revenue as possible it naturally adjusted the rates
on its lines so as to penalize the freight from the colonies and favor
the Delagoa Bay road. When the colonies tried in 1895 to haul freight
by ox-team from their rail-head at the frontier to Johannesburg
President Kruger "closed the drifts" and almost precipitated a conflict
in arms. Since the war the same situation has persisted, aggravated by
the completion of the harbor works and docks at Lorenzo Marques, which
favors more than ever the Delagoa route. The Portuguese seaport at
present receives some 67 per cent, of the traffic from the Rand, while
the Cape ports, which in 1894 had 80 per cent, of the freight, now
receive only n per cent.
Under Lord Milner's government the unification of the railways of the
Transvaal and the Orange River colony with the Central South-African
Railways amalgamated the interests of the inland colonies, but left
them still opposed to those of the seaboard. The impossibility of
harmonizing the situation under existing political conditions has been
one of the most potent forces in creating a united government which
alone could deal with the question.
An equally important factor has been the standing problem of the native
races, which forms the background of South-African politics. In no
civilized country is this question of such urgency. South Africa, with
a white population of only 1,133,000 people, contains nearly 7,000,000
native and colored inhabitants, many of them, such as the Zulus and the
Basutos, fierce, warlike tribes scarcely affected by European
civilization, and wanting only arms and organization to offer a grave
menace to the welfare of the white population. The Zulus, numbering a
million, inhabiting a country of swamp and jungle impenetrable to
European troops, have not forgotten the prowess of a Cetewayo and the
victory of Isandhwana.
It may well be that some day they will try the fortune of one more
general revolt before accepting the permanent over-lordship of their
conquerors. Natal lives in apprehension of such a day. Throughout all
South Africa, among both British and Dutch, there is a feeling that
Great Britain knows nothing of the native question.
The British people see the native through the softly tinted spectacles
of Exeter Hall. When they have given him a Bible and a breech-cloth
they fondly fancy that he has become one of themselves, and urge that
he shall enter upon his political rights. They do not know that to a
savage, or a half-civilized black, a ballot-box and a voting-paper are
about as comprehensible as a telescope or a pocket camera--it is just a
part of the white man's magic, containing some particular kind of devil
of its own. The South-Africans think that they understand the native.
And the first tenet of their gospel is that he must be kept in his
place. They have seen the hideous tortures and mutilations inflicted in
every native war. If the native revolts they mean to shoot him into
marmalade with machine guns. Such is their simple creed. And in this
matter they want nothing of what Mr. Merriman recently called the
"damnable interference" of the mother country. But to handle the native
question there had to be created a single South-African Government
competent to deal with it.
The constitution creates for South Africa a union entirely different
from that of the provinces of Canada or the States of the American
Republic. The government is not federal, but unitary. The provinces
become areas of local governments, with local elected councils to
administer them, but the South-African Parliament reigns supreme. It is
to know nothing of the nice division of jurisdiction set up by the
American constitution and by the British North America Act. There are,
of course, limits to its power. In the strict sense of legal theory,
the omnipotence of the British Parliament, as in the case of Canada,
remains unimpaired. Nor can it alter certain things,--for example, the
native franchise of the Cape, and the equal status of the two
languages,--without a special majority vote. But in all the ordinary
conduct of trade, industry, and economic life, its power is unhampered
by constitutional limitations.
The constitution sets up as the government of South Africa a
legislature of two houses--a Senate and a House of Assembly--and with
it an executive of ministers on the customary tenure of cabinet
government. This government, strangely enough, is to inhabit two
capitals: Pretoria as the seat of the Executive Government and Cape
Town as the meeting-place of the Parliament. The experiment is a novel
one. The case of Simla and Calcutta, in each of which the Indian
Government does its business, and on the strength of which Lord Curzon
has defended the South-African plan, offers no real parallel. The truth
is that in South Africa, as in Australia, it proved impossible to
decide between the claims of rival cities. Cape Town is the mother city
of South Africa. Pretoria may boast the memories of the fallen
republic, and its old-time position as the capital of an independent
state. Bloemfontein has the advantage of a central position, and even
garish Johannesburg might claim the privilege of the money power. The
present arrangement stands as a temporary compromise to be altered
later at the will of the parliament.
The making of the Senate demanded the gravest thought. It was desired
to avoid if possible the drowsy nullity of the Canadian Upper House and
the preponderating "bossiness" of the American. Nor did the example of
Australia, where the Senate, elected on a "general ticket" over huge
provincial areas, becomes thereby a sort of National Labor Convention,
give any assistance in a positive direction. The plan adopted is to
cause each present provincial parliament, and later each provincial
council, to elect eight senators. The plan of election is by
proportional representation, into the arithmetical juggle of which it
is impossible here to enter. Eight more senators will be appointed by
the Governor, making forty in all. Proportional representation was
applied also in the first draft of the constitution to the election of
the Assembly.
It was thought that such a plan would allow for the representation of
minorities, so that both Dutch and British delegates would be returned
from all parts of the country. Unhappily, the Afrikanderbond--the
powerful political organization supporting Mr. Merriman, and holding
the bulk of the Dutch vote at the Cape--took fright at the proposal.
Even Merriman and his colleagues had to vote it down.
Without this they could not have saved the principle of "equal rights,"
which means the more or less equal (proportionate) representation of
town and country. The towns are British and the country Dutch, so the
bearing of equal rights is obvious. Proportional representation and
equal rights were in the end squared off against one another.
South Africa will retain duality of language, both Dutch and British
being in official use. There was no other method open. The Dutch
language is probably doomed to extinction within three or four
generations. It is, in truth, not one linguistic form, but several: the
Taal, or kitchen Dutch of daily speech, the "lingua franca" of South
Africa; the School Taal, a modified form of it, and the High Dutch of
the Scriptural translations brought with the Boers from Holland. Behind
this there is no national literature, and the current Dutch of Holland
and its books varies some from all of them. English is already the
language of commerce and convenience. The only way to keep Dutch alive
is to oppose its use. Already the bitterness of the war has had this
effect, and language societies are doing their best to uphold and
extend the use of the ancestral language. It is with a full knowledge
of this that the leaders of the British parties acquiesced in the
principle of duality.
The native franchise was another difficult question. At present neither
natives nor "colored men" (the South-African term for men of mixed
blood) can vote in the Transvaal, the Orange River, and Natal. Nor is
there the faintest possibility of the suffrage being extended to them,
both the Dutch and the British being convinced that such a policy is a
mistake. In the Cape natives and colored men, if possessed of the
necessary property and able to write their names, are allowed to vote.
The name writing is said to be a farce, the native drawing a picture of
his name under guidance of his political boss. Some 20,000 natives and
colored people thus vote at the Cape, and neither the Progressives nor
the Bond party dared to oppose the continuance of the franchise, lest
the native vote should be thrown solid against them. As a result each
province will retain its own suffrage, at least until the South-African
Parliament by a special majority of two-thirds in a joint session shall
decide otherwise.
The future conformation of parties under the union is difficult to
forecast. At present the Dutch parties--they may be called so for lack
of a better word--have large majorities everywhere except in Natal. In
the Transvaal General Botha's party--Het Volk, the Party of the
People--is greatly in the ascendant. But it must be remembered that Het
Volk numbers many British adherents. For instance, Mr. Hull, Botha's
treasurer in the outgoing Government, is an old Johannesburg
"reformer," of the Uitlander days, and fought against the Boers in the
war. In the Orange Free State the party called the Unie (or United
party) has a large majority, while at the Cape Dr. Jameson's party of
progressives can make no stand against Mr. Merriman, Mr. Malan, Mr.
Sauer, and the powerful organization of the Afrikanderbond.
How the new Government will be formed it is impossible to say. Botha
and Merriman will, of course, constitute its leading factors. But
whether they will attempt a coalition by taking in with them such men
as Sir Percy Fitzpatrick and Dr. Jameson, or will prefer a more united
and less universal support is still a matter of conjecture. From the
outsider's point of view, a coalition of British and Dutch leaders,
working together for the future welfare of a common country, would seem
an auspicious opening for the new era. But it must be remembered that
General Botha is under no necessity whatever to form such a coalition.
If he so wishes he can easily rule the country without it as far as a
parliamentary majority goes. Not long since an illustrious
South-African, a visitor to Montreal, voiced the opinion that Botha's
party will rule South Africa for twenty years undisturbed. But it is
impossible to do more than conjecture what will happen. _Ex Africa
semper quid novi_.
Most important of all is the altered relation in which South Africa
will now stand to the British Empire.
The Imperial Government may now be said to evacuate South Africa, and
to leave it to the control of its own people. It is true that for the
time being the Imperial Government will continue to control the native
protectorates of Basutoland, Bechuanaland, and Swaziland. But the
Constitution provides for the future transfer of these to the
administration of a commission appointed by the colonial Government.
Provision is also made for the future inclusion of Rhodesia within the
Union. South Africa will therefore find itself on practically the same
footing as Canada or Australia within the British Empire. What its
future fate there will be no man can yet foretell. In South Africa, as
in the other Dominions, an intense feeling of local patriotism and
"colonial nationalism" will be matched against the historic force and
the practical advantages of the Imperial connection. Even in Canada,
there is no use in denying it, there are powerful forces which, if
unchecked, would carry us to an ultimate independence. Still more is
this the case in South Africa.
It is a land of bitter memories. The little people that fought for
their republics against a world in arms have not so soon forgotten. It
is idle for us in the other parts of the Empire to suppose that the
bitter memory of the conflict has yet passed, that the Dutch have
forgotten the independence for which they fought, the Vier Klur flag
that is hidden in their garrets still, and the twenty thousand women
and children that lie buried in South Africa as the harvest of the
conqueror. If South Africa is to stay in the Empire it will have to be
because the Empire will be made such that neither South Africa nor any
other of the dominions would wish to leave it. For this, much has
already been done. The liberation of the Transvaal and Orange River
from the thraldom of their Crown Colony Government, and the frank
acceptance of the Union Constitution by the British Government are the
first steps in this direction. Meantime that future of South Africa, as
of all the Empire, lies behind a veil.