WILLIAM G. JORDAN

The conference of the Governors at Washington this month marks the

beginning of a new epoch in the political history of the nation. It is

the first meeting ever held of the State Executives as a body seeking,

by their united influence, to secure uniform laws on vital subjects for

the welfare of the entire country. It should not be confused with the

Roosevelt conferences of May and December, 1908. It is in no sense a

continuation of them. It is essentially different in aim, method, and

basis, and is larger, broader, and more far-reaching in its

possibilities.

The nation to-day is facing a grave crisis in its history. Vital

problems affecting the welfare of the whole country, remaining unsolved

through the years, have at last reached an acute stage where they

_demand_ solution. This solution must come now in some form--either in

harmony with the Constitution or in defiance of it. The Federal

Government has been and still is absolutely powerless to act because of

constitutional limitation; the State governments have the sole power,

but heretofore no way has been provided for them to exercise that

power.

Senator Elihu Root points out fairly, squarely, and relentlessly the

two great dangers confronting the Republic: the danger of the National

Government breaking down in its effective machinery through the burdens

that threaten to be cast upon it; and the danger that the local

self-government of the States may, through disuse, become inefficient.

The House of Governors plan seems to have in it possibilities of

mastering both of these evils at one stroke.

There are three basic weaknesses in the American system of government

as we know it to-day. There are three insidious evils that are creeping

like a blood-poison through the body politic, threatening the very life

of the Republic. They are killing the soul of self-government, though

perhaps not its form; destroying its essence, though perhaps not its

name.

These three evils, so intertwined as to be practically one, are: the

growing centralization at Washington, the shifting, undignified,

uncertain status of State rights, and the lack of uniform laws.

It was to propose a possible cure for these three evils that the writer

sent in February, 1907, to President Roosevelt and to the Governors of

the country a pamphlet on a new idea in American politics. It was the

institution of a new House, a new representation of the people and of

the States to secure uniform legislation on those questions wherein the

Federal Governments could not act because of Constitutional limitation.

The plan proposed, so simple that it would require no Constitutional

amendment to put it into effect, was the organization of the House of

Governors.

More than thirty Governors responded in cordial approval of the plan.

Eight months later, October, 1907, President Roosevelt invited the

State Executives to a conference at Washington in May, 1908. The writer

pointed out at that time what seemed an intrinsic weakness of the

convention, that it could have little practical result, because it

would be, after all, only a conference, where the Federal Government,

by its limitations, was powerless to carry the findings of the

conference into effect, and the Governors, acting not as a co-operative

body, but as individuals, would be equally powerless in effecting

uniform legislation. It was a conference of conflicting powers.

The Governors were then urged to meet upon their own initiative, as a

body of peers, working out by united State action those problems where

United States action had for more than a century proved powerless. At

the close of the Roosevelt conference the Governors, at an adjourned

meeting, appointed a committee to arrange time and place for a session

of the Governors in a body of their own, independently of the

President. This movement differentiated the proposed meeting absolutely

from that with the President in every fundamental. It essentially

became more than a conference; it meant a deliberative body of the

Governors uniting to initiate, to inspire, and to influence uniform

laws. The committee then named, consisting of three members, later

increased to five, set the dates January 18, 19, and 20, 1910, for the

first session of the Governors as a separate body.

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