Equally notable as forming part of this unceasing march of Democracy
was the progress of both Socialism and Woman Suffrage. But with these
two movements we must look beyond America; for their advance was not
limited to any single country. It became world-wide. When Woman
Suffrage was first established in New Zealand and Australia, the fact
made little impression upon the rest of the globe; but when northern
Europe accepted the idea, and Finland and Norway granted women full
suffrage and Sweden and Denmark gave them almost as much, the movement
was everywhere recognized as important. In Asia women took an active
and heroic part in the struggles for liberty both in Persia and in
China. In England the "militant" suffragists have forced Parliament to
deal with their problem seriously, amid much embarrassment. In the
United States, the movement, regarded rather humorously at first,
became a matter of national weight and seriousness when in 1910 the
great State of California enfranchised its women, half a million of
them. Woman Suffrage now dominates the Western States of America and is
slowly moving eastward.[1]
[Footnote 1: See _Woman Suffrage_, page 156.]
Socialism, also, though some may call it a mistaken and confused dream,
is yet a manifestation of Democracy and as such will have its voice
along with other forms of the great world-spirit. It has made
considerable advance in America, where there have recently been
Socialist mayors in some cities, and even Socialist Congressmen. But
its main progress has been in Europe. There it can no longer be
discussed as an economic theory; it has become a stupendous and
unevadable fact. It is the laboring man's protest against the tyranny
of that militarism which terrorizes Europe.[2] And since military
tyranny is heaviest in Germany, Socialism has there risen to its
greatest strength. The increase of the Socialist vote in German
elections became perhaps the most impressive political phenomenon of
the past twenty years. In 1912 this vote was more than one-third of the
total vote of the Empire, and the Socialists were the largest single
party in Germany. The Socialists of France are almost equally strong;
and so are those in Italy. When war recently threatened Europe over the
Morocco dispute, the Socialists in each of these countries made solemn
protest to the world, declaring that laboring men were brothers
everywhere and had no will to fight over any governmental problem. Many
extremists among the brotherhood even went so far as to defy their
governments openly, declaring that if forced to take up arms they would
turn them against their tyrannous oppressors rather than against their
helpless brothers of another nation. Thus the burden of militarism did
by its own oppressive weight rouse the opposing force of Socialism to
curb it.
[Footnote 2: See _Militarism_, page 186.]
In Italy the Socialists were growing so powerful politically that it
was largely as a political move against them that the government in
1911 suddenly declared war against Turkey.
Thus was started the series of outbreaks which recently convulsed
southeastern Europe.[1] Seldom has a war been so unjustifiable, so
obviously forced upon a weaker nation for the sake of aggrandizement,
as that of Italy against the "Young Turks" who were struggling to
reform their land. The Italians seized the last of Turkey's African
possessions, with scarce a shadow of excuse. This increase of territory
appealed to the pride and so-called "patriotism" of the Italian people.
The easy victories in Africa gratified their love of display; and many
of the ignorant poor who had been childish in their attachment to the
romantic ideals of Socialism now turned with equal childishness to
applaud and support their "glorious" government. Yet even here
Democracy made its gain; for under shelter of this popularity the
government granted a demand it had long withheld. Male suffrage,
previously very limited in Italy, was made universal.
[Footnote 1: See _The Turkish-Italian War_, page 140.]
The humiliation of Turkey in this Italian war led to another and far
larger contest, and to that practical elimination of Turkey from
European affairs which had been anticipated for over a century. The
Balkan peoples, half freed from Turkey in 1876, took advantage of her
weakness to form a sudden alliance and attack her all together.[2]
This, also, was a Democratic movement, a people's war against their
oppressors. The Bulgars, most recently freed of the victims of Turkish
tyranny, hated their opponents with almost a madman's frenzy. The
Servians wished to free their brother Serbs and to strengthen
themselves against the persistent encroachments of Austria. The Greeks,
defeated by the Turks in 1897, were eager for revenge, hopeful of
drawing all their race into a single united State. Never was a war
conducted with greater dash and desperation or more complete success.
The Turks were swept out of all their European possessions except for
Constantinople itself; and they yielded to a peace which left them
nothing of Europe except the mere shore line where the continents come
together.
[Footnote 2: See _The Overthrow of Turkey_, page 282.]
But then there followed what most of the watchers had expected, a
division among the victorious allies. Most of these were still half
savage, victims of centuries of barbarity. In their moment of triumph
they turned upon one another, snarling like wild beasts over the spoil.
Bulgaria, the largest, fiercest, and most savage of the little States,
tried to fight Greece and Servia together. She failed, in a strife
quite as bloody as that against Turkey. The neighboring State of
Roumania also took part against the Bulgars. So did the Turks, who,
seeing the helplessness of their late tigerish opponent, began
snatching back the land they had ceded to Bulgaria.[1] The exhausted
Bulgars, defeated upon every side, yielded to their many foes.
[Footnote 1: See _The Second Balkan War_, page 350.]
Thus we face to-day a new Balkan Peninsula, consisting of half a dozen
little independent nations, all thoroughly democratic, except Turkey.
And even Turkey, we should remember, has made a long stride toward
Democracy by substituting for the autocracy of the Sultan the
constitutional rule of the "Young Turks," These still retain their
political control, though sorely shaken in power by the calamities
their country has undergone under their brief régime.
From this semi-barbarity of southeastern Europe, let us turn to note
the more peaceful progress which seemed promising the West. Little
Portugal suddenly declared herself a Republic in 1910.[2] She had been
having much anarchistic trouble before, killing of kings and hurling of
bombs. Now there was a brief, almost bloodless, uprising; and the young
new king fled. Prophets freely predicted that the unpractical and
unpractised Republic could not last. But instead of destroying itself
in petty quarrels, the new government has seemed to grow more able and
assured with each passing year.
[Footnote 2: See _Portugal Becomes a Republic_, page 28.]
In Spain also, the party favoring a Republic grew so strong that its
leaders declared openly that they could overturn the monarchy any time
they wished. But they said the time was not ripe, they must wait until
the people had become more educated politically, and had learned more
about self-government, before they ventured to attempt it. Here,
therefore, we have Democracy taking a new and important step. To man's
claim of the right of self-government was subjoined the recognition of
the fact that until he reaches a certain level of intelligence he is
unfit to exercise that right, and with it he is likely to bring himself
more harm than happiness.
Perhaps even more impressive was the struggle toward Democracy in
England. Here, from the year 1905 onward, a "Liberal" government in
nominal power was opposed at every turn persistently, desperately,
sometimes hysterically, by a "Conservative" opposition. The Liberals,
after years of worsted effort, saw that they could make no possible
progress unless they broke the power of the always Conservative House
of Lords. They accomplished this in 1911 amid the weeping and wailing
of all Britain's aristocracy, who are thoroughly committed to the
doctrine of the mighty teacher, Carlyle, that men should find out their
great leaders and then follow these with reverent obedience. Of course
the doctrine has in the minds of the British aristocracy the very
natural addendum that _they_ are the great leaders.[1]
[Footnote 1: See _Fall of the English House of Lords_, page 133.]
With the power of the nobles thus swept aside, the British Liberals
went on to that long-demanded extension of Democracy, the granting of
Home Rule to Ireland. Here, too, England's Conservatives fought the
Liberals desperately. And here there was a subtler issue to give the
Conservatives justification. The great majority of Irish are of the
Roman Catholic faith, and so would naturally set up a Catholic
government; but a part of northern Ireland is Protestant and bitterly
opposed to Catholic domination. These Protestants, or "Ulsterites,"
demanded that if the rest of Ireland got home rule, they must get it
also, and be allowed to rule themselves by a separate Parliament of
their own. The Conservatives accepted this democratic demand as an ally
of their conservative clinging to the "good old laws." They encouraged
the Ulsterites even to the point of open rebellion. But despite every
obstacle, the Liberals continued their efforts until the Home Rule bill
was assured in 1914.
Let us look now beyond Europe. England deserves credit for the big
forward step taken by her colonies in South Africa. All of these joined
in 1910 in a union intended to be as indissoluble as that of the United
States. Thus to the mighty English-speaking nations developing in a
united Australia and a united Canada, there was now added a third, the
nation of South Africa.[1]
[Footnote 1: See _Union of South Africa_, page 17.]
In Asia, too, there was a most surprising and notable democratic step.
China declared itself a Republic. Considerable fighting preceded this
change, warfare of a character rather vague and purposeless; for China
is so huge that a harmony of understanding among her hundreds of
millions is not easily attained. Yet, on the whole, with surprisingly
little conflict and confusion the change was made. The oldest nation in
the world joined hands with the youngest in adopting this modern form
of "government by the people."[2] The world is still watching, however,
to see whether the Chinese have passed the level of political wisdom
awaited by the Spanish republicans, and can successfully exercise the
dangerous right they have assumed.
[Footnote 2: See _The Chinese Revolution_, page 238.]
Turn back, for a moment, to review all the wonderful advance in popular
government these brief five years accomplished: in the United States, a
political revolution with changes of the Constitution and of the
machinery of government; in Britain, similar changes of government even
more radical in the direction of Democracy; two wholly new Republics
added to the list, one being China, the oldest and most populous
country in the world, the other little Portugal, long accounted the
most spiritless and unprogressive nation in Europe; a shift from
autocratic British rule toward democratic home rule through all the
vast region of South Africa; a similar shift in much-troubled Ireland;
Socialism reaching out toward power through all central Europe; Woman
Suffrage taking possession of northern Europe and western America and
striding on from country to country, from state to state; a bloody and
desperate people's revolution in Mexico; and a similar one of the
Balkan peoples against Turkey! Individuals may possibly feel that some
one or other of these steps was reckless, even perhaps that some may
ultimately have to be retraced in the world's progress. But of their
general glorious trend no man can doubt.
Were there no reactionary movements to warn us of the terrible
reassertion of autocratic power so soon to deluge earth with horror?
Yes, though there were few democratic defeats to measure against the
splendid record of advance. Russia stood, as she has so long stood, the
dragon of repression. In the days of danger from her own people which
had followed the disastrous Japanese war, Russia had courted her
subject nations by granting them every species of favor. Now with her
returning strength she recommenced her unyielding purpose of
"Russianizing" them. Finland was deprived of the last spark of
independence; so that her own chief champions said of her sadly in
1910, "So ends Finland."[1]
[Footnote 1: See _The Crushing of Finland_, page 47.]
In southern Russia the persecutions of the Jews were recommenced, with
charges of "ritual murder" and other incitements of the ignorant
peasantry to massacre. In Asia, Russia reached out beyond her actual
territory to strangle the new-found voice of liberty in Persia. Russia
coveted the Persian territory; Persia had established a constitutional
government a few years before; this government, with American help,
seemed likely to grow strong and assured in its independence. So
Russia, in the old medieval lawlessness of power, reached out and
crushed the Persian government.[2] At this open exertion of tyranny the
world looked on, disapproving, but not resisting. England, in
particular, was almost forced into an attitude of partnership with
Russia's crime. But she submitted sooner than precipitate that
universal war the menace of which came so grimly close during the
strain of the outbreaks around Turkey. The millennium of universal
peace and brotherhood was obviously still far away. Not yet could the
burden of fleets and armaments be cast aside; though every crisis thus
overpassed without the "world war" increased our hopes of ultimately
evading its unspeakable horror.
[Footnote 2: See _Persia's Loss of Liberty_, page 199.]