FIRST NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT.
At no time in the history of the Republican party has there been such an
array of brilliant and worthy men before the country named for the honor
of Presidential candidates as at that period when the National
Republican Convention of 1896 was to make a choice from the shining
list. That convention was remarkable and unique, more so than any other
convention of this organization, whose first President, a pioneer of
universal freedom, a pathfinder across the western wilderness that is
now an empire, Colonel John Charles Fremont, who was presented for the
suffrage of the people forty years before. That pioneer candidate was
defeated because the day of broad thought had not arisen. The rising
storm of civil strife swept the next candidate of the party, immortal
Lincoln, to the highest place in the nation, from whence he guided the
Republic and its destinies through the raging tempest until an
assassin’s missile laid him low, and that at the moment when the country
could least have spared him, and when it seemed that fate to be just
might have been more kindly to both him and his people, for he deserved
to enjoy the fruit of his work, and the people would have had pleasure
and profit in his presence.
Of no other such conventions is there a more interesting story than that
which might be given of the convention at St. Louis in June, 1896, which
made William McKinley its candidate, and who is another martyr of the
Republic, slain by organized assassination, because the nation had
placed him in conspicuous exaltation.
Of the great ones whose personal partisans and whose high places among
the people had made them prominent in the premises, Thomas B. Reed of
Maine was among the foremost. He was without a superior among that many
for intelligence, wit and general ability, and there can be no question
that, had he been nominated and elected as Chief Magistrate, he would
have given the country a worthy and thoroughly, even distinctly,
American administration.
William B. Allison of Iowa, who was a delegate to the Chicago convention
of 1860, that nominated Abraham Lincoln, and a Senator, who had made a
national and well-deserved fame for patriotic statesmanship, was
another, now demanded by a large following, and he had already been a
prominent candidate for President before preceding conventions.
Levi P. Morton, ex-Vice-President of the United States and governor of
the mighty State of New York, a man of glorious record and accepted
ability, who was honored and respected by friends and foes, was also of
the array of eligible men whose friends asked for him the nomination.
Quay of Pennsylvania, Alger of Michigan, Sherman of Ohio, Thurston of
Nebraska, all of the best kind of “Presidential timber,” and numerous
others of more or less distinction, capacity and merit, were warmly and
enthusiastically urged by their partisans.
Governor Morton quickly announced that he would not allow himself to be
made a candidate before the convention unless a real one, meaning that
he must not be placed in such a position as a compliment to himself and
his following, or with the idea of using him as the means for securing
the nomination of some one else. Hon. Thomas Platt, the shrewd and
powerful manipulator of politics and politicians, had secured the pledge
of the New York delegation for Morton, and with such an array of 34
electoral votes from such a State, Morton seemed to be a formidable man
in the situation, with an endorsement to be proud of and one that would
command the deference of that great body.
New England was strong in her pride and confidence in her brilliant son,
and had won many promises for Reed, but small revolts here and there
made his hold precarious, and the defection of Congressman Manley of
Maine at the very moment when his influence and assistance was most
necessary seriously and dangerously affected Reed’s chances. Appalled by
the mighty array that favored McKinley, the Maine Congressman deserted
the New England favorite and dismay and disorganization took possession
of their camp.
Much there was of this preliminary skirmishing among the partisans of
all the available ones, but in it all a potent fact was staring at the
fight, and became so apparent that it was at last candidly acknowledged.
The feeling for Governor William McKinley of Ohio was constantly
gathering strength. The pressure from outside was too strong to
withstand. For weeks before the convention the Republican public had
been shouting McKinley, and in a tone that could not be ignored. The
voice and the force of the people pressed hard upon the convention. The
newspapers teemed with his praise; his face and record were constantly
being presented; buttons bearing his portrait and mottoes that
epitomized his principles were seen everywhere, in city, town and
country, and thousands who had been, theretofore, but little interested
in politics became enthusiastic champions of the man from Ohio.
William McKinley had been before the people, not as a candidate for
President, but as the ardent advocate of measures that intelligent
persons thought more of national prosperity than of partisan politics.
The quick-seeing people had heard and read of his plans for redeeming
the country and casting off its burden of distress, “Hard Times,” and
this had brought the tide of public favor and endorsement.
With this and all the excellent qualities of the man, in which the
people had been instructed, wise, sagacious, far-seeing and powerful
friends, adepts in the science of politics, who made no mistakes, took
the matter in hand, before the convention had assembled, and then into
it, at the proper time, and they kept the front of the fight well
aligned and unbroken to victory.
The movement for McKinley was skillfully presented as that of “the
masses against the bosses.” In some respects that was what it was. The
bosses fought for others in the convention, but the will of the people
carried. The pressure of the masses was for McKinley, and though the
people stood on the outside the avalanche of popular opinion swept over
all. The politicians opposed the “Ohio idea” and fought desperately.
Platt, the most adroit of them all, threatened, cajoled, combined and
bluffed. Reed’s managers tried tact, diplomacy, compromise and all else
available, the opponents of McKinley of all elements held all sorts of
“star chamber” sessions time and time again, and on the night before the
convention planned together until daylight endeavoring to fix some
combination to defeat McKinley, but Mark Hanna, the manager of the
McKinley campaign, kept in the even tenor of his way, doing his work as
past master of political strategy, smiled and feared not. Certain safety
gave him ease, and masterly he held his way with coolness and
calculation.
It was evident from the first that there was only one dangerous rock
upon which the great convention might split. There were those in the
convention from the far West, whose local interests in silver would
overcome party fealty and the question of a gold standard of currency or
unlimited silver coinage was one that required strong, unfailing nerve
to face it. As strong a factor as the tariff always was and always will
be, it was temporarily relegated to the background, as there was not a
possibility of serious dissension upon the question of protection, for
which the party of the convention naturally stood, under any
circumstances.
But unquestionably there was a wide variance in many quarters between
the “gold” and “silver” men. While the East and the older sections of
our country were uncompromising in their demand for gold as the single
standard, some of the Republicans beyond the Mississippi insisted upon a
plank acknowledging silver, and open threats were made that in case of
refusal they would bolt the convention and affiliate with the party
representing their views. The question was as to how far this
disaffection extended. The pages immediately following will answer that
question.
Meanwhile Governor McKinley at his home in Canton, Ohio, gave no sign.
The lessons of former candidates who had undone themselves by tongue or
pen were not lost upon him, and he remained resolutely mute. He was
referred to as the “wabbling candidate,” and some of his earlier
expressions were quoted against him; but nothing sufficed to draw him
out. He quietly bided his time, and who shall say he was not wise?
It was about half an hour past noon, on Tuesday, June 16, 1896, that the
eleventh national convention of the Republican party was called to order
by the Hon. Thomas Henry Carter, chairman of the Republican National
Committee. The tremendous structure, known as the Auditorium or
Convention Hall, is capable of accommodating an immense assemblage, and
it is estimated that more than 40,000 visitors had flocked to St. Louis.
Fortunately the torrid weather for which the Mound City is noted and
dreaded held off, though it gave a taste of its terrible power to smite
before final adjournment came.
For the first time in the history of national conventions, the opening
prayer was made by an Israelite, in the person of Rabbi Samuel Sale,
pastor of the Shaare Emeth congregation. His invocation was devout, and,
at its close, the secretary read the call issued by the National
Committee for the convention. He was not heard fifty feet away, not so
much because of his weakness of voice, as on account of the wretched
acoustic qualities of the building. Chairman Carter then presented the
name of Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana as temporary chairman. No
voice was raised in opposition, and the tall, slender man, with
close-cropped beard and mustache, came forward and delivered an address
that was frequently interrupted by applause. It was an arraignment of
the Democratic administration for its many shortcomings, and an argument
that the prosperity of the country at large could be secured only by the
adoption of the principles of the Republican party. Sound currency,
protection, sympathy for Cuba, and the certainty that the candidates
about to be named would be the next President and Vice-President of the
United States, were the principal features of Chairman Fairbanks’
speech, which was received with many expressions of approval. At its
conclusion the necessary officials of the convention were appointed, the
members of the various committees announced, and, after a session of
less than two hours, an adjournment was had to 10 o’clock Wednesday.
Between the adjournment and the coming together on the morrow, much
effective work was done. While the sentiment of the delegates was
overwhelmingly in favor of “sound currency,” or the single gold
standard, there was a diversity of opinion in many quarters as to
whether the word “gold” should be used in the platform. A considerable
number thought the latter was sufficiently explicit without the word,
but the insistence of others compelled a yielding of the point: it was
decided that the all-potent word should appear. Since adjournment Mr.
Hanna has asserted that the gold plank was agreed upon by him or his
associates before the arrival of the delegates from the East, who were
popularly credited with the formulation of the clause in question.
The convention reassembled at a quarter to eleven on Wednesday, and was
opened with prayer by Rev. Dr. W. G. Williams, after which the real work
began. The report of the Committee on Permanent Organization presented
the name of Senator J. N. Thurston of Nebraska as chairman, made the
secretaries, sergeant-at-arms and other temporary officers permanent
officers of the convention, and gave a list of vice-presidents,
consisting of one from each State. It was accepted and Senator Thurston
was loudly applauded as he took his seat.
The address of Mr. Thurston pleased all by its terseness and brevity.
Awaiting the report of the Committee on Credentials the convention
adjourned until 2 o’clock, and at 3 that afternoon Chairman Thurston
called the body to order. Bishop Arnett of Ohio offered the opening
prayer and Mr. Madden of Chicago presented to the chairman a gavel made
from timber of a house in which Abraham Lincoln once lived. Another
gavel was also presented, carved from the homestead of Henry Clay, “The
Father of Protection.”
The Committee on Credentials then presented majority and minority
reports, the former of which favored the seating of the Higgins
delegates and those at large from Delaware as against the Addicks
delegates, and the seating of the list of Texas delegates, which was
headed by John Grant. After a warm discussion the majority report was
adopted by the vote of 545½ to 359½. This vote was considered a test one
between McKinley and his opponents and removed all doubts of the
invincibility of the Ohio man.
The full Committee on Resolutions met at the Lindell Hotel in the
evening and went into secret session. The proposed platform was read by
paragraphs, the agreement being that each paragraph should be voted on
separately. There was unanimous accord upon the tariff plank and the
sugar plank was accepted. A strong declaration was formulated for a
protective duty on wools and woolens and a demand made for the
protection of American shipbuilding and the development of American
commerce.
When the financial plank was reached Senator Teller of Colorado
presented a minority report which declared in favor of the free and
unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. Mr. Teller, with
deep emotion, declared that the time had come when, if the single gold
standard was adopted, he should be compelled to leave the party with
which he had been associated for thirty-five years. There was much
sympathy felt for this able leader, whose association with the
Republican party had earned for him the respect of political foes as
well as friends. Mr. Cannon of Utah was hardly less agitated when he
announced a decision similar to that of Teller, and Mr. Dubois of Idaho
declared that, much as he regretted the step, he would follow Messrs.
Teller and Cannon. Then, after earnest argument, Mr. Hartman of Montana
said that he never would support a candidate upon the proposed platform.
The substitute of Senator Teller received 10 votes, which included the
delegates from Colorado, California, Utah, Montana, Idaho, Wyoming,
Arizona, Nevada, North Carolina and New Mexico. The substitute was
defeated by 41 votes. After further discussion, the gold plank, as it
appears in the platform, was adopted by a vote of yeas 40, nays 11, the
member from Oklahoma having joined the silver men.
The convention came together on Thursday morning, only five minutes
late, with all of the delegates in their seats, and the galleries packed
to suffocation, many ladies being among the spectators. Rev. John R.
Scott of Florida, a negro, opened with a brief and appropriate prayer.
The first order of business was the reception of the report of the
Committee on Resolutions. Senator-elect Foraker of Ohio was cheered as
he advanced to the platform and said: “As chairman of the Committee on
Resolutions, I have the honor to report as follows:”
He then read the platform, as printed elsewhere, in a clear, ringing
voice and with distinct enunciation. He emphasized the endorsement of
President Harrison, and was applauded, and when, in a loud voice and
with impressive manner, he declared: “The Republican party is
unreservedly for sound money,” the applause was greater than ever, it
rising to a still more enthusiastic pitch when the pledge to promote
international agreement for free coinage of silver was read. Mr. Foraker
was compelled to stop reading and the applause continued so long that
the chairman rapped repeatedly for order.
The demand for American control of the Hawaiian Islands was warmly
approved, but the convention remained mum over the proposed building of
the Nicaragua Canal by the United States and the purchase of the Danish
Islands for a naval station. If any enthusiasm was felt in that
direction it did not manifest itself. But the sympathy of the people
found ardent expression when the Cuban paragraph was read, dropping
again to zero over the civil service plank. The negro delegates
applauded noisily the demand for a free ballot and the condemnation of
lynching.
It took twenty-five minutes for the reading of the platform, during
which the convention gave close attention, breaking out again into
cheers at the close. When the tumult had subsided, Mr. Foraker moved the
adoption of the report as the National platform for 1896.
As Mr. Foraker reached the closing paragraph of the report, Senator
Teller left his place with the Colorado delegation and took his seat on
the platform. He was recognized by the chairman and sent to the
secretary’s desk and had read the following minority report: “We, the
undersigned members of the Committee on Resolutions, being unable to
agree with that part of the majority report which treats of the subjects
of coinage and finance, respectfully submit the following paragraph as a
substitute therefor:
“The Republican party favors the use of both gold and silver as equal
standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free, unrestricted
and independent coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio of
16 parts of silver to 1 of gold.”
Mr. Teller then advanced to the front of the platform to utter his
“farewell.” The universal respect felt for him was shown by the cordial
greeting of the twelve thousand people, who saw that the distinguished
gentleman was almost overcome with emotion. It may be doubted whether
there was one in that immense assemblage who did not feel a sincere
sympathy for the man who was taking the most painful step of his public
career.
Mr. Teller asserted that we might as well have two flags in the Nation,
if the present money system is to be maintained, for the reason that two
flags are not more important than this all-absorbing question of gold
and silver money. He declared that he was not actuated by the fact that
Colorado is a silver-producing State, but he had come to the earnest
conclusion, after twenty years of study, that bimetallism is the only
safe money doctrine for the United States and all other countries.
Mr. Teller insisted that a protective tariff cannot be maintained on a
gold standard. Then, with uplifted hands, he declared: “When God
Almighty made these two metals, He intended them for use as money.”
Senator Teller said that the years of study which he had devoted to this
question had brought convictions to him which were binding upon his
conscience, and it was because he was an honest man that he could not
support the gold money plank. The declaration was received with cheers
and hisses, and moisture gathered in the eyes of the speaker as he
looked out over the sea of faces and felt that he had at last reached
the parting of the ways. Then the tears coursed down his cheeks and his
handkerchief went to his eyes. The sight caused a respectful hush to
fall over the convention, while more than one friend wept in silent
sympathy.
Recovering himself, Senator Teller declared that the best thoughts of
the world favored bimetallism, and it was advocated by the greatest
teachers of political economy in Europe.
“Do you suppose,” he asked, “that we can take this step and leave the
party without distress? Take any methods you please to nominate your
man, but put him upon the right platform, and I will support him. I was
for free men, free speech, and a free Government. I was with the
Republican party when it was born. I have become accustomed to abuse,
but I have voted for every Republican candidate since the foundation of
the party, and I have been in close communication with its distinguished
men for forty years.”
At this point, Senator Teller broke down again. The tears streamed over
his face and he was greatly distressed. In a broken voice he added:
“But if I am to leave the Republican party, I do not leave it in anger.
I believe that my doctrine is for the good of the people. I believe that
the Republican party will see the error of its way, and, although I may
never be permitted again to address a Republican National Convention, I
shall live in the hope that before I die this great party will come to a
thorough understanding of the silver question and treat it solemnly and
with the keenest interest in support of all the people.”
The vote to lay Senator Teller’s motion on the table disclosed an
interesting state of facts. It was supported by seven friends in
Alabama, fifteen in California, his eight delegates of Colorado, two
from Florida, three from Georgia, the six from Idaho, and one from
Illinois. In addition, his plank received the following support: Kansas,
four votes, Michigan, one; Missouri, one; Montana, six; Nevada, six;
South Carolina, fourteen and one-half; South Dakota, two; Tennessee,
one; Utah, six; Virginia, five; Wyoming, six; and in the Territories:
Arizona, six; New Mexico, three, and Oklahoma, one, making one hundred
and five and one-half votes in all. The vote for the majority report was
eight hundred and eighteen and one-half.
Senator Teller, who was still on the platform, asked permission from the
chairman to introduce Senator Cannon of Utah, who desired to read a
statement from the silver men. The manner of Senator Cannon was defiant
and quickly stirred up impatience. He declared he would bow to the
majority in the matter of votes, but would never bow when a question of
principle was at stake. He said they would withdraw from the convention,
and he predicted trouble in the future for the Republican party. This
was greeted with hisses and urgent requests for him to sit down. In the
midst of the storm, the chairman turned to Senator Cannon and shouted:
“The Republican party do not fear any declaration.”
This threw the convention into a tumult of enthusiasm. Men sprang to
their feet, swung flags and shouted at the top of their voices. Senator
Cannon calmly awaited the subsidence of the storm, when he continued
with his generalities, and read the list of free silver men who would
leave the convention. The names of the signers were greeted with hisses,
and someone in the rear called out, “Good-by, my lover, good-by,” as
Senator Teller and his associates filed out of the hall, marching down
the main aisle. The whole convention was again on its feet yelling,
waving flags, hats and fans, while the band played patriotic airs and
the assemblage sang the chorus, “Three Cheers for the Red, White and
Blue.”
The silver delegates who withdrew were Congressman Hartman of Montana;
Senator Cannon, Congressman Allen and Delegate Thomas Kearns, of Utah;
Senator Pettigrew, of South Dakota; Delegates Cleveland and Strother, of
Nevada; the entire Idaho delegation of six, headed by Senator Dubois;
the whole Colorado delegation of eight; including Senator Teller, the
total number of bolters being twenty-one, including four senators and
two representatives.
Waiting until the excitement had subsided, the chairman announced in
deliberate fashion: “Gentlemen of the Convention, there seem to be
enough delegates left to do business. (Great cheering.) The chair now
asks that a gentleman from Montana who did not go out”—Cheers drowned
the rest of the sentence, and cries were made for Lee Mantle, who was
asked to come to the platform, but declined.
On the call of states for nominations for the Presidency, the first
response was from Iowa. R. M. Baldwin, of Council Bluffs, nominated
Senator W. B. Allison, in a glowing tribute to Senator Allison’s worth
and services.
Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, in a speech of characteristic
eloquence, nominated Hon. Thomas B. Reed.
Hon. Chauncey M. Depew received a warm welcome as he made his way to the
platform to nominate Governor Levi P. Morton, of New York State, which
he did in his usual felicitous style of speech.
Then came the call of Ohio. Amid intense interest and expectation
Governor Foraker went to the platform, and when silence had been
obtained he said:
“Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: It would be exceedingly
difficult, if not entirely impossible, to exaggerate the disagreeable
situation of the last four years. The grand aggregate of the
multitudinous bad results of a Democratic National Administration may be
summed up as one stupendous disaster. It has been a disaster, however,
not without, at least, this one redeeming feature—that it has been fair;
nobody has escaped. (Loud laughter.)
“It has fallen equally and alike on all sections of the country and on
all classes of our people; the just and the unjust, the Republican and
the Democrat, the rich and the poor, the high and the low, have suffered
in common. Poverty and distress have overtaken business: shrunken values
have dissipated fortunes; deficiencies of revenue law have impoverished
the Government, while bond issues and bond syndicates have discredited
and scandalized the country.
“Over against that fearful penalty is, however, to be set down one
great, blessed compensatory result—it has destroyed the Democratic
party. (Cheers and laughter.) The proud columns which swept the country
in triumph in 1892 are broken and hopeless in 1896. Their boasted
principles when put to the test have proved to be delusive fallacies,
and their great leaders have degenerated into warring chieftains of
petty and irreconcilable factions. Their approaching National Convention
is but an approaching National nightmare. No man pretends to be able to
predict any good result to come from it. And no man is seeking the
nomination of that Convention except only the limited few who have
advertised their unfitness for any kind of a public trust by proclaiming
their willingness to stand on any sort of a platform that may be
adopted. (Laughter.)
“The truth is, the party which would stand up under the odium of human
slavery, opposed to the war for the preservation of the Union, to
emancipation, to enfranchisement, to reconstruction and to specie
resumption, is at last to be overmatched and undone by itself. It is
writhing in the throes and agonies of final dissolution. No human agency
can prevent its absolute overthrow at the next election, except only
this Convention. If we make no mistake here, the Democratic party will
go out of power on the 4th day of March, 1897 (applause), to remain out
of power until God, in His infinite wisdom and mercy and goodness, shall
see fit once more to chastise His people. (Loud laughter and applause.)
“So far we have not made any mistake. We have adopted a platform which,
notwithstanding the scene witnessed in this hall this morning, meets the
demands and expectations of the American people.
“It remains for us now, as the last crowning act of our work, to meet
again that same expectation in the nomination of our candidates. What is
that expectation? What is it that the people want? They want as their
candidate something more than ‘a good business man’ (an allusion to Mr.
Depew’s characterization of Governor Morton). They want something more
than a popular leader. They want something more than a wise and
patriotic statesman. They want a man who embodies in himself not only
all these essential qualifications, but those, in addition, which, in
the highest possible degree, typify in name, in character, in record, in
ambition, in purpose, the exact opposite of all that is signified and
represented by that free trade, deficit-making, bond-issuing,
labor-assassinating, Democratic Administration. (Cheers.) I stand here
to present to this Convention such a man. His name is William McKinley.”
At this point pandemonium was let loose, and the Convention gave up to
unrestrained yelling, cheering, horn-blowing, whistling, cat-calling and
all the other devices common to such occasions. A number of red, white
and blue plumes, which (carefully wrapped up) had been brought into the
Convention earlier in the proceedings, were uncovered and waved, while
almost every delegate seemed to be wildly gesticulating with either a
fan or a flag in the air. The band tried in vain to compete with the
ear-splitting clamor, but at last the strains of “Marching Through
Georgia” caught the ears of the crowd, and they joined in the chorus and
gradually quieted down.
Then a portrait of McKinley was hoisted on a line with the United States
flag on the gallery facing the platform, and the cheering began over
again, to which the band responded by playing “Rally Round the Flag,”
the Convention joining in the chorus.
After at least twelve minutes of this kind of proceeding the chair began
to rap for a restoration of order, but without avail.
Senator-elect Foraker stood during all this wild scene smiling his
approval. Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, had in the meantime been called to the
chair by Senator Thurston, but just when he had nearly restored order,
Mrs. H. W. R. Strong, of California, who had presented the plumes in
honor of Ohio’s choice, made her appearance on the floor, waving one of
them, and another uncontrollable outbreak of wholesale temporary
insanity occurred. During the interval of confusion, a three-quarter
face, life-size sculptured bust of McKinley was presented to Mr. Foraker
by the Republican Club of the University of Chicago. The portrait was in
a mahogany frame, decorated with red, white and blue ribbons, and with a
bow of maroon-colored ribbons forming the colors of the university. The
portrait was the work of Harris Hirsch, and was presented by Dr. Lisston
H. Montgomery, of Chicago, with a letter signed by H. L. Ickes,
president of the club. It was accepted by Senator-elect Foraker in dumb
show.
After twenty-five minutes of incessant turmoil Mr. Foraker was allowed
to resume his speech.
He spoke of the great champions of Republicanism in the past, eulogizing
Mr. Blaine particularly, and continued:
“But, greatest of all, measured by present requirements, is the leader
of the House of Representatives, the author of the McKinley Bill, which
gave to labor its richest awards. No other name so completely meets the
requirements of the occasion, and no other name so absolutely commands
all hearts. The shafts of envy and malice and slander and libel and
detraction that have been aimed at him lie broken and harmless at his
feet. The quiver is empty, and he is untouched. That is because the
people know him, trust him, believe him, and will not permit any human
power to disparage him unjustly in their estimation.
“They know that he is an American of Americans. They know that he is
just and able and brave, and they want him for President of the United
States. (Applause.) They have already shown it—not in this or that
State, nor in this or that section, but in all the States and in all the
sections from ocean to ocean, and from the Gulf to the Lakes. They
expect of you to give them a chance to vote for him. It is our duty to
do it. If we discharge that duty we will give joy to their hearts,
enthusiasm to their souls and triumphant victory to our cause.
(Applause.) And he, in turn, will give us an administration under which
the country will enter on a new era of prosperity at home and of glory
and honor abroad, by all these tokens of the present and all these
promises of the future. In the name of the forty-six delegates of Ohio,
I submit his claim to your consideration.” (More applause.)
The high-water mark of enthusiasm was reached when Senator Thurston rose
to second the nomination of McKinley, which he did in eloquent and
forceful words.
In the midst of cries of “vote,” Governor Hastings placed in nomination
Matthew Stanley Quay, at the conclusion of which, amid a profound hush,
the Convention began balloting for a nominee for President of the United
States.
Alabama led off with 1 for Morton and 19 for McKinley, Arkansas and
California following with a solid vote for McKinley. Connecticut gave 5
for Reed and 7 for McKinley; Delaware, its full vote for McKinley;
Florida, 8 for McKinley; Georgia, 2 for Reed, 2 for Quay, and 22 for
McKinley.
When all of the States had been called, the chairman stated, before the
announcement of the result, that application had been made to him for
recognition by delegates of the defeated candidates to make a certain
motion. He thought it the fairest way to recognize them in the order in
which the nominations had been made. He then announced that William
McKinley had received 661½ votes.
Before the chairman could get any further, the enthusiasm of the
Convention broke all bounds. Every man was on his feet, shouting,
hurrahing, cheering, swinging hats and canes in the air, waving flags
and banners and the pampas plumes of California, while through the
Niagara-like rush and roar were caught the notes of “My Country, ’Tis of
Thee,” as the band played with might and main in its attempt to gain the
mastery of the cyclone. The women, if possible, were more frantic than
the men. Parasols, fans, opera-glasses, gloves—anything, everything—were
compelled to help in the magnificent burst of enthusiasm which swept
over and submerged all alike, until it looked as if order could never
again be evolved from the swirling pandemonium.
One fancy caught on with wonderful effect. A young man on the platform
waved on the point of the national banner a laced cocked hat, such as
appears in most of popular representations of the mighty Napoleon. This
symbol of enthusiasm was greeted with rapturous applause, to which the
booming of artillery on the outside contributed.
Finally, after a long, long time, the chairman gained a chance to
complete the announcement of the vote. It was: Thomas B. Reed, 84½;
Senator Quay, 61½; Levi P. Morton, 58; Senator Allison, 35½, and Don
Cameron 1.
The vote by States was as follows:
_McKinley._ _Morton._ _Quay._ _Reed._ _Allison._
Maine 12
Maryland 15 1
Massachusetts 1 29
Michigan 28
Minnesota 18
Mississippi 17 1
Missouri 34
[1]Montana 1
Nebraska 16
Nevada 3
New Hampshire 8
New Jersey 19 1
New York 17 55
North Carolina 19½ 2½
North Dakota 6
Ohio 46
Oregon 8
Pennsylvania 6 58
Rhode Island 8
South Carolina 18
South Dakota 8
Tennessee 24
Texas 21 5 3
Utah 3 3
Vermont 8
Virginia 23 1
Washington 8
West Virginia 12
Wisconsin 24
Wyoming 6
Arizona 6
New Mexico 5 1
Oklahoma 4 1 1
Indian Territory 6
District of Columbia 1 1
Alaska 4
———— ———— ———— ———— ————
Totals 661½ 58 61½ 84½ 35½
Necessary for choice, 454. Total number of delegates present, 906.
Footnote 1:
Blank, 4, and one vote for Cameron from Montana.
Senator Lodge, rising in his delegation, in a forceful speech moved to
make the nomination of Mr. McKinley unanimous. Mr. Hastings, of
Pennsylvania, who had nominated Quay, seconded the motion, as did Thomas
C. Platt on behalf of New York, Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, and J. Madison
Vance, of Louisiana. In answer to loud calls Mr. Depew mounted his chair
in the back of the room, where the rays of the sun beamed on his
countenance, which itself was beaming with good humor, and delivered a
short and characteristically humorous speech.
The chair then put the question, “Shall the nomination be made
unanimous?” and by a rising vote it was so ordered, and the chair
announced that Mr. William McKinley of Ohio was the candidate of the
Republican party for President of the United States.
This great step having been taken, Senator Lodge moved to proceed to the
nomination of a candidate for Vice-President; and, although the
Convention had been in continuous session for eight and a half hours,
the motion was carried, and at twenty minutes past six the roll of the
States was called for such nominations.
Mr. Fessenden nominated the Hon. Morgan G. Bulkeley of Connecticut,
while Judge Franklin Fort of New Jersey placed the Hon. Garret A. Hobart
in nomination. Judge Fort concluded one of the most telling speeches
with the following tribute to his nominee:
“His capabilities are such as would grace any position of honor in the
Nation. Not for himself, but for our State; not for his ambition, but to
give to the Nation the highest type of public official, do we come to
this convention by the command of our State and in the name of the
Republican party of New Jersey unconquered and unconquerable, undivided
and indivisible—with one united voice speaking for all that counts for
good citizenship in our State, and nominate to you for the office of
Vice-President of this Republic, Garret A. Hobart of New Jersey.”
Mr. Humphrey seconded the nomination of Mr. Hobart in the name of the
State of Illinois. Delegate Randolph of Tennessee nominated Henry Clay
Evans of that State, the nomination being seconded by colored Delegate
Smith of Kentucky, who declared the Republican party “the grandest
organization this side of eternity.” Mr. I. C. Walker (colored) of
Virginia, put his fellow-delegate in nomination.
By the time the balloting reached South Dakota it was so evident that
Hobart was to be the fortunate one that many of the delegates began
leaving the hall. The result of the ballot as announced by the chair
was: Hobart, 535½; Evans, 277½; Bulkeley, 39; Lippitt, 8; Walker, 24;
Reed, 3; Thurston, 2; Frederick Grant, 2; Depew, 3; Morton, 1; absent,
23.
Then at ten minutes to eight o’clock, the eleventh National Republican
Convention adjourned _sine die_.
Six hundred miles away, in the State of Ohio, is the pleasant town of
Canton, the home of the nominee of the Republican party for the
Presidency of the United States. What an impressive illustration of the
wonderful studies in discovery it was, that William McKinley, during the
tempestuous scenes we have attempted to describe, sat in his library and
heard the cheering, the shouts, the speeches and the whirlwind which
accompanied his nomination and kept as close track of the proceedings as
if he were sitting on the platform and looking into the sea of upturned
faces! Such was the amazing fact, for the telephone to which his ear was
turned reported everything almost as faithfully as his own eyes and ears
could have done, and he, more than half a thousand miles distant, knew
the result as soon as did the excited delegates themselves.
During the stormy week of the Convention that is described in the
preceding pages, Governor McKinley was sitting on the porch of his
cottage talking to a group of friends, when an old lady was seen
approaching the gate.
“That’s my mother!” he exclaimed, springing to his feet and hurrying
down the walk to meet her. He gave her his arm and, bringing her to the
porch, introduced her to each in turn, saw that she was provided with
the most comfortable chair, and to none gave more loving attention than
to her.
[Illustration:
FUNERAL DECORATIONS IN THE EAST ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE.]
[Illustration:
PRESIDENT AND MRS. McKINLEY, SENATOR HANNA, GENERAL ALGER AND THEIR
FAMILIES AT DINNER.]