FORSAMEKLE as the Quenis Majestie hes understand the great
inconvenientis that may come, through the divisioun presentlie
standing in this Realme, for the difference in materis of Religioun,
that hir Majestie is most desirous to see [it] pacifeit be ane good
ordour, to the honour of God, and tranquillitie of hir Realme, and
meanes to tack the same be advyse of hir Estaitis, sa soon as
convenientlie may be; and that hir Majesties godlie resolutioun
thairin may be greatlie hyndered, in case any tumult or seditioun be
raised amanges the lieges, yf any suddane[642] alteratioun or
novatioun be preassed [at] or attempted, befoir that the ordour may be
establissed: Thairfoir, for eschewing of the saidis inconvenientis,
hir Majestie ordanes letteris[643] to be direct to charge all and
sindrie hir leiges, be oppin proclamatioun at the Mercat Croce of
Edinburgh, and otheris places neidfull, that thai, and everie ane of
thame, conteane thame selffis in quyetnesse, keap peace and civile
societie amongis thame selffis: And in the meanetyme, while the
Estaittis of this Realme may be assembled, and that hir Majestie have
tackin ane finall ordour be thair advyse and publict consent, quhilk
hir Majestie hopes shalbe to the contentment of the haill, That nane
of thame tack upoun hand, privatlie or openlie, to mack alteratioun or
innovatioun of the staite of Religioun, or attempt any thing against
the form quhilk hir Majestie fand publictlie and universallie standing
at hir Majesties arryvell in this hir Realme, under the pane of death:
With certificatioun, that yf any subject of the Realme, shall cum in
the contrarie heirof, he shalbe estemed and holden a seditious persone
and raiser of tumult, and the said paine salbe execut upoun him with
all rigour, to the example of otheris. Attour, hir Majestie, be the
advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsall, commandis and charges
all hir leiges, that nane of thame tack upoun hand to molest or truble
any of hir domesticall servandis, or personis whatsumever, come furth
of France, in hir Gracis cumpany at this tyme, in wourd, deed, or
countenance, for any caus whatsumever, eather within hir Palace or
without, or mack ony derisioun[644] or invasioun upoun any of thame,
under whatsumever cullour or pretence, under the said paine of death:
Albeit hir Majestie be sufficientlie persuaded, that hir good and
loving subjectis wold do the same, for the reverence thai bear to hir
persone and authoritie, notwithstanding that na sick commandiment war
publisshed.
[642] MS. G, omits "suddane."
[643] It appears that such Letters of Proclamation were accordingly
issued on the 29th of August. (Treasurer's Accounts.)
[644] In MS. G, "divisioun."
* * * * *
This Act and Proclamatioun, penned and put in form by such as befoir
professed Christ Jesus, (for in the Counsall then had Papistis neathir
power nor vote,) it was publictlie proclaimed at the Mercat Croce of
Edinburgh, upoun Mononday foirsaid. No man reclamed, nor maid
repugnance to it, except the Erle of Arrane onlie;[645] who, in open
audience of the Heraldis and people protested, "That he dissasented
that any protectioun or defence should be maid to the Quenis
domestickis, or to any that came from France, to offend Goddis
Majestie, and to violat the lawis of the Realme, more then to any
other subject: for Goddis law had pronunced death against the
idolater, and the lawis of the realme had appoynted punishment for
sayaris and heararis of Masse; quhilkis, (said he,) I here protest, be
universallie observed, and that none be exempted, unto such tyme as a
law, als publictlie maid, and als consonant to the law of God, have
disannulled the formar." And thairupoun he took documentis, as the
tenour of this his Protestatioun doeth witnesse:--
[645] MS. L 4, has this marginal note, "The Erle of Arran's
protestation against this proclamation."
* * * * *
IN sa far as be this Proclamatioun it is understand to the Kirk of
God, and memberis thairof, that the Quenis Grace is mynded, that the
treu religioun and wyrschipping ellis establissed procead fordwart,
that it may daly increase, unto the Parliament, that ordour then may
be tane for extirpatioun of all idolatrie within this Realme: We
rander maist hartlie thankis to the Lord our God for hir Gracis good
mynd, earnestlie praying that it may be encreassed in hir Hienes, to
the honour and glorie of His name, and weill of his Kirk within this
Realme. And as tueching the molestatioun of hir Hienes servandis, we
suppose that nane dare be sa bald as anes to move thair fyngar at
thame, in doing of thair lefull busines; and as for us, we have
learned at oure maister Christis school, "to keap peace with all men;"
and thairfoir for our part, we will promeis that obedience unto hir
Majestie (as is our dewitie) that nane of hir servandis salbe
molested, trubled, or anes tueched, be the Kirk, or any member
thairof, in doing thair lefull affairis. But, sen that God hes said,
"The idolater shall die the death;" we Protest solempnedlie, in
presence of God, and in the earis of the haill people that hearis this
Proclamatioun, and specialie in presence of you Lyoun Herald, and of
the rest of your collegues, &c., makaris of this Proclamatioun, that
yf any of hir servandis shall commit idolatrie, specialie say Messe,
participat thairwith, or tack the defence thairof, (quhilkis we war
leyth should be in hir Grace cumpany,) in that caise, that this
Proclamatioun be nott extended to thame in that behalf, nor be not a
salfgard or gyrth to thame in that behalf, na mair nor give thai
committ slauchter or murther, seing the ane is mekle mair abhominable
and odiouse in the syght of God, then is the other: But that it may be
laughtfull to inflict upoun thame the painis conteyned in Goddis word
aganis idolateris, whairever thai may be apprehended, but favour. And
this oure Protestatioun we desyre you to notifie unto hir, and gif hir
the copie heirof, least hir Hienes should suspect ane uproar, gif we
should all come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year
foirsaid.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ROBERT CAMPBELL TO THE LORD VCHILTRIE.]
[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PRACTISES AT THE FIRST.]
This baldnes did somewhat exasperat the Quene, and such as favoured
hir in that poynt. As the Lordis, callit[646] of the Congregatioun,
repared unto the Town, at the first cuming thai schew thame selves
wonderouslie offended, that the Messe was permitted; so that everie
man as he cam accused thame that war befoir him: but after that thai
had remaned a certane space, thai war as quyet as war the formare.
Which thing perceaved, a zealous and godlie man, Robert Campbell of
Kingzeancleucht, said unto the Lord Vchiltrie, "My Lord, now ye are
come, and almost the last of all the rest; and I perceave, by your
anger, that the fyre-edge is nott of you yit; but I fear, that after
that the holy watter of the Courte be sprinckled upoun you, that ye
sall become als temperat[647] as the rest: For I have bene here now
fyve dayis, and at the first I hard everie man say, 'Let us hang the
Preast;' but after that thai had bene twyse or thrise in the Abbay,
all that fervency was past. I think thair be some inchantment whareby
men ar bewitched." And in verray deed so it came to pass: for the
Quenis flattering wordis, upoun the ane pairte, ever still crying,
"Conscience, conscience: it is a sore thing to constreane the
conscience;" and the subtile persuasionis of hir suppostis (we mean
evin of such as sometymes war judged most fervent with us) upoun the
other parte, blynded all men, and putt thame in this opinioun, sche
wilbe content to hear the preaching; and so no doubt but sche may be
wone. And thus of all it wes concluded, to suffer hir for a tyme.
[646] In MSS. G, A, and L 4, "then called." The latter has this
marginal note, "The fervencie of professors cooled."
[647] In MS. G, "als temperat here."
[Sidenote: THE JUDGMENT OF JOHNE KNOX UPOUN THE SUFFERING OF THE
QUENIS MESSE.][648]
[648] MS. L 4, instead of this marginal note, has "Mr. Knox findeth
fault with the toleration of the Quenis Messe."
[Sidenote: THE COURTEOURIS.]
[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX CONFESSIOUN.]
The nixt Sounday, Johnne Knox, inveighing against idolatrie, schew
what terrible plagues God had tacken upoun Realmes and Nationis for
the same; and added, "That one Messe (thair war no mo suffered at the
first) was more fearful to him then gif ten thousand armed enemyes war
landed in any pairte of the Realme, of purpose to suppress the hoill
religioun. For (said he) in our God thair is strenth to resist and
confound multitudis, yf we unfeanedlie depend upoun him; whairof
heirtofoir we haif had experience; but when we joyne handis with
idolatrie, it is no doubt but that both Godis amicable presence and
confortable defence leaveth us, and what shall then become of us?
Allace, I fear that experience shall teach us to the greaf of many."
At these wordis, the guydaris of of the Court mocked, and plainlie
spak, "That such fear was no poynt of thair fayth: it was besyd his
text, and was a verray untymelie admonitioun." But we heard this same
Johnne Knox, in the audience of the same men, recyte the same wordis
agane in the myddest of trubles; and in the audience of many ask God
mercy, that he was nott more vehement and upryght in the suppressing
of that idoll in the begynning. "For, (said he,) albeit that I spack
that which offended some, (which this day thai see and feall to be
treu,) yit did I not [that] which I myght have done; for God had not
onlie gevin unto me knowledge, and toung to maik the impietie of that
idoll knowin unto this Realme, but he had gevin unto me credyte with
many, who wold have put in executioun Goddis judgmentis, yf I wold
onlie have consented thairto: But so cairfull was I[649] of that
commoun tranquillitie, and so loth was I to have offended those of
whom I had conceaved a good opinioun, that in secreat conference with
earnest and zealous men, I travaled rather to mitigat, yea, to slokin,
that fervencye that God had kyndled in otheris, than to animat or
encorage thame to put thair handis to the Lordis work: Whairintill I
unfeanedlie acknowledge my selff to have done most wickedlie; and from
the bottom of my hart, askis of my God grace and pardon, for that I
did not what in me lay to have suppressed that idoll in the begining."
These and other wordis did many hear him speak in publict place, in
the moneth of December, the year of God J^m V^c and threscoir fyve
yearis, when such as at the Quenis arryvell onlie manteyned the Masse,
war exyled the Realme, summoned upoun treassone, and decreit of
forfaltour intended against thame. But to return from whence we have
digressed.
[649] MS. G, adds here, "quoth he."
[Sidenote: THE FIRST REASSONING BETWIX THE QUEYN AND JOHNE KNOX.]
Whetther it was by counsall of otheris, or of the Quenis awin desyre,
we knaw not; but the Quene spack with Johne Knox, and had long
ressoning with him, none being present except the Lord James: (two
gentilwemen stood[650] in the other end of the house.) The summe of
thair reassoning was this. The Quene accused him, that he had raysed a
part of hir subjectis against hir Mother, and against hir self: That
he had writtin a book against hir just authoritie, (sche ment the
treatise against the Regiment of Wemen[651]) which sche had, and
should caus the most learned in Europe to wryte against it: That he
was the caus of great seditioun and great slauchter in England; and
that it was said to hir, that all which he did was by necromancye, &c.
[650] In MSS. G, and L4, "two gentilmen."
[651] See this vol. i. page 28.
To the whiche the said Johne answered, "Madam, it may please your
Majestie patientlie to hear my sempill ansures. And first, (said he,)
yf to teach the treuth of God in synceritie, yf to rebuke idolatrie,
and to will a people to wyrschip God according to his word, be to
raise subjectis against thair Princes, then can not I be excused; for
it hes pleased God of his mercy to mack me ane (amongis many) to
disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun,
and the deceat, pryde, and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist. Bot,
Madam, yf the treu knowledge of God, and his rycht wirschipping be the
cheaf causses, that must move men from thair heart to obey thair just
Princes, (as it is most certane that thai ar,) whairin can I be
reprehended? I think, and am surelie persuaded, that your Grace have
had, and presentlie have, als unfeaned obedience, of such as profess
Jesus Christ within this Realme, as ever your Father, or other
progenitouris had of those that war called Bischoppis. And tueching
that booke, which seameth so highlie to offend your Majestie, it is
most certane that I wrait it, and am content that all the learned of
the world judge of it. I hear that ane Englishe man hath writtin
against it,[652] but I have not redd him. Yf he have sufficientlie
improved my ressones, and establissed his contrarie propositioun, with
als evident testimonyes as I have done myne, I shall nott be obstinat,
but shall confess my errour and ignorance. Bot to this hour I have
thocht, and yit thinkis my self allone to be more able to sustene the
thingis affirmed in that my wark, than any ten in Europe salbe able to
confute it."
[652] John Aylmer: see this vol. page 26, note 3.
"Ye think then, (quod sche,) that I have no just authoritie?"
"Pleise your Majestie, (said he,) that learned men in all aiges have
had thair judgmentis free, and most commonlie disagreing frome the
commoun judgment of the warld; suche also have thei publisshed, boyth
with pen and toung, and yit notwithstanding thei thame selves have
lived in the commoun societie with otheris, and have borne patientlie
with the errours and imperfectionis whiche thei could not amend.
Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Bookis of the Commounwealth, in the
whiche he dampneth many thingis that then war manteaned in the world,
and required many thingis to have bene reformed; and yitt,
notwithstanding he lived evin under suche policies, as then war
universallie receaved, without farther trubling of any estait. Evin
so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with a
testimonye of a good conscience. I have communicat my judgment to the
world: Yf the Realme fyndis no inconvenience frome the regiment of a
woman, that whiche thei approve shall I not farther disallow, then
within my awin breast, but salbe alse weall content to lyve under your
Grace, as Paull was to lyve under Nero; and my hope is, that so long
as that ye defyle not your handis with the blood of the sanctis of
God, that neather I nor that Booke shall eather hurt you or your
authoritie: for in verray deed, Madame, that Book was written most
especialie against that wicked Jesabell of England."[653]
[653] That is, Mary, Queen of England.
"But (said sche) ye speak of women in generall."
"Most treu it is, Madame, (said the other,) and yit it appeareth to me
that wisdome should persuade your Grace, never to raise truble for
that, whiche to this day hath not trubled your Majestie, neather in
persone nor yit in authoritie. For of lait yearis, many thingis,
whiche befoir war haldin stable, have bene called in doubt; yea thei
have bene plainlie impugned. But yit, Madame, (said he,) I am assured
that neather Protestant nor Papist shalbe abill to prove, that any
suche questioun was at any time moved in publict or in secreat. Now,
Madam, (said he,) yf I had intended to have trubled your estaite,
becaus ye ar a woman, I myght have chosen a tyme more convenient for
that purpose, then I can do now, when your awin presence is within the
Realme.
"But now, Madam, schortlie to ansuer to the other two accusationis. I
hartlie praise my God, throwgh Jesus Christ, that Sathan the ennemye
of mankynd, and the wicked of the world, have no other crymes to lay
to my charge, then suche as the verray world it self knoweth to be
most fals and vane. For in England I wes resident onlie the space of
fyve yearis.[654] The places war Berwick, whair I abode two yearis; so
long in the New Castell; and a year in London. Now, Madam, yf in any
of these places, during the tyme that I wes thair, any man salbe able
to prove, that thair wes eather battell, seditioun, or mutinie, I
shall confesse that I my selff was the malefactour, and the scheddar
of the bloode. I eschame not, Madam, farther to affirme, that God so
blissed my waik laubouris, that in Berwick (whair commonlie befoir
thair used to be slauchter, be ressone of quarrellis that used to
aryse amongis soldartis) thair was as great quyetnes, all the tyme
that I remaned thair, as thair is this day in Edinburgh.[655] And
whare the sclander me of magick, nycromancie, or of any other arte
forbidden of God, I have witnesses, (besydis my awin conscience,)
all[656] congregationis that ever heard me, what I spake both against
suche artis, and against those that use suche impietie. But, seing the
wicked of the world said, That my Maister, the Lord Jesus, was
possessed with Beelzebub, I man patientlie bear, albeit that I,
wretched synnar, be injustlie accused of those, that never delyted in
the veritie."
[654] Knox's residence in England extended from the period of his
release from the French galleys till the death of Edward the Sixth,
(1549-1553:) see vol. i. pp. xv. xvi.
[655] Knox's interview took place on a Tuesday, the 26th of August.
Randolph alludes to it in a letter to Cecil, dated 7th September. Mr.
Knox spoke upon Tuesday with the Quene. "He knocked so hardelye upon
her harte, that he made her weepe, as well you know ther be of that
sexe that will do that as well for anger as for greef, &c.... The
brute [report] that he hathe tawlked with the Quene maketh the
Papistis dowte what wyll become of the worlde." (Wright's Queen
Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 72.)
[656] In MS. G, "all the."
[Sidenote: THE QUENIS SECOUND OBJECTIOUN.]
"But yit, (said sche) ye have taught the peeple to receave ane other
Religioun, than thair Princes can allow: And how can that doctrin be
of God, seing, that God commandis subjectis to obey thair Princes?"
[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]
"Madam, (said he,) as rycht Religioun tooke nather originall
strenth[657] nor authoritie frome worldly Princes, but frome the
Eternall God allone, so are not subjectis bound to frame thair
Religioun according to the appetites of thair Princes. For oft it is,
that Princes ar the most ignorant of all otheris in Goddis treu
Religioun, as we may reid in the historyes alse weill befoir the death
of Christ Jesus, as efter. Yf all the sead of Abraham should have bene
of the Religioun of Pharao, whome to thei war lang subjectis, I pray
you, Madam, what Religioun should thair have bene in the world? Or, yf
all men in the dayis of the Apostles should have bene of the Religioun
of the Romane Emperouris, what Religioun should thair have bene upoun
the face of the earth? Daniell and his fellowis war subjectis to
Nabuchadonozzar, and unto Darius, and yitt, Madam, thei wold nott be
of thair Religioun, neather of the one or of the other: for the thre
Children said, "We maik it known unto thee, O King, that we will not
worschip thy goddis." And Daniell did pray publictlie unto his God
against the expressed commandiment of the King. And so, Madam, ye may
perceave, that subjectis ar not bound to the Religioun of thair
Princes, albeit thei ar commanded to geve thame obedience."
[657] MS. G, omits this word, "strenth."
[Sidenote: THE THIRD OBJECTIOUN.]
"Yea, (quod sche,) but nane of thai men raised the sweard against
thair Princes."
[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]
"Yit, Madam, (quod he,) ye cane not deny but that they resisted: for
these that obey nott the commandimentis that ar gevin, in some sort
resist."
[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]
"But yit, (said sche,) thei resisted not by the sweard?"
[Sidenote: [ANSWER.]]
"God, (said he,) Madam, had not gevin unto thame the power and the
meanes."
"Think ye, (quod sche,) that subjectis having power may resist thair
Princes?"
[Sidenote: QUESTION TO ANSWER THE FORMAR]
[Sidenote: BLYND ZEALL WHAT.]
[Sidenote: WHEN THIS WAS WRITTEN, THAIR WES NO APPEARANCE OF MARIES
IMPREASONMENT.][658]
[658] This marginal note in MS. 1566, occurs in one of the re-written
sets or quires, and is in the same hand with the text. The reference
is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochlevin Castle, in
June 1567, from whence she made her escape on the 2d May 1568.
"Yf thair Princes exceed thair boundis, (quod he,) Madam, and do
against that whairfoir they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but thei
may be resisted, evin by power. For thair is neather greattar honour,
nor greattar obedience to be gevin to kings or princes, then God hes
commanded to be gevin unto father and mother: But so it is, Madam,
that the father may be stricken with a phrensye, in the which he wold
slay his awin childrene. Now, Madame, yf the children aryese, joyne
thame selfis togetther, apprehend the father, tack the sweard or other
weaponis frome him, and finallie bind his handis, and keape him in
preasone, till that his phrenesy be over past; think ye, Madam, that
the children do any wrang? Or, think ye, Madam, that God wilbe
offended with thame that have stayed thair father to committ
wickedness? It is even so, (said he,) Madam, with Princes that wold
murther the children of God that are subject unto thame. Thair blynd
zeall is no thing but a verray mad phrenesie; and thairfoir, to tack
the sweard frome thame, to bynd thair handis, and to cast thame selfis
in preasone, till that thei be brought to a more sober mynd, is no
disobedience against princes, but just obedience, becaus that it
aggreith with the will of God."
At these wordis, the Quene stood as it war amased, more then the
quarter of ane hour. Hir countenance altered, so that Lord James
begane to entreat her, and to demand, "What hes offended you, Madam?"
[Sidenote: THE QUENIS CONCLUSIOUN.]
At lenth, sche said, "Weall then I perceave that my subjectis shall
obey you,[659] and not me; and shall do what thei list, and nott what
I command: and so man I be subject to thame, and nott thei to me."
[659] Namely, John Knox.
"God forbid, (answered he,) that ever I tack upoun me to command any
to obey me, or yitt to set subjectis at libertie to do what pleaseth
thame. Bot my travell is, that boyth princes and subjectis obey God.
And think not, (said he,) Madam, that wrong is done unto you, when ye
ar willed to be subject unto God: for it is he that subjects people
under princes, and causses obedience to be gevin unto thame; yea, God
craves of Kingis That thei be as it war foster-fatheris to his
Churche, and commands Quenis to be nurisses unto his people. And this
subjectioun, Madam, unto God, and unto his trubled Churche, is the
greatest dignitie that flesche can get upoun the face of the earth,
for it shall cary thame to everlasting glorie."
[Sidenote: THE QUENIS KIRK.]
"Yea, (quod sche,) but ye are not the Kirk that I will nureiss. I will
defend the Kirk of Rome, for, I think, it is the treu Kirk of God."
"Your will, (quod he,) Madam, is no reassone; neather doeth your
thoght maik that Romane harlot to be the treu and immaculat spous of
Jesus Christ. And wonder nott, Madam, that I call Rome a harlott; for
that Churche is altogidder polluted with all kynd of spirituall
fornicatioun, alsweall in doctrine as in maneris. Yea, Madam, I offer
myselff farther to prove, that the Churche of the Jewes that crucifyed
Christ Jesus, was not so far degenerated frome the ordinances and
statutis which God gave be Moses and Aharon unto his people, when that
thei manifestlie denyed the Sone of God,[660] as that the Churche of
Rome is declyned, and more than five hundreth year hath declyned frome
the puritie of that Religioun, whiche the Apostles taught and
planted."
[660] In MS. G, these words are transposed.
"My conscience, (said sche,) is nott so."
"Conscience, Madam, (said he,) requyres knowlege; and I fear that
rycht knowlege ye have none."
"But, (said sche,) I have bayth heard and red."
[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]
"So, (said he,) Madam, did the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, read
both the Law and the Prophetis, and heard the same interprete after
thair maner. Have ye heard, (said he,) any teache, but such as the
Pope and his Cardinalles have allowed? And ye may be assured, that
suche will speak nothing to offend thair awin estaite."
[Sidenote: ANSWRE.]
"Ye interprete the Scripturis (said she,) in one maner, and thei
interprete in ane other; Whome shall I beleve? And who shalbe judge?"
[Sidenote: MESSE.]
"Ye shall beleve (said he,) God, that planelie speaketh in his word:
and farther then the word teaches you, ye neather shall beleve the ane
or the other. The word of God is plane in the self; and yf thair
appear any obscuritie in one place, the Holy Ghost, whiche is never
contrariouse to him self, explanes the same more clearlie in other
places: so that thair can remane no doubt, but unto suche as
obstinatlie remane ignorant. And now, (said he,) Madam, to tack ane of
the cheaf pointis, whiche this day is in contraversie betwix the
Papistis and us: for example, the Papistis allege, and boldly have
affirmed, That the Messe is the ordinance of God, and the institutioun
of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the synnes of the quyck and the
dead. We deny bothe the one and the other, and affirme, that the
Messe, as it is now used, is nothing but the inventioun of man; and,
thairfoir, is an abominatioun befoir God, and no sacrifice that ever
God commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus
contending? It is no reassone that eather of the parteis be farther
beleved, then thei are able to prove by insuspect witnessing: Let
thame lay down the book of God, and by the plane wordis thairof prove
their affirmatives, and we shall geve unto thame the pley granted. But
so long as thei ar bold to affirme, and yit do prove nothing, we man
say, that albeit all the warld beleved thame, yit beleve thei not God,
but receaves the lyes of men for the treuth of God. What oure maister
Jesus Christ did, we know by his Evangelistis: what the preast doeth
at his Messe, the warld seeth. Now, doeth nott the word of God
planelie assure us, that Christ Jesus neather said, nor yit commanded
Messe to be said at his Last Suppar, seing that no suche thing as
thair Messe is maid mentioun of within the whole Scripturis?"
"Ye ar oure sair for me, (said the Quene,) but and yf thai war here
that I have heard, thai wold ansuer you."
"Madam, (quod the other,) wold to God that the learnedest Papist in
Europe, and he that ye wold best beleve, war present with your Grace
to sustene the argument; and that ye wald patientlie abyd to hear the
mater reassoned to the end; for then I doubt not, Madam, but that ye
should hear the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun, and how
small[661] ground it hath within the wourd of God."
[661] In MS. G, "how little."
"Weall (said sche) ye may perchance gett that sonner than ye beleve."
"Assuredlie, (said the other) yf ever I gett that in my lyeff, I gett
it sonnar than I beleif; for the ignorant Papistis can not patientlie
reassoun, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your
audience, Madam, to have the ground of thair religioun searched out;
for thai know that thai ar never able to sustene ane argument, except
fyre and sweard, and thair awin lawis be judges."
"So say ye, (quod the Quene,) but I cane beleve that."
"It hes bene so to this day,[662] (quod he,) for how oft have the
Papistis in this and other realmes bein required to come to
conference, and yitt could it never be obteaned, unless that thame
selfis war admitted for judges. And thairfoir, Madam, I must yitt say
agane, that thai dar never dispute, but whare thame selfis are both
judge and partye. And whensoever that ye shall let me see the
contrarye, I shall grant my selff to have bene deceaved in that
poynt."
[662] In MS. G, these words are added to the preceding sentence. In
MS. L 4, the words are arranged, and perhaps more correctly thus:--"So
say ye," said the Quene, "Bot (said he) I can believe that it has not
been this day," &c.
And with this the Quene was called upon to dennar, for it was
after-noon. At departing, Johnne Knox said unto hir, "I pray God,
Madam, that ye may be als blessed within the Commoun-wealth of
Scotland, yf it be the pleasur of God, as ever Debora was in the
Commoun-wealth of Israell."
* * * * *
Of this long Conference, whairof we onlie tueich a part, war diverse
opinionis. The Papistis grudged, and feared that which thai neided
not. The godlye, thinking at least that sche wold have heard the
preaching, rejoised; but thai war alluterly deceaved, for sche
continewed in her Messing; and dispised and quyetlie mocked all
exhortationis.
[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGMENT OF THE QUENE AT THE FIRST, AND EVER
SINCE.]
Johne Knox his awin judgement, being be some of his[663] familiaris
demanded, What he thought of the Quene? "Yf thair be not in hir (said
he) a proud mynd, a crafty witt, and ane indurat hearte against God
and his treuth, my judgment faileth me."
[663] In MS. G, "his awn."
* * * * *
When the hoill Nobilitie war convened, the Lordis of Privey Counsall
war chosen,[664] who war appointed,[665] the Duke his Grace, the Erles
of Huntley, Ergyle, Atholl, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merschell, Bothwell:
Lordis Erskin, &c., Lord James, &c. Of these war a certane appointed
to wait upoun [the] Court by course; but that ordour continewed not
lang.
[664] In MS. L 4, "those that war appointed, war."
[665] The meeting of the Privy Council, referred to, was held in the
Palace of Holyrood, on the 6th of September 1561. See an extract from
the Register, in Keith's History, (new edit. vol. ii. p. 78.)
Duck D'Omell[666] returned with the galayes to France. The Quene
entered in hir progresses, and in the moneth of September traveled
from Edinburgh to Lynlythqu, Striveling, Sanct Johnestoun, Dondie,
Sanctandrois;[667] which all partis sche polluted with hir idolatrie.
Fyre followed hir verray commounlie in that jorney. The townis
propyned hir liberallie, and thairof war the Frenche enriched.
[666] Claude, Duke d'Aumale, (see note 6, page 268.) On Sunday, the
last of August, he was present at the banquet given by the Town of
Edinburgh to the Queen and the French princes; and on the following
day, "the said Monssieur Domell [d'Aumale] depairtit with the twa
gallionis, quhilk brocht the Quenis Grace hame, to France." (Diurnal
of Occurrents, p. 67.) The Queen, on the 24th of August, had granted
precepts for the following sums, £37, 10s. to be paid "to John Terrie,
maister of ane schip;" 100 crounis of the sun "to six pilots, of the
twa galeris;" £66, 13s. 4d. to "Monsieur Tynnance, to be distributit
amangis the officiaris of the twa galeris;" and 200 crounis of the
sun, or £266, 13s. 4d. to Monsieur Tynnance, for his own use.
(Treasurer's Accounts.)
It may be added, that the Grand Prior, the Sieur Damville, and most of
their attendants, returned by land, intending to visit the English
Court. They were accompanied to Berwick by several of the Scottish
Nobility; the Queen having addressed letters "to some Lords and others
to convoy the Grande Priour and Mons^r. Damweile of Edinburgh to
Berwick," on the 8th and 9th of October. About the same time, the
Treasurer "deliverit to the Quenis Grace ane chene of gold contenand
J^o 1. (150) crounis of the sone, and twa chenis of gold, ilk ane of
tham contenand 1. (50) crounis of the sone, quhilk hir Grace deliverit
to Mons^r. Marquess, to gif three Frenche men that passit with the
Grande Priour and Mons^r. Danweill--Summa, £333, 6s. 8d." There was
also paid to James Mosman, goldsmith, for making these chains, £29,
10s., and 20s. in drink-silver to his servants.
[667] Preparatory to the Queen's progress, her Master Stabler, on the
6th September, purchased 10 horses or haikneys. She was accompanied by
two of her Uncles, Monsieur Damville, and a number of ladies. She set
out from Holyrood Palace on horseback, after dinner, on the 11th of
that month, and remained at Linlithgow Palace that night, and the
following day; on the 13th she rode to Stirling Castle, and was there
on Sunday the 14th; on the 15th she passed through Alloa to
Kincardine, or, as some authorities state, to Leslie Castle in Fife;
on the 17th she came to Perth; on the 19th to Dundee; crossed the Tay
to St. Andrews, on the 20th; a few days afterwards she proceeded to
Falkland Palace; and returned to Holyrood on Monday the 29th of
September 1561. (Chalmers's Queen Mary, 2d edit. vol. i. pp. 82-86;
Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 69.)
[Sidenote: BALFOUR, HIS DOCTRINE.]
In the begyning of October,[668] sche returned to Edinburgh, and at
the day appointed sche was receaved in the Castell. Great
preparationis war maid for hir enteress in the town. In ferses, in
masking, and in other prodigalities, faine wold fooles have
counterfooted France. Whatsoever myght sett furth hir glory, that sche
heard, and glaidlye beheld. The keyes war delivered unto hir by a
pretty boy, descending as it war from a cloud. The verses of hir awin
praise sche heard, and smyled. But when the Bible was presented, and
the praise thairof declared, sche began to frown: for schame sche
could not refuise it.[669] But she did no better, for immediatelie
sche gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the Realme, to wit,
to Arthoure Erskyn.[670] Edinburgh since that day had reaped as thai
sew. Thai gave hir some taist of thair prodigalitie; and becaus the
liquor was sweet, sche hes licked of that buist oftar than twyse
since.[671] All men know what we mean: the Quene can not lack, and the
subjectis have.
[668] See next page, note 1.
[669] From the preceding note it will be seen that Queen Mary returned
from her progress on the 29th of September; and that Knox has mistaken
the date of her first entry into Edinburgh. It was on Tuesday the 2d
September. A minute and interesting notice of it occurs in the Diurnal
of Occurrents, p. 67, but the passage is too long for quotation. She
rode through the town to the Castle, where she dined at 12 o'clock;
and then returning, various pageants were represented in different
parts of the town, as she proceeded, convoyed by the nobility and
chief inhabitants, dressed in velvet gowns and bonnets, carrying a
pall of fine purple velvet, with fringes of gold and silk. Upon
reaching the Palace of Holyrood, she received a _propyne_, or gift of
a cupboard, "quhilk was double our-gilt; the price thairof was 2000
merks." Randolph, in his letter to Cecil, on the 7th September, also
mentions that part of the pageant to which Knox alludes. He says,
"Upon Tuesday last the Queen made her entry. She dyned in the Castle.
The fyrst syghte she sawe after she cam oute of the Castle, was a boye
of six yeres of age, that cam, as it were, from heaven oute of a
rounde globe, that presented unto hir a Bible and Psalter, and the
keys of the gates, and spake unto her the verses which I send you.
There, for the terrible sygnifications of the vengeance of God upon
idolatrie, ther war burnt Coron, Dathan, and Abiram, in the tyme of
thair sacrifice. Thei war mynded to have had a priest (that is, the
representation of a priest) burned at the altar, at the elevation. The
Erle of Huntlye stayed that pagent, but hath playde manye as wicked as
that since he came hyther." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 73.)
The expenses attending the "Banquet" on the 31st August, and the
"Triumph," on the 2d September, cost the inhabitants of Edinburgh the
sum of 4000 merks, which it was resolved should be levied by a general
stent or assessment.
[670] Arthur Erskine was Captain of the Queen's guard. He was present
at supper in Queen Mary's apartment the night of Riccio's murder. And
having escaped from her temporary confinement in Holyrood, on the
night of the 11th of March 1566, she "came to the place where Arthur
Ersken, the captayn of her garde kept the horses, and so rode her waye
behinde Arthur Erskin untill she cam to Seton. There she took a horse
to herself, and rode to Dunbarre," &c. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol.
i. p. 231.) In April 1562, the Treasurer paid "be the Quenis Grace
speciall command, to Arthur Erskin to by him ane hors, £40:" and on
the 2d of June 1565, in like manner there was paid "to Arthur Erskin
ane of the maisteris of hir Graces Curie to by him ane horse, xx
crownis." In December 1564, he is styled "Arthur Erskine of
Blackgrange, brother-german to John Lord Erskine." (Register of
Signatures.) He was probably the ancestor of the Erskines of
Scotscraig in Fife, who flourished in the following century.
[671] In MS. A, the marginal note is thus inserted in the text, "ance
or twice since this was Balfoures rule."
In Edinburgh it hath bene ane auncient and laudable custom, that the
Provest, Baillies, and Counsall, after thair electioun, which useth to
be at Michaelmess, caused publictlie proclame[672] the Statutes and
Ordinances of the town. And thairfoir Archibald Dowglas, Provest;
Edwarde Hope, Adame Fowllartoun, [Mr. James Watsone, and David
Somer,][673] Baillies, caused proclame, according to the formar
Statutes of the town, that no adulterar, [no fornicatour,] no noted
drunkard, no mess-mongare, no obstinate Papistis that corrupted the
people, such as preastis, freiris, and otheris of that sorte, should
be found within the toun within fourty-aught houris thairafter, under
the paines conteaned in the statutes. Which blawin in the Quenis
earis, thair began pryde and maliciousnes to schaw the self; for
without farther cognitioun of the caus, was the Provest and Baillies
charged to ward in the Castell; and immediatlie was commandiment
gevin, that other Provest and Baillies should be elected.[674]
[672] Keith has accused Knox of misstating this fact. Had he examined
the Council Records more carefully, he would have found direct
evidence of the practice of proclaiming the Statutes enacted by the
Council, to which Knox alludes, on the 8th November 1555. Knox's
account of the change of the Magistracy of Edinburgh is quite correct,
although it has also been called in question. Upon examining the
Council Records, it appears that Archibald Douglas was Provost; and
Mr. James Watson, David Somer, Edward Hope, and Adam Foullarton,
Baillies, in 1560-1561; and that on the 24th March 1560-1,
proclamation was made of the Act 1560, against Priests, Adulterars,
&c. At the next election in September 1561, Douglas was re-elected
Provost, with David Forster, Robert Kar, Alexander Home, and Allan
Dikesoun, as Baillies. On the 2d October, the above proclamation was
ordered to be made on the following day; and on the 5th, the Queen
sent a macer enjoining the Town Council to deprive their new
Magistrates, and to appoint others in their room. A new election
accordingly took place on the 8th of October, as detailed at
considerable length by Maitland, (Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 21.)
[673] In MS. 1566, and also in MSS. G and A, a blank space is left for
these names; in MS. L 4, "&c." is supplied; and this marginal note
added, "The Provost, Baillies, of Edinburgh changed at the Quenes
command."
[674] See note 2, p. 289, respecting the election. In a letter to
Cecill, Knox, on the 7th October 1561, writes:--"At this verry instant
ar the Provost of Edinburgh and Baillies thairof, command to ward in
thare Tolboght, be reason of thair proclamatioun against Papists and
hoormongeris. The whole blame lyeth upon the necke of the two
fornamed," viz. Lord James Stewart and Lethington.
[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST PRYDE AFTER HIR ARRYVALL.]
Some ganestood for a while the new electioun, alledgeing, that the
Provest and Baillies whom thai had chosen, and to whom thai had gevin
thair oath, had committed no offence whairfoir that justlie thai aught
to be depryved. But whill charge was doubled upoun charge, and no man
was found to oppone thame selffis to iniquitie,[675] Jesabellis letter
and wicked will is obeyed as a law. And so was Mr. Thomas Mackalzeane
chosen[675] for the other. The man, no doubt, was boyth discreat and
sufficient for that charge;[676] but the depositioun of the other was
against all law. God be mercyfull to some of our owen; for thai war
not all blameless that hir wicked will was so far obeyed.
[675] In MS. G, "to oppone himself to impietie."
[676] In MS. G, "Mr. Thomas M'Cally chosen Provost."--Mr. Thomas
M'Calzean of Cliftonhall, was educated at St. Andrews, being a
fellow-student with George Buchanan, in St. Salvator's College in
1525. He was admitted Advocate in 1549, and became Assessour of the
Town of Edinburgh; and was chosen Provost in 1558, as well as on the
above occasion. He was appointed a Lord of Session, 20th October 1570;
and died 5th June 1581.
[Sidenote: THE QUENIS TREW LIEGES, WHA?]
A contrair proclamatioun was publictlie maid, that the toun should be
patent unto all the Quenis lieges; and so murtheraris, adulteraris,
theavis, hooris, drunkardis, idolateris, and all malefactouris, gatt
protectioun under the Quenis wyngis, under that cullour, becaus thai
war of hir religioun. And so gatt the Devill fredome agane, whair that
befoir he durst nott have bene sene in the day lyght upoun the commoun
streatis. "Lord deliver us from that bondage."
[Sidenote: THE DEVILL GETTING ENTRESS WITH HIS FYNGAR, WILL SCHOOT
FURTH[677] HIS HOLL ARME.]
[677] In MS. G, "will schut in."
The Devill finding his rainzeis lowse, ran fordwarte in his course;
and the Quene took upoun hir grettar boldness than sche and Baalles
bleatting preastis[678] durst have attempted befoir. For upoun
Allhallow day[679] thai blended up thair Messe with all myscheivous
solempnitie. The ministeris thairat offended, in plane and publict
place, declared the inconvenientis that thairupoun should ensew. The
Nobilitie war sufficientlie admonished of thair dewiteis. But
affectioun caused men to call that in doubt, whairin schort befoir
thai seamed to be most resolute, to wit, "Whitther that subjectis
mycht put to thair hand to suppresse the idolatrie of thair Prince?"
And upoun this questioun conveined in the house of Mr. James[680]
Mackgill, the Lord James, the Erle of Mortoun, the Erle Merschell,
Secretarie Lethingtoun, the Justice Cleark,[681] and Cleark of
Registre;[682] who all reassoned for the parte of the Quene,
affirmyng, "That the subjectis mycht not lauchfullie tack hir Messe
frome hir." In the contrair judgement war the principall Ministeris,
Mr. Johne Row,[683] Maister George Hay,[684] Maister Robert
Hammyltoun,[685] and Johne Knox. The reassonis of boyth partyes we
will omitt, becaus thai wilbe explaned after, whair the same
questioun, and otheris concernyng the Obedience dew unto Princes, war
long reassoned in open assemblie. The conclusioun of that first
reassonyng was, "That the questioun should be formed, and letteris
direct to Geneva for the resolutioun of that Churche," whairin Johne
Knox offered his laubouris. But Secretarie Lethingtoun, (alledging
that thair stood mekle in the informatioun,) said, that he should
wryte. But that was onlie to dryve tyme, as the treuth declaired the
self. The Quenis partye urged, "That the Quene should have hir
religioun free in hir awin chapell, to do, sche and hir houshold, what
thei list." The Ministeris boyth affirmed and voted the contrair,
adding, "That hir libertie should be[686] thair thraldome or it was
long." But neathir could reassone nor threatnyng move the
affectionis[687] of such as war creipping in credite. And so did the
vottis of the Lordis prevail against the Ministeris.
[678] In MS. G, "Baalim's bleating preests."
[679] Hallowmass, or All Saints, the 1st of November.
[680] In MS. 1566, one of the transcribed quires ends here with the
catch-word, "of Mr. James," the last page being blank.
[681] Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoule, held the office of Justice
Clerk for nearly thirty years. He was appointed successor to his
father, 25th June 1547, and the office was again filled in November
1578, by Sir Lewis Bellenden, although then in "his less age," which
Lord Hailes conceives to mean that he was not then twenty-five. Sir
John died 6th October 1576. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
[682] Mr. James Makgill of Nether Rankeillor, was Clerk Register from
1554 to 1566, when he was deprived for his being concerned in Riccio's
murder. He was restored in December 1567, and continued till 1577. He
died in 1579.
[683] At the first nomination of ministers in July 1560, Row was
appointed to Perth. He died 16th October 1580.
[684] Mr. George Hay, Commissioner of the diocese of Aberdeen and
Banff.
[685] Mr. Robert Hamilton, minister of St. Andrews, and formerly one
of the Masters or Regents, was advanced in 1574 to be Provost of St.
Mary's College. When the new erection of the College was agreed upon,
Hamilton was superseded; and in May 1580 he was ordered to account for
his intromissions. In October following, he was denounced as rebel.
(Treasurer's Accounts.) He died 16th April 1581. (Wodrow Miscellany,
vol. i. p. 283.)
[686] In MS. G, "should be to."
[687] In MS. G, "move the hearts."
For the punishement of thift and of reaf, which had encreassed upoun
the Borders, and in the Sowth, from the Quenis arryvall, was the Lord
James maid Lievtenent.[688] Some suspected that suche honour and
charge proceaded frome the same heart and counsall that Saull maid
David capitane against the Philisteanis. But God assisted him, and
bowed the heartis of men boyth to fear and obey him. Yea, the Lord
Bothwell him self at that tyme assisted him (but he had remissioun for
Lyddisdaill.) Scharpe executioun was maid in Jedburgh,[689] for
twenty-aught of ane clan, and others war hanged at that Justice
Courte. Brybes, buddis, nor solisitatioun saved not the gilty, yf he
myght be apprehended; and thairfoir God prospered him in that his
integritie.
[688] In MS. G, "appointed Lieutenant." In MS. L 4, the whole
structure of this sentence is thus changed: "Whill the Court wes
myndefull of nothing bot pleasures and prodigallitie, the Border[er]s
brack lowse, and vexed the countrie adjacent with rapine, thift, and
murther; Lord James, Lievtennant since the Quenis arryvall, was sent
hither to repress them. Some suspected," &c.
[689] On the 13th October 1561, the Privy Council resolved that a
Justice Court should be held at Jedburgh, by Lord James Stewart on the
15th of November; and in the Register, on the 12th of that month, is
preserved a copy of Instructions to be used by him. See Keith's
History, vol. ii. pp. 104-107.
That same tyme the said Lord James spack the Lord Gray of England at
Kelso, for good reull to be keapt upoun boyth the Bordouris, and
agreed in all thingis.
[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST FRAY IN HALYRUDHOUSE]
Befoir his returnyng,[690] the Queyn upoun a nycht took a fray in hir
bedd, as yf horse men had bein in the close, and the Palace had bene
enclosed about. Whitther it proceaded of hir awin womanlie fantasye,
or, yf men pat hir in fear,[691] for displeasur of the Erle of Arrane,
and for other purposes, as for the erecting of the garde, we know not.
But the fear was so great, that the toun was called to the watch.
Lordis Robert of Halyrudhous,[692] and Johne of Coldinghame[692] keapt
the watche by course. Scouttis war send furth, and centenallis war
commanded under the pane of death to keap thair stationis. And yitt
thai feared whair thair was no fear: neathir yit could ever any
appeirance or suspitioun of suche thingis be tryed.
[690] This paragraph is very different in MSS. M and L 4, being thus
amplified, in the style of David Buchanan's interpolations:--"When
Lord James was absent, the Quene tooke greater libertie, for shee wes
not content with the severitie of the present Government, nor the
floorishing of Religion, so that sometymes speiches would eschape her
which bewrayed her disposition and inclination to tyrannie. Wheras
Kings wont before to commit thamselfs to the trust of the Nobilitie,
shee purposed to have a guard of hyred souldiours, bot could find no
pretext, saving onlie the custome of forraigne Kings, and the shaw of
magnificence. Shee consulted with hir bastard brother John, an
ambitious man, bot not so grave and austere as Lord James. He resolved
to obey hir in all things, and therfor wes the more deare to hir,
being desirous to confound all things. She consulteth with him how to
get a companie of hyred souldiers about her. Ther was a tumult or
sturr famed as though the Erle of Arrane had enclosed the Palace of
Halyrudehous round about, and by force wold cary the Quene to his
Castell fourtene myles from thence. This invention had some likliehood
becaus of the immoderate love he bare unto hir, and of her affection
estranged from him; both which war not unknowin to the people. The
fray was so great that the Toune of Edinburgh wes called to watch.
Robert Lord Halyrudhous, and John Lord Coldingham keeped watch by
course; skouts wer sent furth, and sentrinells, and wer commanded
under the pane of death to keep their stations. They feared wher ther
was no feare. After the souldiers had skoured the fields all night,
they shew themselfs before the Palace gates, some offendit at them,
and others jesting at the sport. Bot the authors of this invention,
howbeit they knew the vulgar people did not beleve them, yit being
secure that no man wold controle them regarded not man's secreit
judgement."--Calderwood has copied this passage very closely. (Hist.
vol. ii. p. 158.)
[691] In MS. G, "in fear of it."
[692] Two natural brothers of the Queen: see page 271, notes 2 and 3.
Schort after the returnying of the Lord James, thair cam from the
Quene of England, Sir Petir Mewtess,[693] with commissioun to requyre
the ratificatioun of the Peace made at Leyth. His ansuer was[694] evin
such as we have heard befoir, that sche behoved to advise, and then
sche should send ansuer.
[693] Sir Peter Mewtas was sent by Queen Elizabeth to Scotland,
chiefly to evade discussion respecting the Succession to the throne,
although ostensibly to request that the Treaty of Edinburgh, in July
1560, should be ratified. See in Keith's History, vol. ii. pp.
132-136, the letters that passed between Queen Mary and Elizabeth,
after Mewtas's return in October 1561. On the 19th of that month, is
this entry in the Treasurer's Accounts: "Item, be the Quenis Grace
speciale command to Sir Peter Mutus, Inglis Ambassadour, ane chene of
gold of iij^o crownis of the sone, iiij^o lib." (£400.)
[694] In MS. G, "Her answer was."
In presence of hir Counsall, sche keapt hir self [very] grave, (for
under the dule wead, sche could play the hypocryte in full
perfectioun;) but how soon that ever hir Frenche fillockis, fydlaris,
and otheris of that band, gatt the howse allone, thair mycht be sean
skipping not verry cumlie for honest wemen. Hir commoun talk was in
secreat, sche saw nothing in Scotland but gravitie, which repugned
alltogetther to hir nature, for sche was brocht up in joyusitie; so
termed sche hir dansing, and other thingis thairto belonging.
[Sidenote: DIVISIOUN BETWIX THE LORDIS AND THE MINISTERIS.]
The Generall Assemblie of the Churche[695] approched, holdin in
December[696] after the Quenis arryvall; in the which began the
reullaris of the Courte to draw tham selfis apart from the societie of
thair brethren, and began to sturr and grudge that any thing should be
consulted upoun, without thair advises. Maister Johne Wode,[697] who
befoir had schawin him self verray fervent in the caus of God, and
fordward in giveing of his counsall in all doubtfull materis, planelie
refused ever to assist the Assemblie agane, whairof many did wonder.
The Courteouris drew unto thame some of the Lordis, and wold nott
convene with thair brethren, as befoir thai war accustomed, but keapt
thame in the Abbay. The principall Commissionaris of the
Churches,[698] the Superintendentis, and some Ministeris, past unto
thame, whair thai war convened in the Abbottis ludging within
Halyrudhouse. Boyth the partyis began to oppin thair greaf. The Lordis
complayned that the Ministeris drew the gentilmen into secreat, and
held counsallis without thair knowledge. The Ministeris denyed that
thai had done any thing in secreat, or otherwyse than the Commoun
Ordour commanded thame; and accused the Lordis (the flatteraris of the
Quene we mean) that thai keapt not the Conventioun with thair
brethren, considdering that thai know the Ordour, and that the same
was appointed by thair awin advises, as the Buke of Discipline,
subscrivit with the most part of thair awin handis, wold witness. Some
began to deny that ever thai knew such a thing as the Buke of
Discipline; and called also in doubt, whitther it was expedient that
such Conventionis should be or not; for glaidlye wold the Quene and
hir Secreat Counsall have had all assemblies of the godly discharged.
[695] In MS. G, here and elsewhere, "Kirk;" in the MS. 1566, except in
the later portions, it is usually "Church."
[696] The Third meeting of the General Assembly was held in December
1561; but no notice of the proceedings is recorded in the Book of the
Kirk, except the Supplication to the Queen, which will be found at
page 316.
[697] Mr John Wood, son of Andrew Wood of Largo, was educated for the
church, and took his degree of Master of Arts in St. Leonard's
College, St. Andrews, in 1536. He has been styled Vicar of Largo; and
is said to have accompanied the Prior of St. Andrews to France in
1548. He joined the Reformers, and at the first General Assembly in
December 1560, his name occurs among those at St. Andrews who were
considered qualified for "ministring and teaching." He was nominated
an Extraordinary Lord of Session, by the title of Tullidavie, 9th
December 1562, but was deprived in 1565; and although restored he
retained only a temporary possession of his seat on the Bench. When
his patron the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent, Wood became his
Secretary, and was employed in the proceedings against Queen Mary, at
York, in 1568, as related by Sir James Melville, who styles him "a
great ringleader." In September 1568, the Treasurer furnished Mr. John
Wood fyne black velvet, and black satin, for a dress. The Regent, it
is well known, was assassinated in January 1570, and Bishop Lesley in
his Negotiations says, "That within a few days after his man Mr. John
Wood, was killed in Fife, by the Laird of Rires." The cause of this
murder is nowhere stated, but it took place on the 15th of April, by
Arthur Forbes of Reres, (in the parish of Kilconquhar,) assisted by
his son Arthur, and Henry Forrest; for which the latter were denounced
rebels, 6th February 1572-3. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p.
40.) From the Treasurer's Accounts we learn that on the 23d September
1570, "the Laird of Reres was at the horne, (that is, denounced as
rebel,) for the slauchter of umquhile Maister Johne Wood."
[698] In MS. G, "of the Kirk,"
The reassonyng was scharp and quick on eather part.[699] The Quenis
factioun alledged, that it was suspitious to Princes that subjectis
should assemble thame selffis and keape conventionis without thair
knowledge. It was ansuered, That without knowledge of the Prince, the
Churche did nothing. For the Prince perfytlie understood, that within
this Realme thair was a Reformed Churche, and that thai had thair
ordouris and appointed tymes of conventioun; and so without knowledge
of the Prince thai did nothing. "Yea," said Lethingtoun, "the Quene
knew and knowest it weill yneuch; but the questioun is, Whetther that
the Quene allowis such Conventionis?" It was ansuered, "Yf the
libertie of the Churche should stand[700] upoun the Quenis allowance
or dyssallowance, we are assured not onlie to lack assemblies, but
also to lack the publict preaching of the Evangell." That affirmative
was mocked, and the contrarie affirmed. "Weill, (said the other,) tyme
will try the treuth; but to my formar wordis, this will I add, tack
from us the fredome of Assemblies, and tack from us the Evangell; for
without Assemblies, how shall good ordour and unitie in doctrine be
keapt? It is not to be supposed, that all Ministeris shalbe so
perfyte, but that thai shall nead admonitioun, alsweill concernyng
maneris as doctrin, as it may be that some be so styff necked that
thai will not admitt the admonitioun of the simple; as also it may be
that falt may be found with Ministeris without just offence committed:
and yit yf ordour be not tacken boyth with the compleaner and the
personis compleaned upoun, it can not be avoided, but that many
grevouse offenses shall aryse. For remeady whairof, of necessitie it
is, that Generall Assemblies maun be, in the which the judgement and
the gravitie of many may concur, to correct or to represse the folyes
or errouris of a few." Heirunto consented the most parte, alsweill of
the Nobilitie as of the Baronis, and willed the reassonaris for the
parte of the Quene to will hir Grace, yf that sche stood in any
suspitioun of any thing that was to be entreated in thair Assemblies,
that it wold please hir Grace to send such as sche wold appoint to
hear whatsoever was proponed or reassoned.
[699] In MS. G, "on eyther syde."
[700] In MS. G, "stude or sould stand."
[Sidenote: LEDINGTON APPONED HYM TO THE BOOK OF DISCIPLENE]
Heirafter was the Buke of Discipline proponed, and desyred to have
been ratified by the Quenys Majestie. That was scripped at, and the
questioun was demanded, "How many of those that had subscrived that
Buke wald be subject unto it?" It was answered, "All the godly." "Will
the Duck?" said Lethingtoun. "Yf he will nott," answered the Lord
Ochiltrie,[701] "I wold that he war scrapped out, not only of that
book, but also out of our nomber and cumpany: For to what purpoise
shall laubouris be tane to putt the Kirk in ordour, and to what end
shall men subscrive, and then never mean to keap wourd of that quhilk
thei promeisse?" Lethingtoun answered, "Many subscrived thair _in fide
parentum_, as the barnes ar baptized." One, to wit Johne Knox,[702]
answered, "Albeit ye think that scoiif propir, yit as it is most
untreu, so is it most improper. That Buke was red in publict audience,
and by the space of diverse dayis the headis thairof war reasoned, as
all that hear sit know weill yneuche, and ye your self can nott deny;
so that no man was required to subscrive that whiche he understood
not." "Stand content, (said one,) that Buke will nott be obteaned."
"Let God (said the other) requyre the lack which this poore
Commoun-wealth shall have of the thingis thairin conteaned, from the
handis of such as stope the same."
[701] See page 260, note 19.
[702] The words, "to wit, Johne Knox," interlined in the MS. 1566, are
likewise added in the margin, apparently in Knox's own hand. In MS. L
4, it is "Maister Knox answered."
The Baronis perceaving that the Buke of Discipline was refused,
presented unto the Counsall certane articles, requiring Idolatrie to
be suppressed, thair Churches to be planted with treu Ministeris, and
some certane Provisioun to be maid for thame, according to equitie and
conscience; for unto that tyme, the most parte of the Ministeris had
lyved upoun the benevolence of men. For many held into thair awin
handis[703] the fructis that the Bischoppis and otheris of that sect
had befoir abused; and so some parte was bestowed upoun the
Ministeris. But then the Bischoppis began to grypp agane to that which
most injustlie thei called thair awin; for the Erle of Arrane was
discharged of Sanctandrois and Dunfermeling, whairwith befoir, be
verteu of a factorie, he had intromitted: and so war many otheris. And
thairfoir the Barones requyred, that ordour mycht be tacken for thair
Ministeris, or ellis thei wold no moir obey the Bischoppis, neather
yitt suffer any thing to be lifted up to thair use after the Quenis
arryvall, then that thei did befoir; for thei verrelie supposed that
the Quenys Majestie wold keapt promeisse maid unto thame; whiche was,
nott to alter thair religioun, whiche could nott remane without
Ministeris, and Ministeris could nott lyve without provisioun: and
thairfoir thei heartlie[704] desyred the Counsall to provid some
convenient ordour in that head.
[703] So in MS. L 4. MS. G, has "For many had into thair hands."
[704] In MS. G, "most hartely."
That somewhat moved the Quenys flatteraris; for the rode of impietie
was not then strenthened in hyr and thair handis. And so began thei to
practise how thei should pleise the Queyn, and yit seam somewhat to
satisfie the faythfull; and so devised thei, that the Church men
should have intromissioun with the Two parte of thair benefices, and
that the Third parte[705] should be lifted up by suche men as thairto
should be appointed, for suche uses, as in these subsequent Actis[706]
ar more fullie expressed.
[705] In MS. L 4, "that the Third parte sould be lifted up for the
sustentatioun of Ministry and the Quenis use, as is expressed in the
Acts which we will set down in their owne place."
[706] The following Acts relating to the proposed arrangements for
supporting the Ministry, by appropriating the Thirds of Benefices,
have been collated with the Register of Privy Council, which has
furnished the Sederunts of the meetings, and some slight corrections.
In Knox, the first Act is dated the 20th instead of the 22d December
1561.