EDINBURGH, _May_ 1848.
THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE PROGRESSE OF
TREW RELIGIOUN WITHIN THE REALME
OF SCOTLAND.
[Sidenote: NOTA.--HEBBURN AGAINST THE ERLE OF ARRANE BEING INNOCENT.]
[Sidenote: THE DROWNYNG OF THE FRENCHE.]
AFTER this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh,[1] the furye and the
raige of the Frenche increassed; for then durst neither man nor woman
that professed Christ Jesus within that toune be seyn. The housses of
the most honest men war gevin by the Quene to Frenchemen for a parte
of thair reward. The Erle Bothwell, by sound of trumpett, proclaimed
the Erle of Arrane traytour,[2] with other dispytefull wourdes: whiche
all was done for the pleasure and by the suggestioun of the Quene
Regent,[3] who then thought the battell was won without farther
resistance. Great practising sche maid for obteaneing of the Castell
of Edinburgh. The Frenche maid thair faggottis, with other
preparationis, to assault the said Castell either by force, or ellis
by treassone. But God wrought so potentlie with the Capitane, the Lord
Erskin,[4] at that tyme, that neither the Quene by flatterye, nor the
Frenche by treassoun prevailled. Advertisementis with all diligence
past to the Duck of Gwise, who then was King of France (as concerneing
power to command[5]), requiring him then to make expeditioun, yf he
desyred the full conquest of Scotland. Who delayed no tyme, but with a
new armye send away his brother, Marquis Dalbuf, and in his company
the Martikis,[6] promissing, that he himself should follow. But the
rychteouse God, who in mercy looketh upon the afflictioun of those
that unfeanedlye sob unto him, fought for us by his awin out-stretched
arme; for, upon one nycht, upon the coast of Holand, war drowned of
thame aughttein ensenzeis, so that onlye rested the schip in the
whiche war the two principallis foirsaid, with thair Ladyis; who,
violentlie dreven back agane to Deape,[7] war compelled to confesse,
That God fawght for the defence of Scotland.
[1] As related in vol. i. page 462, the Lords of the Congregation,
after the unfortunate skirmish at Restalrig, on the 6th November 1559,
retreated to Linlithgow that night, leaving their artillery on the
streets of Edinburgh. See also Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 55, 271; and
Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 554. Sadler describes the
Protestants as retiring from Edinburgh, "bytuene one and two a clocke
in the mornyng;" and adds, "And the Quene Dowager and her French be
now in Edynburgh in gret tryumphe, the most parte of the substanciall
men of the same being fled out of the towne, with their hole
families."
[2] In a letter to Sadler, dated Stirling, 11th November 1559, Thomas
Randall says, "Upon Thursdaye last (9th November) the Erle of Arraine
received a cartell of defiance from the Erle of Bothwell, requyering
of him the combate; the copie whereof, and aunswer to the same, I will
bring with me." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 565.)
[3] The Earl of Bothwell had previously joined himself to the party of
the Queen Regent. According to the Treasurer's Account, on the 29th
October 1558, a messenger was sent with "clois writtingis of the Quene
to the Erle Bothwell, Lieutennant." On the 12th January 1558-9, James
Earl of Bothwell received £100, "be the Queen's precept, for keiping
of the Castell of Armitage, from the 15th day of September to the 15th
of Januar instant last bipast."
[4] John Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar: see vol. i p. 416.
[5] That is, Francis the Second, the young King of France, was wholly
governed by the Duke of Guyse, brother of the Queen Regent of
Scotland.
[6] In MS. G, "Marquis D'Albufe, and his cumpanie the Maritickis." In
the MS. of 1566, the name was originally written "Marquis D'Omall,"
but is corrected to "Dalbul," or "Dalbuf."--René de Loraine, Marquis
of D'Albeuf, was the seventh son of Claude de Loraine, first Duke de
Guyse. He was born in 1536, and died in 1566. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal.,
vol. iii. p. 492.) He was General of the French galleys.
[7] The town of Dieppe, in France.--On the 11th January 1559-60, Queen
Elizabeth wrote to the Duke of Norfolk: "Our shipps have bene stayed
with contrary wynds, and so be the French also;" and referring to what
Knox has stated, it is added, "We be advertised that Martiges is
dryven by wether into Denmark; and one thousand Frenchmen lost by
tempest in Zeland; so as it shuld seme that God is pleased the French
purposees should not so speedely be accomplished, as their meaning
is."--(Burghley State Papers, by Haynes, p. 223.)
Frome England returned Robert Melven,[8] who past in cumpanye to
London with the Secreatarie,[9] a lytill befoir Christenmesse,[10]
and brought unto us certane Articles to be ansuered, as by the
contract that after was made, more planely shall appeir. Whairupon the
Nobilitie convened at Striveling, and returned ansuer with diligence.
Whairof the Frenche advertisshed, thei marched to Lynlythqw, spoiled
the Duckis house, and waisted his landis of Kynneill;[11] and
thairefter came to Striveling,[12] whair thei remaned certane dayis:
(the Duck, the Erles of Ergyle and Glencarne, with thair freindis,
passed to Glaskow; the Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, past to
Sanctandrois; for charge was gevin to the haill Nobilitie,
Protestantis, to keap thair awin bodyis, till that God should send
thame farther supporte.) The Frenche took purpose first to assault
Fyffe; for at it was thair great indignatioun. Thair purpose was, to
have tacken and fortifyed the Toune and Abbay, with the Castell of
Sanctandrois; and so thei cam to Culross, after to Dumfermeling, and
then to Bruntyland, whair thei began to forte; but desisted thairfra,
and marched to Kynghorne, upoun the occasioun as followeth.
[8] Robert Melville was the second son of Sir John Melville of Raith
(whose death is recorded by Knox, vol. i. p. 284.)
[9] William Maitland of Lethington, younger, was appointed by the
Queen Regent, Secretary of State, 4th December 1558. (Reg. Secr.
Sigilli.) He had previously been employed in her affairs. In September
1555, the Treasurer paid to William Maitland, "be the Quenis grace
precept, for his pensioun of this instant zeir," £150. On the 11th
February 1557-8, when sent in embassy to London, he received from the
Treasurer 600 crowns of the Sun, extending to £765; and on the 30th
March 1558-9, he received a similar sum, when "passand of Edinburgh to
London and France, on the Quenis grace affairis." He joined the
Protestants in October 1559.
[10] Maitland was accompanied by Thomas Randall, under the assumed
name of Barnabie, and they were expected at Newcastle on the 21st
November. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 592.) Some of Maitland's
letters at this time, also the "Instructions for the Lorde of
Lidington, how to conceyve and directe the sute and complaynte of us
the Nobles, Gentlemen, and Burgesses of Scotland, in this our
distresse, to the Quenis Majestie of England," dated 24th November,
are preserved by Sadler. (Ib. pp. 604, 628, 686, 716.)
[11] Kinneill House, in the parish of that name, now conjoined with
Borrowstounness, is the property, and was occasionally used as the
family residence of the Dukes of Hamilton.--The Treasurer, in October
1553, paid, "Be my Lord Gouernouris commande, to the masonis in
Kynnele, in drinksyluer, _at the laying of the ground-stane of the
Palice of Kynnele_." The house has a beautiful exposure on the south
side of the Frith of Forth, near where the old Roman Wall terminated.
[12] In the MS. of 1566, and Vautr. edit., "Stirveling."--It may be
remarked that several leaves of the MS. in this place form one of
those quires or sets which appear to have been rewritten, about 1570,
with very little attention to minute accuracy. Occasional corrections,
chiefly in orthography, have therefore been made on the authority of
the Glasgow MS., but few of such importance as to require special
notice.
[Sidenote: THE ERLE OF SUDDERLANDE SCHOTE]
When certane knowledge came to the Erle of Arrane, and to Lord James,
that the Frenche war departed from Striveling, thei departed also from
Sanctandrois, and begane to assemble thair forces at Cowper, and send
thair men of warr to Kinghorne;[13] unto whome thair resorted diverse
of the coast syd, of mynd to resist rather at the begynnyng, than when
thei had destroyed a parte of thair townes. But the Lordis had gevin
ane expresse commandiment, that thei should hasard nothing whill that
thei thameselfis war present. And for that purpose was send unto thame
the Lord Ruthven, a man of great experience, and inferiour to few in
stowtnes. In his cumpany was the Erle of Sudderland,[14] send from the
Erle of Huntley, as he alledged, to conforte the Lordis in thair
afflictioun; butt otheris whispered, that his principall commissioun
was unto the Quene Regent. Howsoever it was, he was hurte in the arme
by the schote of ane haquebute; for the men of warr, and the rascall
multitude, perceaving certane boatis of Frenchemen landing, whiche cam
from Leyth, purposed to stoppe thair landing; and so, nott considering
the ennemeis that approched from Bruntyland, unadvisedlie thei russhed
doune to the Petticurr, (so is that bray be-west Kynghorne[15]
called,) and at the sea-coast began the skarmissing, butt never took
head to the ennemye that approached by land, till that the horsemen
charged thame upon thair backis, and the hole bandis cam directlie in
thare faces; and so war thei compelled to geve backis, with the loss
of sex or sevin of thair men, and with the takein of some, amangis
whome war twa that professed Christ Jesus, one named Paule
Lambert,[16] a Ducheman, and a Frenche boy, fervent in religioun, and
cleane of lyef, whome, in despyte, thei hanged ower the steaple.[17]
Thou shall revenge, O Lord, in thy appointed tyme! The caus that in so
great a danger thair was so small a losse, nixt unto the mercyfull
providence of God, was the suddane cuming of the Lord Ruthven; for
evin as our men had gevin backis, he and his cumpany came to the head
of the bray, and did not onlie stay the Frenche footemen, but also
some of ours brack upoun thair horsemen, and so repulsed thame that
thei did no farther hurte to oure footemen. In that rencontare was the
Erle of Sudderland foirsaid schote in the arme, and was caryed back to
Cowper. The Frenche took Kinghorne, whair they lay, and wasted the
countrey about, alsweall Papistis as Protestantis; yea, even those
that war confidderat with thame, suche as Seafield, Weames, Balmowto,
Balwearry, and otheris,[18] ennemyes to God and traytouris to thair
countrey. Of those (we say) thei spaired not the scheipe, the oxen,
the kyne, and horse; and some say that thair wyffis and doughtaris
gatt favouris of the Frenche soldiouris. And so did God recompense the
Papistis in thair awin bosomes, for, besydis the defoulling of thair
housses, as said is, tuo of thame resavit more damage then did all the
gentilmen that professed the Evangell within Fyff, the Laird of
Grange onlye excepted, whose [house][19] of the Grange the Frenche
owerthrew by gun pouder.
[13] On the 8th of January 1559-60. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p.
684.)
[14] John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. The Earl of Arran, and Lord James
Stewart, in a letter to Sadler, dated Dysart, 19th January, make
mention of the Earl of Huntly having sent "in commission to us, his
cousen the Erle of Sutherland, to offer unto us adjunction in our
common actioun in his name, and all his assistance; and, at the first
skirmishe, hazarding himself too farre, was shott in the left arme,
and hurt very evill; for which cause he is departed home, and shall
cause the Erle Huntley performe his promesse." (Vol. i. p. 691.) "The
Lorde of Southerland, sithens he was hurte, is becom a greate enemye
of the Franches." (Letter to Sadler, 4th February 1559-60. Ib. p.
702.) His wound did not prove fatal, but he died from the effects of
poison, in 1567, in the forty-second year of his age.
[15] In MS. G, "that Bey betuix Kinghorne."--The places here mentioned
are all well known, stretching along the coast of Fife, on the north
side of the Frith of Forth, to the west of Kirkaldy.
[16] In MS. 1566, "Paule Lambett."
[17] In MS. G, "over the stipell of Kinghorne."
[18] The persons here referred to, with other gentlemen of Fife, are
afterwards noticed by Knox, as having been apprehended by the Earl of
Arran and Lord James Stewart for the assistance they had rendered to
the French. Seafield and Balmuto are in the parish of Kinghorn; Wemyss
in the parish of that name; and Balweary in that of Abbotshall.
[19] Omitted in the MS.--The House of Grange is about a mile to the
north-east of Kinghorn, and in that parish.
[Sidenote: THE CASTEIN DOUN OF THE HOUSE OF THE GRANGE.]
The Quene Regent, proude of this victorie, burst furth in hir
blasphemous rayling, and said, "Whair is now Johne Knox his God? My
God is now stronger than his, yea even in Fyff." Sche posted to hir
freindis in France news[20] that thousandis of the heretickis war
slaine, and the rest war fled; and thairfoir requyred, that some
Nobleman of hir freindis wald cum and tak the glorie of that victorye.
Upon that informatioun was the Martikkis, with tuo schippis, and sum
Captanis and horse, directed to cum to Scotlande; but litill to thair
awin advantage, as we sall after heare.
[20] In MS. 1566, "of new."
[Sidenote: JOAN. 6]
The Lordis of the Congregatioun, offended at the folisheness of the
rascall multitude, called to thameselfis the men of warr, and remaned
certane dayes at Cowper; unto whome repaired Johne Knox, and, in our
greatest disperatioun, preached unto us a most comfortable sermon. His
text was, "The danger in whiche the disciplis of Christ Jesus stude
quhen thei wer in the mydest of the sea, and Jesus was upon the
mountaine." His exhortatioun was, "That we sould not faint, but that
we sould still row aganis these contrarius blastis, till that Jesus
Christ sould come; for (said he,) I am as assuredlie persuaded that
God sall delyver us frome the extreme trowbill, as that I am assured
that this is the Evangell of Jesus Christ whiche I preche unto [you]
this day. 'The fourth watche is nocht yet come;' abyde a lytill: the
boit salbe saved, and Peter, whiche hes left the boit, sall not
droune. I am assured, albeit I cannot assure[21] you, be reason of
this present rage; God grant that ye may acknawlege his hand, after
that your eyes hes seine his delyverance."
[21] In MS. G, "affirme."
In that sermon he comforted manye. And yit he offended the Erle of
Arrane; for, in his discourse upoun the manifald assaultis that the
Churche of God had sustained, he brocht for exampille the multitude of
strangeris that persewed Jehosaphat after that he had reformed
religioun. He entreted the fear of the pepill, yea, and of the King
himself att the first; but after, he affirmed, that Jehosaphat was
stout, and to declair his courage in his God, he conforted his pepile
and his souldiouris; he come fourth in the mydest of thame; he spak
lovinglie unto thame. He keipit not himself (said he) inclosed in his
chalmer, but frequented the multitude, and rejoised thame with his
presence and godlie comforte. These, and the lyik sentences, took the
said Erle to be spoken in reproache of him, because he keipit himself
more close and solitary then many men wald half wisshed.
After these thingis, determinatioun was tacken that the Erle of
Arrane, and Lord James, with the men of warr, and sum company of
horsemen, sould goe to Dyserte, and thair lye to wait upoun the
Frenche, that they distroyed not the sea-cost, as thei intendit
utterlie to have doun. The said Erle, and Lord James, did as thei war
appointed, albeit thair company was very small; and yet thei did so
valiantlie, that it passed all credabilitie:[22] for twentie and ane
dayis thei lay in thair clothes; thair buttis never come of: thei had
skarmissing almost everie day; yea, some dayis, from morne to
evin.[23] The Frenche war foure thousand souldiouris,[24] besyde thair
favoreris and factioun of the countrey. The Lordis war never togidder
fyve hundreth horsmen, with a hundreth souldiouris; and yitt thai held
the Frenche so busye, that for everie horse thai slew to the
Congregatioun, thai lost foure Frenche souldiouris.
[22] Several joint letters written by the Earl of Arran and Lord James
Stewart, between the end of November 1559, and February following,
communicating intelligence of their proceedings in Fife, are preserved
among Sir Ralph Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. pp. 620, _et seqq._)
[23] In MS. 1566, "inevin."
[24] Bishop Lesley estimates their number at about 2000.--(Hist. p.
281.)
[Sidenote: THE SLAUCHTER OF A FRENCHE CAPITANE, WITH HIS BAND.]
Willyeaume Kirkaldie of Grange, the day efter that his housse was
cassein doun, send in his defiance to Monsieur D'Osell, and unto the
rest, declaring, that to that hour had he used the Frenche
favourablie: He had saved thair lyves, when that he mycht have
suffered thair throttis to have been cuttit; bot seing thai haid usit
him with that rigor, let thame not luik for that favour in tymes to
cum. And unto Monsieur D'Osell he said, "He knew that he wald not gett
him in the skirmissing, becauis he knew he was bot a cowart; bot it
mycht be that he sould quyte him a commoun ather in Scotland, or ellis
in France." The said Willyeaume Kirkaldie, and the Maister off
Lyndsay, eschaped mony dangeris. The Maister had his hors slaine under
him: the said Willyeaume was almost betrayed in his hous at
Hawyairdis.[25] But yet thei never seased, bot nycht and day thai
waitted upon the Frenche. Thai laid thameselves in a secreit place,
with sum gentilmen befoir the day, to await upoun the Frenche, quho
usit commonlie to isch in companyis, to seik thair pray; and so cam
fourth ane Capitane Battu,[26] with his hundreth, and begane to
spoilzie; quhom the said Maister, now Lord of Lyndsay,[27] and the
said Wilyeaume, suffered, without declaratioun of thameselfis, or of
thair cumpany, till that thai had thame more than a myle fra
Kinghorne, and then begane the horsmen to brek; whiche perceved, the
Frenche altogither drew to a place callit Glenniss[28] House, and maid
for debait: sum tuik the housse, and utheris deffended the close and
yaird. The hasard appereth verry unliklie, for oure men had na thing
bot speris, and war compellit to lycht upoun thair feit. The other war
within dykis; and everie man had culverinis: the schote was feirfull
to mony, and dyverse war hourt, amongis quhome war Robert
Hamiltoun,[29] and David Kirkaldie, brother to the said Laird, quho
both war supposed to have bein slaine. The said Laird perceving men to
faynt, and begyne to recule, said, "Fy, lett us never leive efter this
day, that we sall recule for Frenche schybaldis;" and so the Maister
of Lyndsay and he burst in at the yett, and so utheris followed. The
Maister struik with his speir at La Battu, and glansing upoun his
harness, for feirceness stamered almost upoun his kneis. But
recovering suddendlie, he fessned his speir, and bare the Capitaine
bakward, who, becauis he wald not be takein, was slaine, and fyftie of
his cumpanie with hym. Those that war into the house, with sum
utheris, war saved, and [sent] to Dundye to be kept. This mischance to
the Frenche men maid thame to be more circumspect in scatring abrod
into the countrie; and so the poore creaturis gat sum releive. To
fourness thame[30] of victuelis, was appointed Capitane Cullen,[31]
with tuo schippis, quho traveled betuix the south schoire and
Kinghorne, for that purpois. For his waiges he spoilzied Kinghorne,
Kirkaldie, and so muche of Dyserte as he mycht. For remedy quhairof
war appointit tuo schippis from Dundye: Andro Sandis, a stout and
fervent man in the cause of religioun, was the principall. This same
tyme arrived the Martekis,[32] quho, without delay, landit himself,
his cofferis, and the principall gentilmen that were with him at
Leith,[33] leiving the rest in the schippis till better oportunitie.
But the said Andro, and his companioun, streicking saill and making as
thai wald cast anker hard besyde thame, burded thame both, and carried
thame to Dundye. In thame war gotten sum horse, and muche harness,
with sum uther triffilis; but of money we hard nocht. Heareat the
Frenche offended, avowed the distructioun of Sanctandrois and Dundye;
and so, upoun a Mononday in the morning, the xxiij. day of
Januare,[34] thai marchit frome Dyserte, and passed the water of
Levein;[35] ever keaping the sea-cost, be reassoun of thaire schippis
and victuallis, as said is. About tuelf houris thai espyed schippis,
(quhiche war seine that morning by us that war upoun the land, but war
not knawin.) Monsieur D'Osell affirmed thame to be Frenche schippis,
and so the souldiouris triumphit, schot thair volie for salutatioun,
and marchit fordward till Kincraige,[36] fearing no resistance.
[25] Or, Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool. It afterwards came
into the possession of the Family of Skene.
[26] In Vautr. edit., &c., "Battu," and "Le Battu." Elsewhere he is
called Labast, Labatt; by Pitscottie "Labattie."
[27] Patrick, Master of Lyndesay, succeeded to the title as sixth Lord
Lyndesay of Byris, on the death of his father, in 1563.
[28] In Vautr. edit. "Glennish House." There is a place still named
Gleniston, near Loch Gelly, a few miles from Kinghorn, which belonged
in the 14th and 15th century, to Glen of Balmuto; the property, by
marriage, afterwards came into the family of Boswell. There was also
Glammis Tower, or Castle, an old stronghold which stood upon the
rising ground that overlooks the town of Kinghorn. (New Stat. Account,
Fife, p. 804.)
[29] This was probably Robert Hamilton whose name occurs in the
Treasurer's Accounts in the years 1561 and 1562, as Master of the
Artillery.
[30] In MS. G, "to furneis the Frenche;" Vautr. edit. has, "to furnish
them."
[31] The Queen Regent, in 1558, had made Captain James Cullen one of
the keepers of the town of Perth. As noticed, in the following page,
on the 24th January 1559-60, he and Captain Farny, "being in ane pink,
were taken; and also ane uther schip callit the Hoy, quhilkis were to
pas in Fyff, with munitioun to furneis the Frenche Campe." (Diurnal of
Occurrents, pp. 55, 272.) In January 1559-60, letters had been sent
"to caus all maner of provision, sic as breid, drink, flesche, fische,
and utheris necessaris, to follow the Frenche army in Fyffe."
(Treasurer's Accounts.) Payments to Captain James Cullen, then in the
Queen's service, occur in the Treasurer's Accounts, June and September
1566. His ultimate fate is recorded in the Diurnal of Occurrents, and
in Richard Bannatyne's Memorials: having been taken prisoner in the
Canongate on the 14th June 1571, he was tried at Leith, and beheaded
on the 17th July, at the instigation, it is said, of the Earl of
Morton.
[32] Count Stephen de Martigues. In a letter from Sir N. Throkmorton
to Queen Elizabeth, 7th October 1559, in reference to the levying of
troops to be sent from France to Scotland, he says, "for the
transporting whereof, it is said, one Monsieur Martigues is appointed
chief conducteur; who is a Gentleman of the Kingis chamber, of the
state of a Conte, in good estimacioun, and heretier to the Duke de
Temps: and there be ships already in order at Calais, and other parts
upon this side." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 248.) In another
letter, it is said, "The Marques D'Albeuf and Martigues are appointed
to take shipping at Calice, the last of this monethe, November," (Ib.
p. 257;) and letters of a subsequent date contain other allusions to
their progress. See _supra_, page 4, note 3. In a letter to Cecil,
written from Dover, 24th January 1559-60, Throkmorton, reports the
information he had then received, "That Martigues hath been all this
his missinge tyme in the North Isles of Orkeney; and that he is now
salfflie arryved in Scotlande, with his viii enseignes of footemen,
and well landed them all," with the exception of one of the ships
which was driven away by the violence of the weather, before the men
were put ashore, and was supposed to be lost. (Ib. p. 307.) He also
mentions the capture, at night, of one of the ships, after all the
stuff had been taken out of it. On the 22d February he informs the
High Admiral of England, that the Marquis D'Elbeuf, "now soddenly,
upon the newes of the late overthrow of fyve ensigns of their foote in
Scotland, not far from Inskieth, and a good personage lost, (referring
to La Battu,) which are lately brought hither, as I wrote to you
before, he is now hastened away." (Ib. p. 333.) Bishop Lesley calls
him "Monsieur Martigo, ane valyant and curageous Capitane," and says,
that upon his arrival at Leith, in the month of November, "with ane
thousand guid souldiouris, he was appointed crownell of the hoill
Frenche army." (Hist. p. 280.)
[33] Martigues landed at Leith on the 11th January 1559-60, (Diurnal
of Occurrents. pp. 55, 272.)
[34] Monday was the 22d of January.
[35] The Water of Leven is a small river which comes from the
celebrated Loch of that name, in Kinross-shire, and flows into the sea
at the town of Leven on the Frith of Forth.
[36] Kincraig is in the parish of Kilconquhar, and the headland under
the name of Kincraig Hill, rises to the height of about 200 feet above
the level of the sea, with a small bay between Earlsferry point.
But schorte efter, the Ingliche schippis mett with Capitain Culein,
and seased him and his schippis,[37] quhiche maid thame a litill to
muse. But suddentlie come Maister Alexander Wood, who had bein upoun
the Admirall,[38] and assured Monsieur D'Osell, that thai wer
Inglissmen, and that thai war the foir-ryderis of a gretter number
that followed, who war send for the supporte of the Congregatioun.
Thair mycht have bein seine the ryveing of a baird, and mycht have
bein hard suche dispyte, as cruell men use to spew furth quhile as
God[39] brydellis thair furie. Weariness and the nycht constrained
thame to luge thair. Thai sowped skarslie,[40] becaus thair schippis
war takein, in the quhilk was thair victuellis and ordinance, quhiche
thai intendit to have placed in Sanctandrois. Thai thameselvis durst
nocht stray abrod to seake; and the Laird of Weymmes cariage, whiche
lykwyis was cumming with fournissing unto thame, was stayit. And
thairfoir, bytymes in the mornyng, thai retired towardis Kinghorne,
and maid more expeditioun in one day in returning, then thai did in
two in marching fordward.
[37] See note 3, page 11.
[38] Mr. Winter, Vice-Admiral of the English fleet, which arrived at
this time in the Frith of Forth, in the view of aiding the Protestants
against the French auxiliaries. In the Appendix to Keith's History,
(vol. i. p. 408,) are inserted the "Instructions given by the Queen's
Majesty, to William Winter, Esq., Master of the Ordnance of her
Majesty's Admiralty, sent at this present to the seas with fourteen
armed ships to sail to Scotland," from a MS. in the Cottonian Library,
written in the hand of Secretary Cecil, and dated 16th December 1559.
[39] In Vautr. edit. "when God."
[40] In Vautr. edit. "they supped scarsly." MS. G. reads, "they
sleiped scarsly."
The storme, whiche had continuit neire the space of a moneth, brak in
the verry tyme of thair reteiring, quhairby mony thocht thei sould
have bein stayit, till that reasonabill cumpanie mycht have bein
assemblit to have fouchtein thame; and for that purpois did Wilyeaume
Kirkcaldy cut the Brig of Toullibody.[41] But the Frenche, expert
aneuch in suche factis, tuik doun the roofe of a parish kirk, and maid
a brig over the same watter,[42] called Dovane; and so thai eschapit,
and come to Striveling, and syne to Leith. Yit in thair retourning
thai lost dyverse; amongis quhome thair was one quhois miserable end
we man rehers. As the Frenche spoilyied the countrye in thair
retourning, one capitaine or soldiour, we cannot tell, bot he had a
reid cloik and a gilt morrion,[43] entered upoun a poore woman, that
dwelt in the Whytsyd, and began to spoyle. The poore woman offered
unto him suche breid as sche had reddy prepared. But he, in no wayis
thairwith content, wald have the meill and a lytill salt beiff whiche
the poore woman had to susteine hir awin lyfe, and the lyves of hir
poore chylderein; neather could tearis, nor [pitifull] wourdis,[44]
mittigat the merciles man, but he wald have quhatsoever he mycht
carie. The poore woman perceving him so bent, and that he stoupped
doun in hir tub, for the taking foorth of suche stufe as was within
it, first cowped up his heillis, so that his heid went doun; and
thairefter, outher[45] by hirself, or if ony uther cumpanie come to
help hir, but thair he endit his unhappie lyfe; God so punissing his
crewell hairt, quho could nocht spair a misserable woman in that
extremetie. "Let all suche soldiouris receve suche rewaird, O Lord,
seing that thou art the revenger of the oppressed."
[41] The village of Tullibody, in the parish of Alloa, and county of
Clackmannan. Tullibody House, the seat of Lord Abercromby, is situated
near the banks of the Forth. The Church, which was partially
demolished by the French in January 1559-60, is a building of great
antiquity. In the course of the last century, it was new roofed and
repaired, to serve as the burial-place of the family, and has
occasionally been used as a preaching station. The destruction of the
Church of Tullibody is mentioned in the several histories of the time.
Although the French were enabled to "make ane sure passage, baith for
horsemen and footemen," to cross the water, and came to Stirling on
the 28th of that month, Pitscottie relates, that they had to remain
"all that night in Fotherik Muire, without either meat or drink, and
many of them were slaine or they could get the bridge prepaired."
[42] In MS. G, "the said water;" in Vautr. edit. "the same water."
Evidently the Black Devon, a small river which rises in the western
part of Fife, and falls into the Forth below the town of Clackmannan;
and, therefore, to be distinguished from the Devon itself, which has
its source on the northern declivity of the Ochil Hills, and after
passing through Glen Devon, celebrated for its romantic scenery, falls
into the Frith of Forth about two miles above Alloa.
[43] In MS. 1566, "morrow."
[44] Both MS. G, and Vautr. edit. have, "nor pitifull words."
[45] In MS. 1566, "houyer:" MS. G has "quhidder;" and Vautr.
"whither."
* * * * *
And now, because that frome this tyme forward, frequent mentioun will
be maid of the comfortable support that we, in oure greattest
extremetie receved, by Goddis providence, frome oure nychtbouris of
Ingland, we think it expedient simply to declair by quhat instrumentis
that mater was first moved, and by quhat meanis it come to passe, that
the Quene and Counsell of Ingland schew thameselves sa favorable unto
us.
As Jhonne Knox had foirwairned us, by his letteris frome Geneva, of
all dangeris that he foirsaw [to] ensew on our enterpryse; so quhen he
come to Deip, myndfull of the same, and revolveing with himself quhat
remedy God wald pleis to offere, he tuike the boldnes to wreit to Sir
Williame Cycill, Secretarie of Ingland, with quhome the said Jhonne
had bein befoire familiarlie acquented, intending thairby[46] to
renew acquentence, and so to oppen farther of his mynd.[47] The
tennour of his first Letter followis:--
"_The Spreit of Jugement, Wisdome, and Sanctificatioun, I wishe unto
you, by Jesus Chryst._
[46] In MS. 1566, "in sending."
[47] In Vautrollier's editions, and in the later MSS. (A., E., I., L
2, &c.) the whole of this paragraph is omitted, and also the following
Letter from Knox to Cecil, written from Dieppe in April 1559. The free
strain of the letter was not calculated to conciliate the favour of
the English statesman; and we need not be surprised to find Cecil, in
a letter dated "from the Court," on the last of October, saying to
Sadler, "_Of all others Knoxees name_, if it be not Goodman's, _is
most odious here_; and therefore I wish no mentioun of hym
hither."--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 532.)
[Sidenote: Jhone Knox first letter to Sir Williame Cecyll.]
"As I have no plaisour with long wretting to trouble you, Rycht
Honorable, quhois mynd I knaw to be occupyed with most grave
maters,[48] so mynd I nott greattlie to lawboure by long preface to
conciliat your favouris, quhilk I suppoise I have allreddy, (howsomer
rumouris bruit the contrarie,) as it becummeth one member of Chrystis
body to have of ane uther. The contentis, thairfoire, of these my
presentis sal be absolved in tuo pointis. In the former, I purpois to
discharge, in breve wordis, my conscience towardis you: and in the
uther, somquhat must I speik in my awin defence, and in defence of
that poore floke, of lait assembled in the most godlie Reformed
Churche and citie of the warld, Geneva. To you, Sir, I say, that as
frome God ye have receavit lyfe, wisdome, honoris, and this present
estait, in the quhilk now ye stand, so aucht you whollie[49] to employ
the same to the advancement of his glorie, who onlie is the author of
lyef, the fountaine of wisdome, and quho most assuredlie doeth, and
will honour and glorifie these, that, with sempill hairtis, do
glorifie him; quhiche, allace, in tymes past ye have nott doun; bot
bein overcum with comoun iniquitie, ye have followed the warld in the
way of perditioun. For to the suppressing of Christis trew Evangell,
to the erecting of idolatrie, and to the schedding of the blood of
Goddis most deare childrein have you, by silence, consented and
subscryvit. This youre most horrible defectioun frome the treuth
knawin, and anis professed, hath God to this day mercifullie spared;
yea, to manis judgement, he hath utterlie forgottin and pardoned the
same. He hath not intreated you as he hath done utheris, (of lyke
knawlege,) quhome in his anger, (bot yet most justlie, according to
thair desertis,) he did schoirtlie stryk efter thair defectioun. But
you (gyltie in the same offenses) he hath fostered and preserved, as
it wer in his awin bosome, during the tyme of that most miserable
thraldome of that professed ennemie of God, mischeivous Marie: and now
hath he sett you at such liberty, as the furie of Goddis ennemeis can
nott hurt you, except that willinglie aganis his honour, ye tak
pleisour to conspyre with thame. As the benefeit quhiche ye hath
received is greit, so most Goddis justice requyre of you a thankfull
hairt; for seing that his mercie hath spared you, being trator to his
Majestie; seing farder, that amanges youre ennemeis he hath preserved
you; and, last, seing, although wourthie[50] of hell, he hath promoted
you to honoris and dignitie,[51] of you must he requyre (becauis he is
just) earnest repentence for your former defectioun, a hairt myndfull
of his mercifull providence, and a will so reddy to advance his
glorie, that evidentlie it may appeire, that in vaine ye have nott
receved these graces of God; to performance quhairof, of necessitie it
is, that carnall wisdome and wardly policie, (to the which both, ye
are bruitted too muche inclyned,) gif place to Goddis simple and naked
treuth. Verry love compellit me to say, that except the Spreit of God
purge youre hairt frome that vennum, which your eis have seine to have
bein distructioun till utheris, that ye sall nott lang escaip the
rewaird of dissembleris. Call to mynd quhatt your earis heard
proclamed in the chapell[52] of Sanct James, quhen this verse of the
first Psalme was entreated, "Not so, O wicked, nott so; bot as the
dust which the wind tossed," etc. And consider, that now ye travaill
in the same way which then thai did occupy; plainlie to speak, now are
ye in that estait and creddit, in the whiche ye sall ather confort the
sorrowfull and afflicted for rychteousness saik, or ellis ye sall
molest and oppugne the Spreit of God speaking in his messingeris. The
confortares of the afflicted for godlines have promise of confort in
thair greatest necessiteis; but the trubleris of Goddis servandis,
(how contemned that ever[53]thai appeir befoire the warld,) are
threatned to leive thair names in execratioun to the posteriteis
following. The examples of the one and of the uther are nott onlye
evident in Scriptures, bot also have bein laitlie manifested in
England. And this is the conclusioun of that, whiche to youre self, I
say, Except that in the cause of Chrystis Evangell ye be found semple,
sincear, fervent, and unfeaned, ye sall taist of the same copp, whiche
politick headis have drunkein in befoire you.
[48] In MS. 1566, "grevous matter."
[49] In MS. 1566, "holylie."
[50] In MS. 1566, &c., "that you, wourthie of."
[51] Sir William Cecil, the eminent statesman, had been Secretary of
State in the reign of Edward VI. Under Queen Mary, he acted with so
much caution, although known to be a Protestant, that he remained
unmolested, professing, among other reasons, "that he thought himself
bound to serve God first, and next the Queen; but if her service
should put him out of God's service, he hoped her Majesty would give
him leave to chuse an everlasting rather than a momentary service."
From the strain of Knox's letter to him, it might be inferred he had
complied more ostensibly with the Romish party; but immediately upon
Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, Cecil became a Privy
Councillor, and was reinstated in his office of Secretary. He was
afterwards raised to the peerage as Lord Burghley, and was appointed
Lord High Treasurer. He died in 1598.
[52] In MS. G, "what you hard proclamed in the chapell."--This
probably refers to a discourse by Knox himself, in 1553, when
preaching as one of the King's chaplains, before Edward the Sixth.
[53] In MS. 1566, "how contemp that iver."
[Sidenote: THE WARST IS NOTT YITT COME.]
"The uther poynt concerning my self, and that poore flocke now
dispersed, and (as I heir say) rudelie intreated, is this: By dyverse
messingeris I have requeisted suche previleges as Turkis comounlie do
grant to men of everie natioun; to wit, that fredome sould be granted
unto me peceablie to travell throucht England,[54] to the end that
with greater expeditioun I mycht repair towardis my awin countrie,
quhilk now beginneth to thrist for Chrystis treuth. This requeist I
thocht sa reassonable, that almost I had entered the realme without
licence demandit; and yeit I understand that it had bein so rejected,
that the solistaris thairof did hardlie eschaip empresement.[55] And
some of that flocke I heir to be so extremelie handled, that those
that most cruellie have shed the blood of Goddis most deare childrein,
find this day amangis you greattar favouris then thei do. Allace, this
appereth muche to repugne to Christiane cheritie; for quhatsoevir hath
bein my offence, this I feare nott to affirme in thair causses, that
if ony whiche have suffered exyle in these most dolorus dayis of
persecutioun, deserve prais and commendatioun, for peace, concorde,
sober and quiet liveing, it is thei. And as for me, how criminall that
ever I be in Goddis presence, for the multitude of my synnes; yet
befoire his justice-seat I have a testimonie of guid conscience, that
sence my first acquentance with England, willinglie I never offended
persone within it, (except in oppin chayre to reprove that whiche God
condemneth) can be judged offense. But I have, (say you,) wreittin a
treassonable [booke] aganis the Regiment and Impyre of Women: If that
be my offense, the poore flocke is innocent, (except suche as this day
do fastest cry treasoun:) For, Sir, in Goddis presence I wreitt, with
none in that cumpany did I consult befoire the finisheing of the same;
and, thairfoire, in Chrystis name, I requyre that the blame may ly
upoun me allone. The wreitting of that Booke I will nott deny, but to
prove it treassonable I think it salbe hard. For, Sir, no more do I
doubt of the treuth of my principall propositioun, then that I doubt
that this was the voce of God whiche first did pronunce this penaltie
aganis woman, "In doloure sall thou beare thy chyldrein." It is
bruitted, that my Booke is or salbe writtin against. Yf so be, Sir, I
greatlie feare that flattereris sall rather hurte nor mend the mater,
which thei wald seame to mainteine; for, except that my error be
plainlie schawin and confuted be better authoritie then by suche lawis
as frome yeir to yeir may and do change, I dar nott promitt silence in
so wechtie a besines, leist that in so doing, I sall appear to betray
the verretie whiche is not subjected to the mutabilitie of tyme. And
if ony think me ather ennemye to the Persone or yet to the Regiment of
her quhome God hath now promoted, thei are utterlie deceived of me.
For the miraculouse wark of God, conforting his afflicted by ane
infirme veschell, I do acknawlege, and the power of his most potent
hand (raiseing up quhome best pleiseit his mercie to suppresse such as
fecht aganis his glorie) I will obey, albeit that boyth nature and
Goddis most perfyt ordinance repugne to suche regiment. Moir plainlie
to speik, yf Quene Elizabeth sall confesse, that the extraordinarie
dispensatioun of Goddis great mercie macketh that lauchfull unto her,
whiche boyth nature and Goddis law do deny to all women, then sall non
in England be more willing to mainteine her lauchfull authoritie then
I salbe: But yf (Goddis wonderouse werk sett asyd) scho ground (as
God forbid) the justnes of her title upoun consuetude, lawis, or
ordinances of men; then I am assured, that as suche foolishe
presumpcioun doeth heyghlie offend Goddis supreame majesty, so do I
greatlie feare that her ingratitude sall nocht lang lack punishement.
And this in the name of the eternall God, and of his sone Jesus
Chryst, (befoire quhome boyth you and I sall stand, to mak accomptes
of all counsall we geve,) I requyre you to signifie unto Her Grace in
my name; adding, that onlie humilitie and dejectioun of herself before
God salbe the firmitie and stabilitie of her throne, quhilk I knaw
sall be assulted mo wayis then one. Yf this ye conceill[56] frome Her
Grace, I will mak it patent to the warld that thus far I have
communicated with you, haveing also farther to speik, yf my weik
judgement may be hearde. Allace, Sir, is my offense (althocht in that
tyme, and in that mater, I had writtin ten bookis) so haineuse that I
can nott have licence, by preacheing of Christ Jesus, to refreshe
thoise thrustye saulles whiche long have laicked the watter of lyffe.
No man will I presentlie accuse; butt I greatlie fear, that the
leprouse have no plaisour to behald thair faces in the cleir glasse.
Lett none[57] be affrayed that I requyre to frequent the Courte, ather
yet of any continuance to remaine in England; but onlye thristis in
passing furthe to my awin native countrie to communicat with you and
sum uther, suche thingis as willinglie I list nott to committ to
paper, neither yet to the knawledge and creddit of many; and then, in
the Northe pairtes, to offer Goddis favouris to suche as I suppoise do
murne for thair defectioun. And this I trust salbe no less profitable
to Her Grace, and to all godlie within England, then it sould be
pleiseing to me in the flesche.
[54] This desire of Knox, repeated so frequently in subsequent
letters, to be allowed to visit England, was ungraciously refused, or
allowed for many months to pass unnoticed. On the 9th of July, after
Knox had reached Scotland, but still expressing the same anxious
desire to see his brethren in the North of England, Cecil wrote to Sir
Nicholas Throkmorton: "_Knoxe desireth to come hyther_: if he might
come secretly, I wold allow it; otherwise not." On the 13th of June,
Throkmorton, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth, had mentioned that Knox's
wife and his mother-in-law were then in Paris, intending to return
through England, and that he had promised letters in their favour to
Secretary Cecil; and he entreated her Majesty to overlook "his former
faultes." On the 19th of July, after stating "of what importance the
successe of thinges touching religion in Scotland is for us,"
Throkmorton strongly urges upon Cecil the expediency "that Knokes have
liberty to repair into England, how short soever his abode be there."
(Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 129, 155, 167.) From Cecil's own
letter, on the 28th of July, (see page 34,) it appears that he had
requested Knox to meet him at Stamford; but the course of events, as
related at page 32, prevented his travelling beyond Berwick.
[55] In MS. G. "imprisonment."
[56] In the MS. of 1566, "thei counsall."
[57] In MS. G, "Lat no man."
"This is the thrid tyme that I have beggit licence to visite
the hungrie and thristie amangs you, whiche, yf now be
denyed, as befoire God I have a testimonie, that so muche I
seik nott myself, as the advancement of Chrystis Evangell,
and the conforte of suche as quhome I knaw afflicted; so sall
the godlie understand that England, in refuseing me, refuseth
a friend, how small that ever the power be. The mychtie
Spreit of the Lord Jesus muve youre hairte deaplie to
consider youre dewtie unto God, and the estait of that Realme
in whiche, by his appointement, ye now serve. From Deape, the
[22d][58] of Aprile 1559.
(_Sic subscribitur_,) "Youris to command in godlines, "JHONE
KNOX."
[58] This date is supplied from the original, in the Harl. MSS.
(British Museum) No. 7004. In the MSS. of Knox's History, it is dated
the 10th of April.
To this letter was no answer maid; for schorte thairefter the said
Jhone Knox maid forduard to Scotland by sea, where he landed the thrid
day of Maij;[59] and had suche successe as in the Secound Booke is
declaired. The said Jhone being in Sanctandrois efter Cuper Mure,[60]
entred in deipe discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangeris war
evident, butt the supporte was nott easie to be seine. Efter many
wordis, Jhone Knox burstit furth as followis: "Yff England wald
foirsie thair awin comoditie, yea, yf thai did consider the danger
quhairin thei thameselfis stand, thai wald nott suffer us to perishe
in this quarrell; for France hath decreit no less the conquest of
England then of Scotland." After long reassoning, it was concluded
betuix thame two, that supporte sould be cravit of England; and for
that purpois, the said Laird of Grange first wreit to Sir Harie
Percie,[61] and efter raid frome Edinburgh and spak with him; to
quhome he maid so plaine demonstratioun of the danger appeiring to
England, that he tooke upoun him to wreit to the Secretarie Cycill;
quho with expeditioun returned answer bak agane, geving him to
understand, thatt oure interpryse altogitther myslyked nott the
Counsall, albeit that thei desyrit farther resolutioun of the
principall Lordis. Whiche thing understand, it was concluded by
some[62] to wreitt unto him plainlie oure hoill purpois. The tennor of
oure letter was this:--
[59] There is a slight discrepancy in the date of Knox's arrival in
Scotland. Here it is the 3d of May 1559, but at page 318 of vol. i.,
the 2d of that month is the day specified.
[60] In June: see vol. i. p. 325.
[61] See _infra_, note 1, page 33.--Letters from Kirkaldy of Grange to
Sir Henry Percy, between the 23d June and 1st July 1559, are preserved
in the State Paper Office.
[62] The words, "by some," are omitted in MS. G.
THE FIRST LETTER TO [SIR] WILLYAUME CYCILL, FRA THE LORDIS OF THE
CONGREGATIOUN.
[Sidenote: LETT THE ENNEMYE SAY, GIF THAIR HOPE BE NOTT FRUSTRAT.]
"THE contentis of a letter direct by you (rycht worschipfull)
to Sir Harie Percie, was notifeid unto us by Mr. Kircaldie of
Grange, this Sonday the [16th][63] of Julij, by the whiche we
perceave, that the said Grange, of zeill and faithfull hairt
whiche he bereth to the furtherance of this our great, and,
befoire the warld, dangerous interpryse, hath travelled with
you as with ane unfeaned favorer of Chrystis trew religioun,
and of the libertie of our countrye, for knawlege of your
myndis towardis us, incais that we be assaulted by ony
forayne invasioun, or greater power then we be weill able to
resist. Youre confortable answer to this questioun we have
considered, to our joy and conforte, as also youre motiouns,
and quhatt ye demand; to witt, What we, the Protestantis
within this realme, do purpois? To quhatt end we meane to
directe oure actiouns? How we will, and how we be[64] able to
accompleis the same? What doubtis we have of ony adversare
powar? And finallie, incais that supporte sould be send frome
you, what maner of amytie mycht insew betuix these twa
realmes? To the whiche in breve we answer, That oure hoille
and only purpois (as knaweth God) is to advance the glorye of
Chryst Jesus, the trew preaching of his evangell[65] within
this realme; to remove superstitioun, and all kynd of
idolatrie;[66] to brydeill to our poweris the furie of those
that heirtofoir have cruellie sched the bloode of our
bretherein; and, to our utermest, to meanteine the libertie
of this oure countrye frome the tirranie and thraldome of
strangeris, as God sall assist us. How we [sall] be able to
accompleiss these premisses, is to us unknawin; onlye oure
hoip is guid that He that hes begune this guid wark in us,
and hathe, by his power, to this hour confounded the faces of
our adversaries, will performe the same to his glorie, whiche
chieflie we seik in this oure interpryse. Because we
suppoise, that neither oure present danger, neither yett the
weirlyke preparatioun whiche France maketh aganis us, be hyd
frome you nor frome the Counsall, we omitt that pairt. As
tuicheing the assurance of a perpetuall amity to stand betuix
these twa Realmes; as no earthlie [thing] of us is more
desyred, so crave we of God to mak us instrumentis by whiche
this unnaturall debaite, whiche long hath continued betuix
us, may anis be composed, to the prais of Goddis name, and to
the confort of the faithfull in boyth realmes. And gif youre
wisdomes can foirsie and devyse the meanes and assurances,
how the same may be brocht to passe; perswade youreselfis,
not onlye of oure consent and assistance, but also of oure
constancie, as men may promeise, to oure lyves end; yea, and
farther, of a charge and commandement by us to be left to
oure posteritie, that the amity betuix [us], in God
contracted and begun, may be by thame kept inviolat for ever.
And for the revolting frome you to France, whiche yee seeme
to fear and suspect, at thair pleisour, we utterlie abhor
that infidelitie; for now doeth the voyce[67] of God
continualie sound in our earis, 'That suche as profaine the
terrible and reverent name of God, sall nott eschaip
veangence.' Oure confederacie, amitie, and leigue, sall nott
be lyke the pactions maid by wardlie men for wardlie
proffeit; but as we require it for Goddis caus, so will we
incall his name for the observatioun of the same. Moirover,
gif we sould laike any thing to temporall commoditie, yitt
sould we never have occasioun to returne to thame; ffor we
now perceave and feill the wecht of thair yoke, and intend
(by Goddis grace) to cutt away suche instrumentis[68] as by
quhome this realme wes befoire abused. Trew it is, that as
yeit we have maid no mentioun of ony change in Authoritie,
neither yeit were we myndit to [do] any suche thing, till
extreme necessitie compelled us thairto: but seing it is now
more than evident, that France, and the Quene Regent heir,
with hir preistis, pretend to nothing bot the suppressing of
Chrystis Evangell, the ruyne of us, and the subversioun of
[this] poore realme; committing oure innocencie to God, and
unto the judgment of all godlie and naturall men, we are
determined to seik the nixt remedie, in whiche we hairtlie
requyre youre counsaill and assistance. And this far we have
interprysit, to mak you participant of oure purpois; becauis
in the said letteris you requyred of the [said] Mr.
Kirkcaldie sum farther assurance then his awin woord of
wreitting, whiche we dout nott bot ye sall schoirtlie receave
frome mo then frome us. We dar nott haistellie mak the whole
assemblie, neither of noblis, neither of barronis, prevy in
this cause, for dangeris that may insew by policie and craft
of the adversaries; youre Wisdomes, we doubt not, will
communicat these onlye, with suche as ye knaw favoraris of
such ane godlie conjunctioun. It should much help in oure
opinioun, gif the preacharis boyth in persuasioun and in
publict prayeris, (as ouris do heire,) wald commend the same
unto the peopill. And thus, efter oure humill commendatiounis
to the Quenis Majestie, (quhois reigne we desyre to be
prosperous and long, to the glorie of God, and conforte of
his Churche,) we hairtlie committ you to the protectioun of
the Omnipotent. Fra Edinburgh, the [19th][69] of Julij 1559."
[63] In Vautr. edit, "the 26th of Julie;" MS. G. has "the 25th." In
the MS. 1566, it might either be 25 or 28. The original letter reads
distinctly, "this Sounday, the 15 of Julij;" but the 3d Sunday of July
fell on the 16th; and it has been seen, that such mistakes on the part
of Knox are not unusual.
[64] Vautr. edit. has, "how we be able;" MS. G, "how we sall be able."
[65] In MS. G, "his holie evangell;" in Vautr. edit. "his gospell."
[66] In MS. G, "externall idolatrie."
[67] In MS. 1566, "wolce."
[68] In the original letter, the words, "the papisticall clergye," are
added in the margin.
[69] In all the copies of Knox's History, this letter is dated the
17th of July; the original has the 19th.
With this oure letter,[70] Jhonne Knox wreat two, one to the said
Secratarie, and ane uther to the Quenis Majestie hirself, in tennour
as efter followis:
JHONE KNOX[71] SECOUND LETTER TO MR. CYCILL, FOR DELIVERANCE OF ANE
UTHER TO THE QUEIN OF ENGLAND.
[70] The original of this letter, in the hand-writing of Knox, is
preserved in the State Paper Office. It is signed by the Earls of
Argyle and Glencairn, the Prior of St. Andrews, and Lords Ruthven,
Boyd, and Ochiltree. The original draft of Cecil's answer, in the same
collection, is dated 28th July 1559. (See Tytler's Hist. of Scotland,
vol. vi. pp. 122, 124.)
[71] This second letter to Cecil, and the following one to Queen
Elizabeth, are omitted in Vautrollier's edition and the later MSS. It
is highly probable that these letters were purposely suppressed while
that edition was at press, in order to avoid giving offence to Queen
Elizabeth.--As already mentioned, the originals of several of Knox's
Letters of this period, are still preserved, and copies of them will
be inserted in a subsequent volume.
"WITH my humill commendatiounis. Pleise you, SIR, to delyver
this other letter inclosit to the Quenis Grace. It containeth
in few and in semple wourdis my confessioun, quhat I think of
hir Authoritie, how it is just, and quhat may mak it odious
in Goddis presence. I heir that thair is ane Confutatioun
sett furth in prent aganis 'The First Blast.'[72] God grant
that the wreitter have no more socht the favoris of this
present estait, no less the glorie of God, and the stable
commoditie of his countrey, then did he quho enterprysed in
that 'Blast' to utter his conscience. When I sall have tyme,
(whiche now is sumquhatt precious unto me,) to peruse that
werk, I will communicat my judgement with you.
"The tyme is now, Sir, that all that either thrist Chryst
Jesus to reigne in this yle, or yett the hairtes of the
inhabitantes of the same to be joyned togidder in love
unfained, aucht rather to studie how the same mycht be brocht
to passe, then vanelie to travaill for the mantenance of
that, quhairof we have allreddy seine the danger, and felt
the smarte. Gif the most pairt of women be wicked, and suche
as willinglie we wald nott reigne over us; and gif the most
godlie, and suche as have rare graces be yett mortall, we
aucht to tak heid, least in establissing one judged godlie
and profitable to hir countrey, we mak ane entres and tytill
to mony; off quhome not only sall the treuth be impugned, bot
also sall the countrey be brocht in bondage. God give you,
and utheris favoraris of your countrey, eyis to foirsee, and
wisdome to avoyd the dangeris appeareing.
"By dyverse [letteris], I have requyred licence to have
visited the North pairtis of England; but as yitt I have
ressaved no favorabill answer.[73] The longer, Sir, that it
be delayed, the less conforte sall the faithfull thair
receive, the weaker sall the Quenis Grace be. Gif I war nott
to hir Grace are unfeaned friend, I wald not instantlie begg
suche libertie, whiche to me I knaw sall neither be
profitable nor pleising in the flesche. The estait of thingis
here comoun, I dout nott ye knaw. Some thingis I have, (as
oft I have wreitten,) whiche gladlie I wald communicat,
quhilk I mynd nott to committ unto paper and ynk: find,
thairfoir, the meanis that I may speik suche one as ye will
credit in all thingis. The grace of the Lord Jesus rest with
you.
"I hairtlie beseik you to have my service humblie commended
to the Quenis Grace; adding, that quhosoever maketh me odious
to hir Grace, seiketh somequhatt besydis the glorie of God,
and hir Grace's prosperitie; and thairfoir can nott be
assured and unfayned freindis. From, &c."
[72] Alluding to the publication by John Aylmer, afterwards
Bishop of London, which will be more particularly noticed in
a subsequent volume, entitled, "An Harborowe for faithfull
and trewe subjectes, against the late blowne Blaste
concerninge the Government of Wemen." &c., Anno 1559. 4to.
[73] See _supra_, page 19, note 1.
The letter sent be the said Jhonne, to the Quenis Majestie of England,
being inclosed in the foirsaid Mr. Cycillis letter.
"TO THE VERTEOUS AND GODLIE ELIZABETH, BY THE GRACE OF GOD
QUEIN OF ENGLAND, &C., JHONNE KNOX DESYRETH THE PERPETUALL
CONFORTE OF THE HOLY SPREIT.
"As youre Grace's displeisoure aganis me, most injustlie
conceaved, hath bein, and is to my wretched hearte a burdene
greavouse, and almost intollerable; so is the testimony of
ane cleir conscience to me ane stay and uphald, that in
disperatioun I synk nott, how vehement that ever the
tentatiouns appeir. For, in Goddis presence, my conscience
beareth me record, that maliciously, nor of purpoise, I never
offended youre Grace, nor youre realme; and, thairfoir,
howsoever I be judged of man, I am assured to be absolved of
him quho only knaweth the secreitis of hairtis. I can not
deny the wreiting of a booke aganis the usurped Authoritie,
and injust Regement of Women;[74] neither [yit] am I myndit
to retract or call back any principall point, or propositioun
of the same, till treuth and verritie do farder appeir. But
quhy, that either youre Grace, either yitt ony suche as
unfeanedlie favore the libertie of England, be offendit at
the authore of suche ane warke, I can perceave no just
occasioun. For, first, my booke tueched nott youre Grace's
persoune [in speciall,] neither yitt is it prejudiciall till
any libertie of the realme, gif the tyme of my wretting be
indifferentlie considdered. How could I be ennemy to youre
Grace's persone, for delyverance quhairof I did more studie,
and interpryse farther, then ony of these that now accuise
me? And, as concerning youre Regiment, how could or can I
invy that whiche most I have thristit, and for the quhilk (as
oblivioun will suffer) I render thankis unfeandlie unto God?
That is, 'That he hath pleised him, of his eternall goodness,
to exalt your head, (which some tymes was in danger,) to the
manifestatioun of his glorie, and extirpatioun of idolatrie.'
And as for my offense, quhilk I have committed against
England, either in wreitting that, or of any uther werk, I
will nott refuise that moderat and indifferent man judge and
discerne betwix me and those that accuise [me]: to witt,
quhither of the parties do maist hurt to the libertie of
England, I that affirme, 'That no woman may be exalted above
any[75] realme, to mak the libertie of the same thrall to ane
strange, proude, and cruell natioun;' or, they that approve
quhatsoever plaeseth Princes for the tyme. Gif I war alsweill
disposed to accuse, as some of thame (till thair awin schame)
have declaired thame selfis, I no thing doubt, bot that in
few wourdis I sould lett reassonable men understand, that
some that this day lawlie crouche to your Grace, and laubor
to mak me odiuss in your eyes, did, in your adversitie,
neather schaw thame selfis faithfull freindis to your Grace,
neather so loveing and carefull over thair awin native
countrey, as thei wald be estemed. But omitting the
accusatioun of utheris, for my awin purgatioun, and your
Grace's satisfactioun, I say, that nothing in my booke
contained, is, nor can be prejudiciall to your Grace's just
regiment, providit that ye be nott found ungrate unto God:
Ungrate ye sallbe provein in presence of his throne,
(howsoever that flattereris justifie your factioun,) gif ye
transferr the glorye of that honor, in quhilk ye now stand,
to any uther thing, then to the dispensatioun of his mercie,
which only maketh that lauchfull to your Grace, quhilk nature
and law denyeth to all woman. Neither wald I that your Grace
should feare that this your humiliatioun before [God] sould,
in ony caise, infirme or weaken your Grace's just and
lauchfull authoritie befoire men. Nay, Madame, such unfeaned
confessioun of Goddis benifits receaved shalbe the
establissement of the same, nott only to youre self, but also
to youre seid and posteritie; whair, contrariwyse, a proude
conceat and elevatioun of youre self, salbe the occasioun,
that youre reigne salbe unstable, troublesome, and schorte.
God is witnesse, that unfeanedlie I boyth love and reverence
youre Grace; yea, I pray, that youre reigne may be long,
prosperouse, and quyet; and that, for the quyetnes which
Christis membres, befoire persecuted, have receaved under
you.
"Bot yett, gif I should flatter youre Grace, I war no friend,
bot ane deceavable traitor. And thairfoire of conscience, I
am compelled to say, that neather the consent of people, the
process of tyme, nor multitude of men, can establische a law
which God sall approve; bot quhatsoever he approveth by his
eternall wourd, that shalbe approved, and quhatsoever he
condempneth salbe condempned, thocht all men in earth wald
hasard the justificatioun of the same. And, thairfoire,
Madame, the only way to reteane and kept those benefites of
God, aboundantlie poured now of laitt dayis upoun you, and
upoun youre realme, is unfeanedlie to rander unto God, to his
mercie, and undeserved grace, the [whole] glorie of this
youre exaltatioun. Forgett youre birth, and all tytill which
thairupoun doeth hing; and considder deiplie, how for feir of
your lyef, ye did declyne from God, and bow till idollatrie.
Lett it not appeire ane small offence in your eyes, that ye
have declyned from Christ Jesus in the day of his batteill.
Neither yett wald I, that ye sould esteme that mercie to be
vulgare and commoun which ye have received; to witt, that God
hath covered your former offense, hathe preserved you quhen
ye war most unthankfull; and in the end, hath exalted and
raiseit you up, nott only from the dust, bot also from the
portis of deith, to reule above his people, for the confort
of his Kirk. It apperteneth to you, thairfoire, to ground the
justice of your Authoritie, nott upoun that law, which from
year to year doeth change, but upoun the eternall providence
of Him, who, contrair to nature, and without your deserving,
hath thus exalted your head. Gif thus, in Goddis presence, ye
humill your self, as in my heart I glorifie God for that
rest granted to his afflicted flocke within Ingland, under
you a weik instrument; so will I with toung and penn justifie
your Authoritie and Regiment, as the Holy Ghost hath
justified[76] the same in Debora, that blissed mother in
Israell. Bot gif the premisses (as God forbeid) neglected, ye
sall begin to bragg of your birth, and to builde your
Authoritie and Regiment upoun your awin law, flatter you quho
so list, your felicitie salbe schorte. Interpreit my rude
wordis in the best pairte, as written by him who is no
ennemye to your Grace.
"By dyverse letteris I have requyred license to veseit your
Realme, nott to seik my self, neither yett my awin ease nor
commoditie; which, gif ye now refuise and deny, I most remit
my caus to God; adding this for conclusioun, that commonlie
it is seine, 'That such as refuise the counsaill of the
faithfull, (appeir it never so scharpe,) ar compelled to
follow the deceat of flattereris to thair awin perditioun.'
The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus move your hairt to
understand quhat is said; give unto you the discretioun of
spreittis, and so rewll you in all your actions and
interpryses, that in you God may be glorified, his Kirk
edified, and ye your self as ane lyvlie member of the same,
may be an example of vertew and godlie lyffe till all
utheris. So be it. Of Edinburgh, the [20th][77] day of Julij
1559."
[74] Referring to his "First Blast of the Trumpet," &c.,
published at Geneva, in 1558.
[75] In MS. G, "over any."
[76] In the MS. of 1566, "institued."
[77] MS. G. makes it the 28th; but the date of the original letter, as
Mr. Tytler has noticed, is the 20th of July. (Hist. vol. vi. p. 122.)
* * * * *
These letters war directed by Alexander Quhytlaw,[78] a man that oft
hath hazarded him self, and all that he had, for the cause of God, and
for his freindis being in danger for the same cause.
[78] See a brief notice of Whytelaw, in vol. i. p. 393. Throkmorton,
in a letter dated at Paris, 21st June 1559, says, "One Sanders Whitlo,
a Scottishman, who was heretofore pensioner in England, in King
Edward's tyme," and "being a very honest, sober, and godly man, and
the most truely affectionat to England of any Scottishman I know here,
hath been with me, and given me diverse advertisements of things which
be trew;" and he recommends that he should receive the same pension he
had enjoyed, after his lands in Scotland had been forfeited by the
Earl of Huntley. (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i p. 137.) On the 28th
June, he was the bearer of a letter from Throkmorton to Secretary
Cecil.--(Ib. p. 147.) A postscript to the letter adds, "This bearer is
greatly estemyd of John Knokes, and he doth also favour him above
other: nevertheles, he is sory for his boke rashly writen."
Within a day or twa efter the departing of the said Alexander, thair
come a lettre from Sir Harye Percye to Jhone Knox, requyring him to
meitt him at Annyk,[79] the threid of August, for such effairis as he
wald nott wreit, nor yitt communicat with any but with the said Jhone
him self. While he was preparing him self for the journay, (for
Secretary Cycill had appointed to have mett him at Stampfourd,)[80]
the Frenche men furiouslie come furth of Dumbar, of purpose to have
surprised the Lordis being in Edinburgh, as in the Secound Booke
befoir is declared: Which stayit the journay of the said Jhonne, till
that God had delyvered the innocentis from that great danger; and then
was he, having in his company,[81] Maister Robert Hamyltoun,[82]
minister of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, directed from the Lordis,
with full commissioun and instructiouns to expone thair hole cause and
estait quhairin thei stoode.
[79] In MS. G, "Anwich," the town of Alnwick, in the county of
Northumberland, 84 miles from Newcastle.
[80] Stamford, an ancient borough town in the county of Lincoln. The
Castle, of which scarcely any vestiges are now visible, was granted by
Queen Elizabeth to Sir William Cecil.
[81] In Vautr. edit. "then was he hated of his companie."
[82] Mr. Robert Hamilton was educated at St. Andrews. As witness of a
deed, dated 1558, he is styled Rector of Torrens.--(Lyon's St.
Andrews, vol. ii. p. 262.) He afterwards became Minister of St.
Andrews.
[Sidenote: SIR JAMES CROFTIS COUNSALE.]
Thair passage was from Petinweame,[83] by sea. Thei arryvit at
Holy-Iland; and being advertissed that Sir Harye Percie was absent
from [the North], thei addressed thame selfis to Sir James Croftis,
then Capitane of Berwik, and Wardein of the East Marches of England.
Thei schew unto him thair creddit and commissioun. He receaved thame
gentlie, and comforted thame with his faithfull counsall, which was:
"That thei sould travaill no farther,[84] neather yitt sould thei be
seine in publict, and that for dyverse consideratiouns. First, The
Quene Regent had her espyellis in England. Secoundarlie, The Quene and
the Counsall that favored our actioun, wald that all thingis should be
secreat so long as thei mycht. And last, (said he,) I think it nott
expedient, that in such raritie of preachearis, ye two be ony long
tyme absent from the Lordis. And thairfoire, (said he,) ye shall do
best to committ to wreating your hoile mynd and creddit, and I shall
promeise to you, upoun my honour, to haif answer at you, and at the
Lordis againe, befoire that ye your selfis can be at Londoun. And
quhaire that your letteris can nott expresse all thingis so fully as
your presence could, I sall supplie the same, not only by my penne,
but also by my awin presence, to suche as will informe the Counsall
sufficientlie of all thingis."
[83] Pittenweem, a royal burgh and sea-port on the east-coast of Fife.
[84] As this portion of the History supplies a defect in the previous
Book, where the application made by the Protestants for aid from
England is scarcely alluded to; and as there is an apparent confusion
in some of the dates, owing to the letters being partially or
inaccurately copied, a few words of explanation may here be added.
Knox's conversation with Kirkaldy of Grange, (see page 21,) took place
at St. Andrews, after Cupar Muir, before the end of June 1559; and
letters from Kirkaldy, to Cecil and Percy, on the 23d and 25th of that
month, and on the 1st of July, are still preserved. Knox himself wrote
to Cecil, on the 28th June. The result of their correspondence was,
that Whytelaw, who had then returned from France, and having passed
through England, had brought letters from Sir William Cecil, was sent
back on the 20th of July, as the bearer of the letters from the Lords
of the Congregation, and from Knox, to Cecil and Queen Elizabeth,
which are printed in pages 22 to 30. After Whytelaw's departure, Knox
received a letter from Sir Henry Percy, wishing that they should meet
at Alnwick. His journey thither was delayed, in consequence of the
Queen and the French troops having advanced from Dunbar, on Monday the
23d of July, and the Congregation having retired from Edinburgh on the
24th; but Knox, after a short delay, passed through Fife to
Pittenweem, and crossed the Firth to Holy Island. Having acceded to
the suggestions of Sir James Crofts, instead of proceeding farther, he
remained at Berwick until Whytelaw came with Cecil's letter, on the 2d
or 3d of August: (see page 35, note 1.)
The said Jhone and Maister Robert followed his counsall,[85] for it
was faithfull, and proceidit of luif at that tyme. Thei taried with
him verry secretly, within the Castell of Berwick, two dayis. In the
which tyme, returned Alexander Quhytlaw foirsaid, with answer to the
Lordis, and to Jhone Knox;[86] the tennour of whose letter was this:--
[85] The Articles and Instructions, written by Knox, and left with
Crofts to be transmitted to the English Privy Council, are dated 31st
July 1559. (See Tytler's History of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 128.)
[86] MS. G. makes it, "Maister Knox."