Though the main interest of the drama ceases with the liberation of
the city, the fate of a principal actor, Kara Mustapha, remains to be
noticed; and some further events of the campaign will be found neither
deficient in historical importance nor destitute of instruction to the
soldier.
The situation of the Polish army, and the general prospect of affairs
some days after the battle, can hardly be better indicated than by
the following extract from Sobieski’s letter to the Queen of the 17th
September. After giving a long list of the grievances and sufferings of
his people, whose condition on the banks of the Danube he compares to
that of the Israelites by the waters of Babylon, he proceeds:—“You will
extract from this letter a gazette article, with the understanding,
however, that all my topics of grievance are to be kept out of sight.
We must not forget the old adage of Kochanouski, ‘the man who knows not
how to conceal his disgust makes his enemy to laugh.’ Say only that
the commissaries of the Emperor have deceived our army with respect to
the provisions and forage which they promised us, and for which the
Pope has destined considerable sums; that the bridge is not finished;
that the army suffers much; that the Imperial troops are still under
the walls of Vienna; that the Saxons have retired; that the King is
in advance; that his light cavalry is pressing the enemy; that if it
were not for the horrible devastation of the country not a Turk would
have escaped; that the King is constantly sending to the Emperor to
press him to enter the enemy’s territory and to invest at the least two
fortresses; that Tekeli has sent emissaries to me submitting everything
to my decision; and so on.”
Of the Hungarian fortresses at this time in the hands of the Turks,
Neuhaüsel and Gran were the two which the Imperial commanders were most
desirous to reduce. Neuhaüsel derived importance from its proximity
to Presburg and Vienna, and from its situation in face of that vast
Schütt island of the Danube of which the fortress of Komorn fortunately
gave the Imperialists the command. Gran, often mentioned by authors
by its Latin name Strigonium, was situated lower down the river on
the right bank of the Danube. Its bridge, protected on the northern
shore by the fortress of Barkan, gave the Turks the power of operating
on both sides of the river; and a strong body of Turkish cavalry
had thrown itself into the tête-du-pont, under the command of Kara
Mehemet, a young Pacha, worthy, by his courage, of the charge of a
post of so much military importance. Some difference of opinion seems
to have arisen in the first instance between the King and the Imperial
generals, the former inclining to postpone operations against Neuhaüsel
and to move at once upon Gran, with the view of ulterior operations
against the still more important city of Pesth, to which the Vizier
had transferred his head quarters. The King, however, acquiesced in
the views of the Imperialists, which were influenced by the proximity
of Neuhaüsel to the capital; but the decision of both was overruled
by events. In any case it became necessary to throw a bridge over the
river in the neighbourhood of Komorn, and the King complains in his
letters of the delay in this operation. He was anxious to cross the
river, both for the purpose of further encounter with the enemy and
from the exhausted state of the country on the left bank. The passage
of the river was effected on the 4th or 5th October. The troops, during
their occupation of the rich island of the Schütt, had been better
supplied with forage and provisions, but had suffered dreadfully from
the various forms of contagious and deadly disease for which the
autumnal climate of Hungary is notorious. Sobieski remarks that the
Germans, generally more delicate than the Poles, suffered less by the
prevalent fever which decimated officers and men in his own army.
He describes his own people as dissatisfied with the rich wines of
Hungary, and pining for their beer and smoky cottages. Drunkenness,
it would appear, was a preservative against the prevalent fever,
and possibly the Poles were less addicted than the Germans to this
prophylactic. Many Polish officers of distinction were swept off.
The Turks, meanwhile, were little in condition to take advantage of
Austrian delays, or Polish sickness, for the purpose of stemming the
tide of victory and pursuit. Detractors from the reputation of Sobieski
have not been wanting to censure the laxity of the pursuit, and to
ascribe it to the attractions of the Vizier’s tents. That he was fond
of money his admirers have not denied. His apologists have alleged
in his defence, on this head, the temptation to which the holder of
a life interest in a crown is exposed to accumulate wealth for those
descendants who on his decease may sink into a private station. Perhaps
a law of celibacy would be no unreasonable condition of elective
sovereignty. No female reader of his letters will, however, blame the
complacency with which he describes the treasures destined for the
boudoir of the wife whom he styles “his incomparable,” but who appears,
by her taste for dress and intrigue, to have been very comparable
indeed to many of her countrywomen. It is unnecessary to detail the
many circumstances which must have made an active and immediate pursuit
of the flying foe a military impossibility. It is sufficient to point
to the forest defiles through which the allied force had toiled for
three weary days from the Danube to the heights of the Kahlenberg,
during which time the horses had fed on nothing but the leaves of the
trees which impeded their progress. The Vizier’s first halt was under
the walls of Raab; his first reassertion of his authority, which, in
the confusion of defeat and flight, had been in abeyance, was to select
a man he hated as an expiatory victim. The veteran Pacha of Pesth,
whose original counsels, if followed, would have probably led to less
fatal results, was ready to his hand. This old and distinguished man,
with two other Pachas and the Aga of the Janissaries, were beheaded
on a charge of cowardice, and some fifty other officers of less note
strangled. After a halt of three days, employed in such proceedings as
these, and in rallying and collecting the troops, he pursued his march
towards Pesth, not unmolested by the garrison of Raab, but throwing
reinforcements into Neuhaüsel and Gran as he passed.
The Polish army had, as has been stated, crossed the Danube near Komorn
on the 4th and 5th, and the Imperial cavalry had followed; but the
mass of the infantry was still behind. The King took the advance with
a small body of his own cavalry, in the hopes of an easy conquest of
the Turks, whom he knew to have hastily occupied the _tête-du-pont_
of Barkan. Forgetting, in his contempt for a beaten enemy, and in
his anxiety to seize the Turkish bridge of boats near Barkan, the
first rules of military science, and pressing forward without support
or reserve, and without due security for co-operation from the more
cautious Lorraine, he sacrificed some of his best troops, and narrowly
escaped, in his own person and that of his son, the last penalty a
soldier can pay for imprudence. The affair began with the advanced
guard, which, according to the King’s rather exculpatory but graphic
report to his wife, committed itself prematurely, and contrary to
his orders, in a skirmish with the Turks near Barkan. Some accounts
state that the latter were crafty enough to lure them on, by causing
a herd of oxen to retire slowly before them. The Palatine of Russia,
proceeding to the front, found it necessary to send in all haste
for assistance, and the King in person brought up to the rescue his
whole disposable force, making his numbers in the field some 5000
men, without infantry or artillery. He would have done more wisely to
have left his advanced guard to their fate. He found it routed and
disorganized, and himself with his small force, not yet deployed,
within some hundred paces of an enemy flushed with success, and
immensely superior in numbers. The Palatine of Russia, who saw the
danger, implored him to leave the field. He replied to this invitation
by charging at the head of his best available squadron. The charge
succeeded, but at the same moment the centre and left wing, though not
yet engaged with the enemy, gave way, and the conflict degenerated
into a race for life and death. The young Prince, who in this affair,
as in the battle of Vienna, had followed his father like his shadow,
received from him a positive command to fly. The King himself lingered
till every effort he could make to rally his people had utterly failed,
and he was left with six companions. To two of these, Czerkass, a
Lithuanian gentleman, and a nameless soldier of heavy cavalry, he
himself mainly attributed his salvation. The latter, who shot down
with his carbine one of two horsemen who had come up with the King,
and wounded the other, perished; the former lived to enjoy a pension
of 500 crowns paid to him by the Queen on every anniversary of this
disastrous skirmish. For some two miles and more the furious race
continued: the Palatine of Pomerelia fell, horse and man, and was cut
to pieces. The ground was heavy, and intersected with deep furrows: the
King, though not so inactive as the French ambassador had described
him, was both tall and corpulent; and when at length he pulled up
and rallied his people on the cavalry and guns of the German troops,
which at the instance of the Austrian General Dunnewald, attached in
this affair to the staff of the King, were coming up to his support,
breathless, and covered with bruises from rough contact with the
companions of his flight, he lay for a while exhausted on a heap of
straw. The Abbé Coyer has a story of the King’s witnessing the escape
of his son, as he left his cloak in the hand of a Turkish horseman.
The King expressly states that Fanfan, as he always calls his son, was
_bien en avant_ with the grand _écuyer_ Mateinski, to whom the Abbé
and others also have attributed the preservation of the King. Most of
the King’s personal attendants, pages, &c., perished; he mentions a
negro boy, a young Hungarian, master of several languages, but dwells
with most interest on the fate of a little Calmuck, a famous rider in
the King’s hare-coursing pastimes.[20] In spite of his horsemanship he
was captured, but by some strange accident spared by the Turks. After
their subsequent defeat he was found in their camp and recognised by
the Poles, but an unlucky German cut him down. There are many instances
in which the greatest commanders have had to ride for their lives.
In our own times the list would comprise names no less than those
of Napoleon, Murat, and Blücher; but the Cossack hourra of Brenne,
and the skirmish near Leipzick, were accidents of warfare which no
prudence could avert, and the gallant charge of Ligny few would be
found to censure. The race of Barkan is historically valuable for the
lesson it conveys of caution in the hour of success. An adherence to
the simplest rules of military science would have saved two thousand
lives. Sobieski’s character shines out conspicuously in the manner in
which he took this severe check. Like the old Prussian of 1815, though
bruised and stiffened, and scarcely able to sit his horse, he was up
and ready on the following day, pressing the Duke of Lorraine to move
against the Turks. In his religious convictions he was earnest, perhaps
to the verge of bigotry, and in his letters to his wife in tracing the
disaster to the judgment of Providence on the licence and crimes of the
army, he passes over rather lightly the share which his own incaution
had in producing it.
It required all the magic of Sobieski’s influence to repair the moral
consequences of this discomfiture in his own ranks, in which at first
an ominous inclination displayed itself to concede the post of honour,
the right of the line, to the German troops. We can hardly believe, on
the sole authority of Rycaut, that the King himself was disposed to
yield to this suggestion. His letter, written on the field, breathes
nothing but an impatience for the arrival of the imperial infantry.
Lorraine, on his part, seems to have needed no pressing, and it was
determined to attack the enemy on the 9th. The young Pacha, who had
struck so serious a blow at the veteran conqueror of Choczim and
Vienna, now himself fell into the error of abiding the chances of
unequal battle; for though he had been strongly reinforced from Gran,
he had but 25,000 men to oppose to some 50,000. Tekeli, too wise to
believe the Vizier’s message announcing the total destruction of the
Christian army, and engaged in tortuous negotiations with Sobieski, was
hovering almost within sight, but kept aloof from action. The Pacha
fell into the still graver error of meeting the enemy with a chain of
hills on his right, the river of Gran in his rear, and no retreat but
by the bridge over the Danube. The consequence of this arrangement was
a defeat, rendered bloody and complete by the failure of the bridge,
which gave way under the fugitives. Barkan itself was carried by storm.
Kara Mohammed himself escaped, but the Pacha of Karamania was killed,
and the Pacha of Silistria taken. The amount of the Turkish loss is
variously stated. The Poles, eager for vengeance, and excited by the
sight of the heads of their countrymen stuck on the palisades of the
fort, gave little quarter, and artillery was brought to bear upon the
crowds who attempted to swim the river. This success was purchased
at the loss of 400 Poles and 70 of the imperial troops. Sobieski, in
the moment of victory, writes of it as a victory greater than that of
Vienna—an exaggeration only to be excused by the excitement of the
moment. Its importance, however, was manifested by the speedy fall
of Gran, the seat of the Hungarian primacy, containing the tomb of
Stephen, the first Christian King of Hungary, but which from the year
1605 had been desecrated by Turkish occupation. The Turkish bridge
having been demolished during the battle, the Imperialists brought
down their own bridge of boats from Komorn, which was ready for the
passage of the troops a league above the city on the 13th. The town was
carried by storm. The garrison, some 4000 strong, which had retired
into the citadel, surrendered on the 27th, on condition of their safe
conveyance to Buda, with their women and children, and retaining
their small arms. The Vizier, on receiving at Buda intelligence of
the fall of Gran, departed in haste for Belgrade, but left with Kara
Mehemet an order for the execution of the officers who had signed
the surrender. His own bloody rule was meanwhile drawing to a close.
His first reports and excuses for his failure before Vienna had been
received at the court of Adrianople with simulated favour, and his
messenger had returned with the usual tokens of royal approbation, a
sword and a pelisse. Influence, however, both male and female, was
busy for his destruction; the friends of the murdered Pacha of Pesth,
and all those who had originally opposed the expedition, were powerful
and zealous. Tekeli, and the dying Sultana mother, Validè, threw their
influence into the scale. At length the vacillation of the Sultan was
overcome, and a chamberlain of the court rode out from Adrianople
with the simple order to return as soon as might be with the head of
Kara Mustapha. The officer, on approaching Belgrade, communicated his
mission to the Aga of the Janissaries, who gave his prompt acquiescence
and ready assistance to the objects of the mission. The transaction was
conducted, on the part of the servants of the crown, with that decent
privacy and convenient expedition which usually attend the execution of
Turkish justice, and submitted to by the patient with the quiet dignity
with which the predestinarian doctrine of Islam arms its votaries
against all accidents. The insignia of authority were politely demanded
and quietly resigned. The carpet was spread, the short prayer uttered,
the bowstring adjusted. In a few moments the late dispenser of life and
death, the uncontrolled commander of 200,000 men, was a corpse, and his
head on the road to Adrianople. It met with some subsequent adventures;
for, having been returned to Belgrade by the Sultan, and deposited
in a mosque, it was discovered after the surrender of that city to
the Christians, and forwarded by them to the Bishop Kollonitsch. The
prelate made over the grisly memorial of the man, who had threatened to
send his own head on a lance’s point to the Sultan, to the arsenal of
Vienna, where it still keeps its place among the other trophies of a
long struggle of race and religion.
With the catastrophe of so leading a personage this work may properly
reach the termination which its limits now demand. For the winter
march by which Sobieski withdrew his forces to his own frontier, and
the fortresses which he picked up by the way, his negotiations with
Tekeli, and his passing successes over the Turks, the reader who wishes
to pursue the subject will do well to consult his correspondence so
often quoted, and the ample work of M. de Salvandy. From the above
pages, concerned as they have been with a principal passage in the
public career of one of the greatest characters in modern history, some
faint idea may be derived of his qualities as a soldier. As a king,
a statesman, an orator, and a man of letters, he must be estimated
from other and fuller sources. After learning what he was in all these
respects, we shall be prone to conjecture what he might have been. As
a husband and a father, if he had not married a bad and mischievous
woman, _daturam progeniem vitiosiorem_—as a commander, if, instead of
leading ill-disciplined levies to transient victories by the example
and personal exposure of a partisan, he had brandished the staff of
a Marlborough or an Eugene at the head of a permanent and organized
force—as a king and a statesman, if his better fortune had placed him
at the head, not of a horde of turbulent, intriguing, and ungovernable
slave-owners, but of a civilized, free, and united people—it is
scarcely too much to suppose that he might have realized the greater
projects which it is known entered into his large conception, that the
Turk would have been rolled back upon Asia, and that Greece might have
dated her emancipation from the seventeenth century.
FOOTNOTES:
[20] In the intervals of war and business the King had always been
devoted to the chase. One of his objects of pursuit was the aurochs,
now confined to a single forest of Lithuania, where alone it continues
its species under imperial protection. One of the most eminent of
living geologists, Sir R. I. Murchison, has broached a theory, founded
at least on a profound investigation of the features of the district,
that the species is a sole survivor of one of those great geological
changes which have obliterated other forms of animal life. Sobieski’s
Queen wore a girdle of the skin of this animal. Down to a recent period
it was an object of royal chase in Poland. Sir C. Hanbury Williams, in
a letter from Brodi, describes a royal battue in which many of them
were surrounded and driven over a steep bank into the river.
APPENDIX.
No. 1.
The number of pieces of artillery furnished from the imperial arsenal
of Vienna for the defence in 1683 was 262. The thirty years’ war had
led to many improvements in the construction and use of artillery.
Gustavus Adolphus and Wallenstein had both effected important
alterations, and in 1650 a Jesuit of Warsaw had invented the elevating
screw as a substitute for the quoin. Whatever improvement, however,
had taken place in the system as applied to field movements, it would
appear that for purposes of stationary defence it was still one of much
complexity and confusion. The 262 pieces used at Vienna were of no less
than 26 denominations and calibres, the capacity of the latter ranging
from 1 lb. to 48, and in the case of some large pieces called böller
or pöller, used as mortars for vertical fire and discharging stone
shot, from 60 to 200 lbs. There were of these four of 200, two of 150,
five of 100, and ten of 60. Fifty other pieces furnished from the city
arsenal were planted, not on the defences, but at various points in
the city, and worked by 100 men of the burgher force. Of these hundred
volunteer artillerists 16 were killed and 5 of the pieces ruined: 72
pieces in all had been rendered unserviceable at the close of the siege.
Thirty-seven officers were killed, which, considering the frequency of
assaults and sallies, operations which require great personal exposure
on the part of the leaders, would appear rather a small proportion to
that of 5000 rank and file among the regular troops. The loss in action
among the citizens is scarcely possible to arrive at. The only two
officers of much distinction who fell were the Col. Count Dupigny and
the engineer, Rimpler.
The Turkish loss is stated at 48,544. It appears to have fallen
heaviest on the miners, of whom 16,000 perished, and 6000 of their
artillerists. The formidable corps of the Janissaries was reduced by a
loss of 10,000: 544 officers, including 3 pachas, were also killed. As
this list is taken from a return found in the tent of the Vizier, it
does not include the loss of the Turks in the battle. These statements
are naturally liable to much allowance for inaccuracy from many causes.
A comparison of the various sources of information leads to a rough
conclusion that the Vizier sat down before the place with about 220,000
men. Of these it is supposed not more than 50,000 regained the Turkish
frontier.
No. 2.—_Order of battle of the Christian army before Vienna on the
13th September._
The left wing was commanded by the Duke of Lorraine; the centre by the
Elector of Saxony and the Prince Christian Louis von Waldeck (it is
idle to adjoin to these the Bavarian Elector, who was present, but had
the good sense to consign the direction of his troops to Waldeck); the
right wing by the Polish Field-Marshal Jablonowski; the whole by the
King of Poland. The army was drawn up in three lines.
FIRST LINE.
_Right wing._—19 divisions and 4 battalions of Poles; 8560 cavalry,
3120 infantry.
_Centre._—9 divisions, Austrians; 7 divisions, Bavarians; 4 divisions,
troops of the Circles; 5 battalions, Bavarians; 3 battalions, Circles;
5 battalions, Saxons; 5768 cavalry, 8600 infantry: commanders, the
Elector of Saxony and the Prince of Waldeck.
_Left wing._—10 divisions, Austrians; 5 divisions, Saxons; 6
battalions, Austrians; 5660 cavalry, 4242 infantry; commanded by the
Duke of Baden.
Total of first line, 19,788 cavalry, 15,962 infantry.
SECOND LINE.
_Right wing._—6 divisions, Poles; 8 divisions, Austrians; 4 battalions,
Poles; 5568 cavalry, 3120 infantry: commanders, Generals Siniousky and
Rabatta.
_Centre._—5 divisions, Bavarians; 3 divisions, Circles; 4 battalions,
Bavarians; 5 battalions, Circles; 3 battalions, Saxons; 6 battalions,
Austrians; 1725 cavalry, 11,442 infantry: commanders, Field-Marshal
Golz and Field-Marshal the Prince of Baireuth.
_Left wing._—4 divisions, Saxons; 8 divisions, Austrians; 4528 cavalry:
commanders, Field-Marshal Leslie and Prince Lubomirski.
Total of second line, 11,819 cavalry, 12,562 infantry.
THIRD LINE OR RESERVE.
_Right wing._—9 divisions, Poles; 6 divisions, Austrians; 3 divisions,
Bavarians; 3 battalions, Poles; 1 battalion, Bavarians; 6855 cavalry,
2940 infantry: commanders, great standard-bearer Lesno Lescynski and
Field-Marshal Dunnewald.
_Centre._—3 battalions, Bavarians; 2 battalions, Saxons; 2 battalions,
Austrians; 4014 infantry: commander, Field-Marshal Leika.
_Left wing._—3 divisions, Saxons; 7 divisions, Austrians; 3762 cavalry:
commander, Field-Marshal Margrave Louis of Baden.
Total of third line, 10,617 cavalry, 6954 infantry.
Total force in the battle—
Cavalry 42,224
Infantry 35,478
——————
77,702
Total of the army, including detachments—
Cavalry, 127 divisions 46,100
Infantry, 57 battalions 38,700
——————
84,800
Artillery, 168 pieces, of all calibres, of which the Austrians counted
70, the Saxons 30, the Bavarians 26, the Franconians 12, and the Poles,
30. It is impossible, considering the difficulties of the march from
Tuln, that all these pieces should have been brought into action: they
were distributed along all parts of the line of battle.
To the above may be added Croats and other irregulars, and volunteers
about 10,000. This detail of the force is extracted from the Military
Conversations Lexicon, art. ‘Wien.’
No. 3.—_Anecdotes of the Siege, from a Tract by the Advocate Christian
W. Huhn, an eye-witness._
In the night of August 2nd some troopers of Dupigny’s regiment with
divers foot soldiers of the garrison, made a sally by the covered way
at the Scottish gate, and returned with forty-seven head of oxen and a
captured Turk. The cattle were allotted partly to the wounded and sick
soldiers, and partly to the captors, who made their gain from them,
inasmuch as meat, which when the siege began had fetched one grosch the
lb., rose afterwards to nine and more, and a fresh egg did not wait for
a customer at half a dollar. Whosoever also fancied Italian cookery
might purchase of one of the women who sat in the high market a roof
hare (cat), roast and larded, for one florin, to be washed down with
a cup of muscat wine at the Italian vintners; and truth to say, this
animal, when the sweetness of the flesh was tempered with the salted
lard, was an unusual, indeed, but not an unacceptable morsel. The 9th
August was a fine clear day, on which a young and spirited Turk chose
to disport himself for bravado on a caparisoned horse, performing
strange antics with a lance in his right hand. While he was caracoling
at a distance of full 300 paces from the counterscarp, Henry Count von
Kielmansegge, who happened to be with his foresters on the Kärnthner
bastion, took such good aim at him with a fowling-piece that he jumped
up with a spring from the saddle and fell dead amid shouts and laughter
from the besieged. A lucky shot of the same kind was executed by a
student of the university, who sent a bullet through the head of a
Turk near the counterscarp palisade, and dragged the body to him with
a halberd. Having learned from experience of others that the Turks,
_either to strengthen the stomach_, or when mortally wounded, to rob
the Christians of their booty, were accustomed to roll up their ducats
together and swallow them, without further ceremony he ripped up the
corpse and found six ducats so rolled up within it. The head he cut off
and bore it round the city upon a lance-point as a spectacle of his
ovation. In the assault of the 17th August a common soldier, having
mastered and beheaded a Turk, and finding 100 ducats upon him sewed
up in a dirty cloth, as one who had never seen so much money together
before, went about the city like one distracted, clapping his hands and
showing his booty to all he met, encouraging them by his example to win
the like, as though it rained money from Heaven.
On the 13th September, the day following the relief of the city, the
Poles being masters of the Turkish camp, many soldiers, citizens, and
inhabitants, while as yet no gate was opened, clambered down over the
breaches and by the secret sallyports to pick up what they might of
provisions, ammunition, or other articles of small value. The King
of Poland and his people having fallen on the military chest and the
Vizier’s tent, had carried off many millions in money, and the Vizier’s
war-horse, his quivers, bows, and arrows, all of countless value,
together with the great standard of their Prophet, inscribed with
Turkish characters, and two horsetail standards. I, with many others
who had been enrolled in a volunteer body during the siege, thought to
pick up our share of the spoil. I, therefore, gained the counterscarp
by the Stuben gate, passing between the ruined palisades on horseback
to the Turkish camp. I did not, however, dare to dismount, by reason
of the innumerable quantity of flies and vermin, which, although at so
advanced a time of the month of September, swarmed up from the bodies
of more than 20,000 dead horses and mules, so as to darken the air, and
so covering my horse, that not the space of a needle point remained
free from them, the which was so insufferable to him, that he began to
plunge and kick in front and rear, so that I was fain to get me clear
of the press and make my way back to the city, but not till I had
persuaded a passer-by to reach to me the bow and arrows of one who lay
there, and also the cap of a Janissary, and some books which lay about,
and which had been plundered in the country, and secured them in my
saddle-bags. After the which I re-entered the city, not as one _ovans_
on foot, but _triumphans_ on horseback with my _spolia_. I had no want
of predecessors before or followers behind, for every one who had legs
to carry him had betaken himself to the camp to plunder it. Although
I had gained the counterscarp and the inner defences, I passed a good
hour making my way through the pass, and my unruly horse was compelled
to move step by step for such time before I could extricate him and
regain my quarters.
No. 4.—_Specification of the Christians carried off into Turkish
slavery out of Hungary, Austria, and the adjacent districts in 1683.
From a contemporary MS._
Old men 6,000
Women 11,215
Unmarried women, 26
years of age at the
oldest, of whom 204
were noble 14,922
Children, boys and girls,
the oldest between 4
and 5 years of age 26,093
——————
Total 57,220
Villages and hamlets
burnt in the Viennese
territory 4,092
In that of Presburg 871
————-
4,963
THE END.
London: Printed by WILLIAM CLOWES and SONS, Stamford-street.
* * * * *
Transcriber's Notes
Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations
in hyphenation and accents have been standardised but all other
spelling and punctuation remains unchanged.
March field and Marchfield has been standardised on March field.
Komorn and Comorn has been standardised on Komorn.
The following changes have been made:
Book 1 Chapter VIII being conversant in the Slave language, changed to
Slav.
Book 2 Chapter VIII Godfrey, Count of Salaburg, changed to Salzburg.
Chapter XVIII have hastily occupied the _tête-du-pont_ of Barham,
changed to Barkan.
Italics are represented thus _italic_.