If there is any one who is recognized as a fair exponent of our national
principles, it is our martyr-president Abraham Lincoln; whom Lowell calls,
in his noble Commemoration Ode at Cambridge,--
"New birth of our new soil, the first American."
What President Lincoln's political principle was, we know. On his journey
to Washington for his first inauguration he said, "I have never had a
feeling that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration
of Independence." To find out what was his view of those sentiments, we
must go back several years earlier, and consider that remarkable letter of
his to the Boston Republicans who had invited him to join them in
celebrating Jefferson's birthday, in April, 1859. It was well called by
Charles Sumner "a gem in political literature;" and it seems to me almost
as admirable, in its way, as the Gettysburg address.
"The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free
society. And yet they are denied and evaded with no small show of
success. One dashingly calls them 'glittering generalities.' Another
bluntly styles them 'self-evident lies.' And others insidiously
argue that they apply only to 'superior races.'"
"These expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and
effect,--the subverting the principles of free government, and
restoring those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would
delight a convocation of crowned heads plotting against the people.
They are the vanguard, the sappers and miners of returning
despotism. We must repulse them, or they will subjugate us."
"All honor to Jefferson.'--the man who, in the concrete pressure of
a struggle for national independence by a single people, had the
coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely
revolutionary document _an abstract truth applicable to all men and
all times_, and so to embalm it there that to-day and in all coming
days it shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the harbingers of
reappearing tyranny and oppression."
The special "abstract truth" to which President Lincoln thus attaches a
value so great, and which he pronounces "applicable to all men and all
times," is evidently the assertion of the Declaration that governments
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, following the
assertion that all men are born free and equal; that is, as some one has
well interpreted it, equally men. I do not see how any person but a dreamy
recluse can deny that the strength of our republic rests on these
principles; which are so thoroughly embedded in the average American mind
that they take in it, to some extent, the place occupied in the average
English mind by the emotion of personal loyalty to a certain reigning
family. But it is impossible to defend these principles logically, as
Senator Hoar has well pointed out, without recognizing that they are as
applicable to women as to men. If this is the case, the claim of women
rests on a right,--indeed, upon the same right which is the foundation of
all our institutions.
The encouraging fact in the present condition of the whole matter is not
that we get more votes here or there for this or that form of woman
suffrage--for experience has shown that there are great ups and downs in
that respect; and States that at one time seemed nearest to woman suffrage,
as Maine and Kansas, now seem quite apathetic. But the real encouragement
is that the logical ground is more and more conceded; and the point now
usually made is not that the Jeffersonian maxim excludes women, but that
"the consent of the governed" is substantially given by the general consent
of women. That this argument has a certain plausibility may be conceded;
but it is equally clear that the minority of women, those who do wish to
vote, includes on the whole the natural leaders,--those who are foremost in
activity of mind, in literature, in art, in good works of charity. It is,
therefore, pretty sure that they only predict the opinions of the rest, who
will follow them in time. And even while waiting it is a fair question
whether the "governed" have not the right to give their votes when they
wish, even if the majority of them prefer to stay away from the polls. We
do not repeal our naturalization laws, although only the minority of our
foreign-born inhabitants as yet take the pains to become naturalized.