I sometimes think of poor Nietzsche and his passion for destroying the

things he loved, and how he sought in others the decadence that was

really in himself. He tried to embody this decadence in Wagner, and, led

away by his flights of fancy and his mania for paradox (which would be

laughable if one did not remember that his whims were not hatched in

hours of happiness), he denied Wagner his most obvious qualities--his

vigour, his determination, his unity, his logic, and his power of

progress. He amused himself by comparing Wagner's style with that of

Goncourt, by making him--with amusing irony--a great miniaturist

painter, a poet of half-tones, a musician of affectations and

melancholy, so delicate and effeminate in style that "after him all

other musicians seemed too robust."[108] He has painted Wagner and his

time delightfully. We all enjoy these little pictures of the Tetralogy,

delicately drawn and worked up by the aid of a

magnifying-glass--pictures of Wagner, languishing and beautiful, in a

mournful salon, and pictures of the athletic meetings of the other

musicians, who were "too robust"! The amusing part is that this piece of

wit has been taken seriously by certain arbiters of elegance, who are

only too happy to be able to run counter to any current opinion,

whatever it may be.

[Footnote 108: F. Nietzsche, _Der Fall Wagner_.]

I do not say that there may not be a decadent side in Wagner, revealing

super-sensitiveness or even hysteria and other modern nervous

affections. And if this side was lacking he would not be representative

of his time, and that is what every great artist ought to be. But there

is certainly something more in him than decadence; and if women and

young men cannot see anything beyond it, it only proves their inability

to get outside themselves. A long time ago Wagner himself complained to

Liszt that neither the public nor artists knew how to listen to or

understand any side of his music but the effeminate side: "They do not

grasp its strength," he said. "My supposed successes," he also tells us,

"are founded on misunderstanding. My public reputation isn't worth a

walnut-shell." And it is true he has been applauded, patronised, and

monopolised for a quarter of a century by all the decadents of art and

literature. Scarcely anyone has seen in him a vigorous musician and a

classic writer, or has recognised him as Beethoven's direct successor,

the inheritor of his heroic and pastoral genius, of his epic

inspirations and battlefield rhythms, of his Napoleonic phrases and

atmosphere of stirring trumpet-calls.

Nowhere is Wagner nearer to Beethoven than in _Siegfried_. In _Die

Walküre_ certain characters, certain phrases of Wotan, of Brünnhilde,

and, especially, of Siegmund, bear a close relationship to Beethoven's

symphonies and sonatas. I can never play the recitative _con espressione

e semplice_ of the seventeenth sonata for the piano (Op. 31, No. 2)

without being reminded of the forests of _Die Walküre_ and the fugitive

hero. But in _Siegfried_ I find, not only a likeness to Beethoven in

details, but the same spirit running through the work--both the poem and

the music. I cannot help thinking that Beethoven would perhaps have

disliked _Tristan_, but would have loved _Siegfried_; for the latter is

a perfect incarnation of the spirit of old Germany, virginal and gross,

sincere and malicious, full of humour and sentiment, of deep feeling, of

dreams of bloody and joyous battles, of the shade of great oak-trees and

the song of birds.

* * * * *

In my opinion, _Siegfried_, in spirit and in form, stands alone in

Wagner's work. It breathes perfect health and happiness, and it

overflows with gladness. Only _Die Meistersinger_ rivals it in

merriment, though even there one does not find such a nice balance of

poetry and music.

And _Siegfried_ rouses one's admiration the more when one thinks that it

was the offspring of sickness and suffering. The time at which Wagner

wrote it was one of the saddest in his life. It often happens so in art.

One goes astray in trying to interpret an artist's life by his work, for

it is exceptional to find one a counterpart of the other. It is more

likely that an artist's work will express the opposite of his life--the

things that he did not experience. The object of art is to fill up what

is missing in the artist's experience: "Art begins where life leaves

off," said Wagner. A man of action is rarely pleased with stimulating

works of art. Borgia and Sforza patronised Leonardo. The strong,

full-blooded men of the seventeenth century; the apoplectic court at

Versailles (where Fagon's lancet played so necessary a part); the

generals and ministers who harassed the Protestants and burned the

Palatinate--all these loved pastorales. Napoleon wept at a reading of

_Paul et Virginie_, and delighted in the pallid music of Paesiello. A

man wearied by an over-active life seeks repose in art; a man who lives

a narrow, commonplace life seeks energy in art. A great artist writes a

gay work when he is sad, and a sad work when he is gay, almost in spite

of himself. Beethoven's symphony _To Joy_ is the offspring of his

misery; and Wagner's _Meistersinger_ was composed immediately after the

failure of _Tannhäuser_ in Paris. People try to find in _Tristan_ the

trace of some love-story of Wagner's, but Wagner himself says: "As in

all my life I have never truly tasted the happiness of love, I will

raise a monument to a beautiful dream of it: I have the idea of _Tristan

und Isolde_ in my head." And so it was with his creation of the happy

and heedless _Siegfried_.

* * * * *

The first ideas of _Siegfried_ were contemporary with the Revolution of

1848, which Wagner took part in with the same enthusiasm he put into

everything else. His recognised biographer, Herr Houston Stewart

Chamberlain--who, with M. Henri Lichtenberger, has succeeded best in

unravelling Wagner's complex soul, though he is not without certain

prejudices--has been at great pains to prove that Wagner was always a

patriot and a German monarchist. Well, he may have been so later on, but

it was not, I think, the last phase of his evolution. His actions speak

for themselves. On 14 June, 1848, in a famous speech to the National

Democratic Association, Wagner violently attacked the organisation of

society itself, and demanded both the abolition of money and the

extinction of what was left of the aristocracy. In _Das Kunstwerk der

Zukunft_ (1849) he showed that beyond the "local nationalism" were signs

of a "supernational universalism." And all this was not merely talk, for

he risked his life for his ideas. Herr Chamberlain himself quotes the

account of a witness who saw him, in May, 1849, distributing

revolutionary pamphlets to the troops who were besieging Dresden. It was

a miracle that he was not arrested and shot. We know that after Dresden

was taken a warrant was out against him, and he fled to Switzerland,

with a passport on which was a borrowed name. If it be true that Wagner

later declared that he had been "involved in error and led away by his

feelings" it matters little to the history of that time. Errors and

enthusiasms are an integral part of life, and one must not ignore them

in a man's biography under the pretext that he regretted them twenty or

thirty years later, for they have, nevertheless, helped to guide his

actions and impressed his imagination. It was out of the Revolution

itself that _Siegfried_ directly sprang.

In 1848, Wagner was not yet thinking of a Tetralogy, but of an heroic

opera in three acts called _Siegfried's Tod_, in which the fatal power

of gold was to be symbolised in the treasure of the Niebelungen; and

Siegfried was to represent "a socialist redeemer come down to earth to

abolish the reign of Capital." As the rough draft developed, Wagner went

up the stream of his hero's life. He dreamed of his childhood, of his

conquest of the treasure, of the awakening of Brünnhilde; and in 1851 he

wrote the poem of _Der Junge Siegfried_. Siegfried and Brünnhilde

represent the humanity of the future, the new era that should be

realised when the earth was set free from the yoke of gold. Then Wagner

went farther back still, to the sources of the legend itself, and Wotan

appeared, the symbol of our time, a man such as you or I--in contrast to

Siegfried, man as he ought to be, and one day will be. On this subject

Wagner says, in a letter to Roeckel: "Look well at Wotan; he is the

unmistakable likeness of ourselves, and the sum of the present-day

spirit, while Siegfried is the man we wait and wish for--the future man

whom we cannot create, but who will create himself by our

annihilation--the most perfect man I can imagine." Finally Wagner

conceived the Twilight of the Gods, the fall of the Valhalla--our

present system of society--and the birth of a regenerated humanity.

Wagner wrote to Uhlig in 1851 that the complete work was to be played

after the great Revolution.

The opera public would probably be very astonished to learn that in

_Siegfried_ they applaud a revolutionary work, expressly directed by

Wagner against this detested Capital, whose downfall would have been so

dear to him. And he never doubted that he was expressing grief in all

these pages of shining joy.

Wagner went to Zurich after a stay in Paris, where he felt "so much

distrust for the artistic world and horror for the restraint that he was

forced to put upon himself" that he was seized with a nervous malady

which nearly killed him. He returned to work at _Der Junge Siegfried_,

and he says it brought him great joy.

"But I am unhappy in not being able to apply myself to anything but

music. I know I am feeding on an illusion, and that reality is the

only thing worth having. My health is not good, and my nerves are

in a state of increasing weakness. My life, lived entirely in the

imagination and without sufficient action, tires me so, that I can

only work with frequent breaks and long intervals of rest;

otherwise I pay the penalty with long and painful suffering.... I

am very lonely. I often wish for death.

"While I work I forget my troubles; but the moment I rest they come

flocking about me, and I am very miserable. What a splendid life is

an artist's! Look at it! How willingly would I part with it for a

week of real life.

"I can't understand how a really happy man could think of serving

art. If we enjoyed life, we should have no need of art. When the

present has nothing more to offer us we cry out our needs by means

of art. To have my youth again and my health, to enjoy nature, to

have a wife who would love me devotedly, and fine children--for

this I would give up _all my art_. Now I have said it--give me what

is left."

Thus the poem of the Tetralogy was written with doubts, as he said, as

to whether he should abandon art and all belonging to it and become a

healthy, normal man--a son of nature. He began to compose the music of

the poem while in a state of suffering, which every day became more

acute.

"My nights are often sleepless; I get out of bed, wretched and

exhausted, with the thought of a long day before me, which will not

bring me a single joy. The society of others tortures me, and I

avoid it only to torture myself. Everything I do fills me with

disgust. It can't go on for ever. I can't stand such a life any

longer. I will kill myself rather than live like this.... I don't

believe in anything, and I have only one desire--to sleep so

soundly that human misery will exist no more for me. I ought to be

able to get such a sleep somehow; it should not be really

difficult."

For distraction he went to Italy; Turin, Genoa, Spezia, and Nice. But

there, in a strange world, his loneliness seemed so frightful that he

became very depressed, and made all haste back to Zurich. It was there

he wrote the happy music of _Das Rheingold_. He began the score of _Die

Walküre_ at a time when his normal condition was one of suffering. Then

he discovered Schopenhauer, whose philosophy only helped to confirm and

crystallise his instinctive pessimism. In the spring of 1855 he went to

London to give concerts; but he was ill there, and this fresh contact

with the world only served to annoy him further. He had some difficulty

in again taking up _Die Walküre_; but he finished it at last in spite of

frequent attacks of facial erysipelas, for which he afterwards had to

undergo a hydropathic cure at Geneva. He began the score of _Siegfried_

towards the end of 1856, while the thought of Tristan was stirring

within him. In _Tristan_ he wished to depict love as "a dreadful

anguish"; and this idea obsessed him so completely that he could not

finish _Siegfried_. He seemed to be consumed by a burning fever; and,

abandoning _Siegfried_ in the middle of the second act, he threw himself

madly into _Tristan_. "I want to gratify my desire for love," he says,

"until it is completely satiated; and in the folds of the black flag

that floats over its consummation I wish to wrap myself and die."[109]

_Siegfried_ was not finished until 5 February, 1871, at the end of the

Franco-Prussian war--that is fourteen years later, after several

interruptions.

Such is, in a few words, the history of this heroic idyll. It is perhaps

as well to remind the public now and then that the hours of distraction

they enjoy by means of art may represent years of suffering for the

artist.

* * * * *

[Footnote 109: The quotations from Wagner are taken from his letters to

Roeckel, Uhlig, and Liszt, between 1851 and 1856.]

Do you know the amusing account Tolstoy gave of a performance of

_Siegfried_? I will quote it from his book, _What is Art_?--

"When I arrived, an actor in tight-fitting breeches was seated

before an object that was meant to represent an anvil. He wore a

wig and false beard; his white and manicured hands had nothing of

the workman about them; and his easy air, prominent belly, and

flabby muscles readily betrayed the actor. With an absurd hammer he

struck--as no one else would ever strike--a fantastic-looking

sword-blade. One guessed he was a dwarf, because when he walked he

bent his legs at the knees. He cried out a great deal, and opened

his mouth in a queer fashion. The orchestra also emitted peculiar

noises like several beginnings that had nothing to do with one

another. Then another actor appeared with a horn in his belt,

leading a man dressed up as a bear, who walked on all-fours. He let

loose the bear on the dwarf, who ran away, but forgot to bend his

knees this time. The actor with the human face represented the

hero, Siegfried. He cried out for a long time, and the dwarf

replied in the same way. Then a traveller arrived--the god Wotan.

He had a wig, too; and, settling himself down with his spear, in a

silly attitude, he told Mimi all about things he already knew, but

of which the audience was ignorant. Then Siegfried seized some bits

that were supposed to represent pieces of a sword, and sang:

'Heaho, heaho, hoho! Hoho, hoho, hoho, hoho! Hoheo, haho, haheo,

hoho!' And that was the end of the first act. It was all so

artificial and stupid that I had great difficulty in sitting it

out. But my friends begged me to stay, and assured me that the

second act would be better.

"The next scene represented a forest. Wotan was waking up the

dragon. At first the dragon said, 'I want to go to sleep'; but

eventually he came out of his grotto. The dragon was represented by

two men clothed in a green skin with some scales stuck about it. At

one end of the skin they wagged a tail, and at the other end they

opened a crocodile's mouth, out of which came fire. The dragon,

which ought to have been a frightful beast--and perhaps he would

have frightened children about five years old--said a few words in

a bass voice. It was so childish and feeble that one was astonished

to see grown-up people present; even thousands of so-called

cultured people looked on and listened attentively, and went into

raptures. Then Siegfried arrived with his horn. He lay down during

a pause, which is reputed to be very beautiful; and sometimes he

talked to himself, and sometimes he was quite silent. He wanted to

imitate the song of the birds, and cut a rush with his horn, and

made a flute out of it. But he played the flute badly, and so he

began to blow his horn. The scene is intolerable, and there is not

the least trace of music in it. I was annoyed to see three thousand

people round about me, listening submissively to this absurdity

and dutifully admiring it.

"With some courage I managed to wait for the next

scene--Siegfried's fight with the dragon. There were roarings and

flames of fire and brandishings of the sword. But I could not stand

it any longer; and I fled out of the theatre with a feeling of

disgust that I have not yet forgotten."

I admit I cannot read this delightful criticism without laughing; and it

does not affect me painfully like Nietzsche's pernicious and morbid

irony. It used to be a grief to me that two men whom I loved with an

equal affection, and whom I reverenced as the finest spirits in Europe,

remained strangers and hostile to each other. I could not bear the

thought that a genius, hopelessly misunderstood by the crowd, should be

bent on making his solitude more bitter and narrow by refusing, with a

sort of jealous waywardness, to be reconciled to his equals, or to offer

them the hand of friendship. But now I think that perhaps it was better

so. The first virtue of genius is sincerity. If Nietzsche had to go out

of his way _not_ to understand Wagner, it is natural, on the other hand,

that Wagner should be a closed book to Tolstoy; it would be almost

surprising if it were otherwise. Each one has his own part to play, and

has no need to change it. Wagner's wonderful dreams and magic intuition

of the inner life are not less valuable to us than Tolstoy's pitiless

truth, in which he exposes modern society and tears away the veil of

hypocrisy with which she covers herself. So I admire _Siegfried_, and

at the same time enjoy Tolstoy's satire; for I like the latter's sturdy

humour, which is one of the most striking features of his realism, and

which, as he himself noticed, makes him closely resemble Rousseau. Both

men show us an ultra-refined civilisation, and both are uncompromising

apostles of a return to nature.

Tolstoy's rough banter recalls Rousseau's sarcasm about an opera of

Rameau's. In the _Nouvelle Héloïse_, he rails in a similar fashion

against the sadly fantastic performances at the theatre. It was, even

then, a question of monsters, "of dragons animated by a blockhead of a

Savoyard, who had not enough spirit for the beast."

"They assured me that they had a tremendous lot of machinery to

make all this movement, and they offered several times to show it

to me; but I felt no curiosity about little effects achieved by

great efforts.... The sky is represented by some blue rags

suspended from sticks and cords, like a laundry display.... The

chariots of the gods and goddesses are made of four joists in a

frame, suspended by a thick rope, as a swing might be. Then a plank

is stuck across the joists, and on this is seated a god. In front

of him hangs a piece of daubed cloth, which serves as a cloud upon

which his splendid chariot may rest.... The theatre is furnished

with little square trap-doors which, opening as occasion requires,

show that the demons can be let loose from the cellars. When the

demons have to fly in the air, dummies of brown cloth are

substituted, or sometimes real chimney-sweeps, who swing in the

air, suspended by cords, until they are gloriously lost in the rag

sky....

"But you can have no idea of the dreadful cries and roarings with

which the theatre resounds.... What is so extraordinary is that

these howlings are almost the only things that the audience

applaud. By the way they clap their hands one would take them to be

a lot of deaf creatures, who were so delighted to catch a few

piercing sounds now and then that they wanted the actors to do them

all over again. I am quite sure that people applaud the bawling of

an actress at the opera as they would a mountebank's feats of skill

at a fair--one suffers while they are going on, but one is so

delighted to see them finish without an accident that one willingly

demonstrates one's pleasure.... With these beautiful sounds, as

true as they are sweet, those of the orchestra blend very worthily.

Imagine an unending clatter of instruments without any melody; a

lingering and endless groaning among the bass parts; and the whole

the most mournful and boring thing that I ever heard in my life. I

could not put up with it for half an hour without getting a violent

headache.

"All this forms a sort of psalmody, possessing neither tune nor

time. But if by any chance a lively air is played, there is a

general stamping; the audience is set in motion, and follows, with

a great deal of trouble and noise, some performer in the

orchestra. Delighted to feel for a few moments the rhythm that is

so lacking, they torment the ear, the voice, the arms, the legs,

and all the body, to chase after a tune that is ever ready to

escape them...."

I have quoted this rather long passage to show how the impression made

by one of Rameau's operas on his contemporaries resembled that made by

Wagner on his enemies. It was not without reason that Rameau was said to

be Wagner's forerunner, as Rousseau was Tolstoy's forerunner.

In reality, it was not against _Siegfried_ itself that Tolstoy's

criticism was directed; and Tolstoy was closer than he thought to the

spirit of this drama. Is not Siegfried the heroic incarnation of a free

and healthy man, sprung directly from Nature? In a sketch of

_Siegfried_, written in 1848, Wagner says:

"To follow the impulses of my heart is my supreme law; what I can

accomplish by obeying my instincts is what I ought to do. Is that

voice of instinct cursed or blessed? I do not know; but I yield to

it, and never force myself to run counter to my inclination."

Wagner fought against civilisation by quite other methods than those

employed by Tolstoy; and if the efforts of the two were equally great,

the practical result is--one must really say it--as poor on one side as

on the other.

What Tolstoy's raillery is really aimed at is not Wagner's work, but the

way in which his work was represented. The splendours of the setting do

not hide the childishness of the ideas behind them: the dragon Fafna,

Fricka's rams, the bear, the serpent, and all the Valhalla menagerie

have always been ridiculous. I will only add that the dragon's failure

to be terrifying was not Wagner's fault, for he never attempted to

depict a terrifying dragon. He gave it quite clearly, and of his own

choice, a comic character. Both the text and the music make Fafner a

sort of ogre, a simple creature, but, above all, a grotesque one.

Besides, I cannot help feeling that scenic reality takes away rather

than adds to the effect of these great philosophical fairylands. Malwida

von Meysenbug told me that at the Bayreuth festival of 1876, while she

was following one of the _Ring_ scenes very attentively with her

opera-glasses, two hands were laid over her eyes, and she heard Wagner's

voice say impatiently: "Don't look so much at what is going on. Listen!"

It was good counsel. There are dilettanti who pretend that at a concert

the best way to enjoy Beethoven's last works--where the sonority is

defective--is to stop the ears and read the score. One might say with

less of a paradox that the best way to follow a performance of Wagner's

operas is to listen with the eyes shut. So perfect is the music, so

powerful its hold on the imagination, that it leaves nothing to be

desired; what it suggests to the mind is infinitely finer than what the

eyes may see. I have never shared the opinion that Wagner's works may

be best appreciated in the theatre. His works are epic symphonies. As a

frame for them I should like temples; as scenery, the illimitable land

of thought; as actors, our dreams.

* * * * *

Musicians of to-day · 第 5 / 21 段