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INDIA AND TIBET
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[Illustration: THE DALAI LAMA]
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INDIA AND TIBET
A HISTORY OF THE RELATIONS WHICH HAVE
SUBSISTED BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES
FROM THE TIME OF WARREN HASTINGS TO
1910; WITH A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT OF THE
MISSION TO LHASA OF 1904
BY SIR FRANCIS YOUNGHUSBAND
K.C.I.E.
WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1910
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TO
MY WIFE,
ON WHOM FELL THE ANXIETY
AND SUSPENSE OF
DISTANTLY AWAITING THE RESULTS OF HIGH ADVENTURE,
I DEDICATE THIS BOOK,
IN THE HOPE THAT
FROM IT MAY COME SOME RECOMPENSE FOR
THE SUFFERING SHE ENDURED
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PREFACE
An apology is needed for the length of this book. When it was passing
through the press, a Parliamentary Blue-book appeared containing much
important information as to recent developments, and what I had intended
as only the account of our relations with Tibet up to the return of the
Mission of 1904 I thought with advantage might be extended to include
our relations to the present time. The whole forms one connected
narrative of the attempt, protracted over 137 years, to accomplish a
single purpose—the establishment of ordinary neighbourly intercourse
with Tibet. The dramatic ending disclosed is that, when that purpose had
at last been achieved, we forthwith abandoned the result.
The reasons for this abandonment have been—firstly, the jealousy borne
by two great Powers for one another; and, secondly, the love of
isolation engrained in us islanders. I have suggested that our aim
should be to replace jealousy by co-operation, and, instead of coiling
up in frigid isolation, we should expand ourselves to make and keep
friendships.
The means I have recommended are living personalities rather than dry
treaties, and what Warren Hastings and Lord Curzon wanted—an agent at
Lhasa—is to me also the one true means of achieving our purpose.
I am fully conscious of having made mistakes in that part of the conduct
of these affairs which fell to me to discharge. The exactly true
adjustment of diplomatic with military requirements, and of the wishes
of men in England with the necessities of the situation in Tibet, could
only be made by a human being arrived at perfection. Not yet having
arrived there, I doubtless made many errors. I can only assume that, if
I had never made a mistake, I should never have made a success.
Likewise, in my recommendations for the future, I may often be in error
in detail, but in the main conclusion of substituting intimacy for
isolation and effecting the change by personality, I would fain believe
I shall prove right.
What I say has no official inspiration or sanction, for I have left the
employment of Government, and am seeking to serve my country in fields
of greater freedom though not less responsibility; but, in compiling the
narrative of our relations with the Tibetans, I have made the fullest
use of the four Blue-books which have been presented to Parliament.
These contain information of the highest value, though in the very
undigested form characteristic of Parliamentary Papers. Beyond personal
impressions I have added nothing to them, but merely sought to deduce
from them a connected account of events and of the motives which
impelled them. To Sir Clement Markham’s account of Bogle’s Mission and
Manning’s journey to Lhasa, to Captain Turner’s account of his Mission
to Tibet, and to Perceval Landon’s, Edmund Candler’s, and Colonel
Waddell’s accounts of the Mission of 1904, I am also indebted, as well
as to Mr. White, Captain Bailey and Messrs. Johnston and Hoffman for
photographs.
I lastly desire to acknowledge the trouble which Mr. John Murray has so
kindly taken in correcting the proofs.
FRANCIS YOUNGHUSBAND.
_September 7, 1910._
P.S.—Too late to make use of it, I have received the just published
reprint from the T’sung Pao of Mr. Rockhill’s “The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa
and their Relations to the Manchu Emperors of China.” The conclusion of
this famous authority on Tibet, that the Tibetans have no desire for
total independence of China, but that their complaints have always been
directed against the manner in which the local Chinese officials have
performed their duties, is particularly noteworthy.
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
WARREN HASTINGS’ POLICY: BOGLE’s MISSION—1774
Bhutanese aggression on Bengal in 1772, p. 4. Warren Hastings repels
aggression, p. 4. Tashi Lama intercedes on behalf of Bhutanese, p. 5.
Warren Hastings replies, proposing treaty of amity and commerce, p. 7.
His policy, p. 7. He selects Bogle for Mission, p. 8. His instructions
to Bogle, p. 9. Value of discretionary powers to agents, p. 10. Bogle’s
reception by Tashi Lama, p. 13. The Lama acknowledges unjustifiability
of Bhutanese action, p. 14. Conversation regarding trade, p. 16. Bogle
receives two Lhasa delegates, p. 17. Tibetan fear of the Chinese, p. 18.
Bogle suggests alliance with Tibetans against Gurkhas, p. 19.
Obstructiveness of Lhasa delegates, p. 20. The Nepalese instigate the
Tibetans against Bogle, p. 21. Conversations with Kashmiri and Tibetan
merchants, p. 22. Results of the Mission, p. 24.