it in civil slaughter--a struggle that may be said to have begun
with a tumult in Manchester, when a poor linen weaver looking on
was accidentally shot,[37] and Parliament, to inflame the people,
magnified the event into "The Beginning of the Civil Wars in England,
or Terrible News from the North," and which ended with the restoration
of monarchy in the person of Charles II., when the same old Puritan
town, to do honour to the occasion, put on its peacock's feathers,
and made the conduit to flow with wine, and the gutters to swell with
strong beer--the Lord of Handforth played a very conspicuous part, and
there can be little doubt that much of the ultimate success of the
Republican party was due to his unwearying energy and military skill.
His delight lay in the din of arms, the rattle of musketry, and the
clatter of troops; and a record of his doings would be little else than
a chronicle of the events that were then occurring in the northern
parts of the kingdom. A circumstantial account of his military exploits
is given by contemporary writers. Burghall, the Puritan Vicar of Acton,
in his "Providence Improved,"[38] makes frequent mention of him, and in
Josiah Rycroft's "Survey of England's Champions and Truth's Faithfull
Patriots," 1647, and John Vicars's "England's Worthies," published in
the same year, are "lively pourtraitures" of Cheshire's famous general.
The rejection of the Bill for regulating the militia, passed by
the Commons in February, 1642, and which, if confirmed, would have
transferred the power of levying armies to the Republican party,
widened the breach between King and Parliament. From that hour the link
which bound them together was riven. It was evident that the difficulty
could be only adjusted by an appeal to arms, and, as the spring
advanced, both sides began in earnest to prepare for the conflict,
though each was anxious to avoid the responsibility of commencing
it. The fast decaying traditions of the miseries attendant upon the
old domestic feuds--the struggles of the Barons, and the Wars of the
Roses--were wholly drowned by the loud beating of the warlike pulse;
men were suddenly withdrawn from the plough, the anvil, and the loom;
the services of foreign mercenaries were eagerly sought, and on every
hand the signs of preparation were apparent.
[Illustration: NANTWICH.]
Sir William Brereton, one of the deputy-lieutenants, as well as one of
the members for Cheshire, was authorised by the Parliament to put in
force the ordinance concerning the militia, and as the harvest-time
approached he proceeded to Nantwich for that purpose. The King's
Commission of Array, who were at Chester, hearing of his intention,
marched with a body of men towards Ravensmoor to prevent him. On
the 12th August both parties met on Beam Heath, when an altercation
arose, which would most likely have ended in bloodshed but for the
mediation of Mr. Werden, of Chester, on the one side, and Mr. Wilbraham
of Dorfold on the other. Nantwich commanding, as it did, one of the
approaches into North Wales, was an important strategical position,
and the inhabitants being for the most part favourable to the Puritan
cause, the place was barricaded, and made the head-quarters of the
Parliament party, of which, as we have said, Sir William Brereton had
the chief command.
Charles remained at Nottingham after the Royal standard had been
erected until his army had been increased by reinforcements from
various quarters, when he set forward, marching across Derbyshire
in the direction of the Welsh borders, intending to establish his
head-quarters at Shrewsbury, where considerable promises of support had
been given. About the same time Lord Grandison, on behalf of the King,
presented himself at Nantwich, and on the 12th September, accompanied
by Lord Cholmondeley and a considerable body of horse entered the town,
the inhabitants, fearing the approach of the royal army, which was then
at Shrewsbury, having quickly made terms for the surrender of the same,
as well as of their arms, ammunition, and accoutrements; and at the
same time Woodhay, Doddington, Haslington, Baddiley, and other houses
in the neighbourhood, the owners of which were known to be disaffected,
were subjected to the same treatment. Two days later the king, having
advanced from Shrewsbury, entered the ancient city of Chester, where
he received a welcome as enthusiastic as that accorded to his father,
five-and-twenty years before. The mayor and corporation entertained him
sumptuously at the Pentice and presented him with £200, bestowing at
the same time £100 upon the Prince of Wales, their titular Earl, who
accompanied him. His Majesty took up his abode at the Episcopal Palace,
whence a summons was issued through the sheriff requiring Sir Richard
Wilbraham of Woodhay, Sir Thomas Delves of Doddington, Mr. Mainwaring
of Peover, and Mr. Wilbraham of Dorfold, to await the King's pleasure.
They repaired to Shrewsbury in charge of the sheriff, and remained
there for three weeks in the hope of being discharged, but the two
Wilbrahams were detained prisoners, Sir Richard dying in April of the
following year, while still in confinement there.
The King returned to Shrewsbury, and thence proceeded towards London.
On the 23rd October, when the morning dawned, he saw from the brow of
the wild ridge of hills that overlook the vale of the Red Horse, near
Kineton, in Warwickshire, the army of the Earl of Essex drawn up in
order of battle upon the plain below. On that day Edgehill, the first
great battle of the great civil war, was fought; thirty thousand of
the best and bravest of Englishmen were put in array against each
other, and on that cold autumn night, as the keen searching wind
sighed through the heath and furze and along the unsheltered slopes
of Edgehill, darkness closed upon the field of carnage, where five
thousand men lay in their death agony--so many sacrifices to the Moloch
of intestine strife--without any substantial advantage having been
gained by either side.
After the battle, the King continued his march southwards; but Colonel
Hastings, who had also taken part in it, repaired into Cheshire with
a small force, and occupied himself during the winter months in
harassing those opposed to the Royalist cause. On the 23rd of December
a kind of peace--the Treaty of Pacification, as it was called--was
entered into at Bunbury, but was immediately afterwards broken. In
January, 1642-3, a skirmish took place outside Nantwich between a
small force of Royalists, led by Sir Thomas Aston, and a company of
Parliamentarians, commanded by Captain Bramhall, the former being
compelled to retire, when Sir William Brereton followed in hot pursuit,
took one hundred prisoners, and pillage to the value of £1,000; at
the same time, as Vicars affirms, "making Sir Vincent Corbet fly in a
pannick feare for his life." In the same month a list of instructions
was drawn up by Parliament and transmitted to Sir William for his
guidance in relation to the conduct of military affairs in the county,
and in accordance therewith he sent out his warrants requiring the
train bands and other forces of the shire to muster at Tarporley and
Frodsham on the 21st of February, hearing of which the Royalists issued
from Chester with two pieces of ordnance, and entrenched themselves
at Ruddyheath, when, on the morning of the 22nd, the opposing forces
met. A few shots were fired on both sides, but little or no harm was
done. What, however, was of more importance occurred on the preceding
night, when a small force of Parliamentarians from Nantwich, taking
advantage of the darkness, scaled the lofty eminence of Beeston and
took possession of the castle, which was at once repaired and put in
a state of defence. Some of them coming down to Brereton's assistance
were met by a troop of Royalist horse on Tiverton Town field, when a
slight skirmish took place, and lives were lost on both sides.
The army at Nantwich had by this time been largely reinforced, Colonel
Mainwaring, Captain Dukenfield, Captain Hyde, Captain Marbury, with
other gentlemen, and their companies of horse and foot, having joined.
On the 10th of March, Sir Thomas Aston having made a descent upon
Middlewich and plundered the town, Sir William Brereton advanced from
Nantwich to give him battle; an engagement ensued, the Royalists were
driven out of the town, and many prisoners taken. A characteristic
account of the attack, from the pen of a Puritan writer, who appears to
have been present and to have taken part, is thus given in a pamphlet
published at the time:--
Sir Thomas Aston and his partie, recovering strength after their late
overthrow, exercised the same in mischiefe, and all wicked outrages;
for besides their plundering and wasting of all the countrie neere
Chester, they laid such intolerable taxes both on the citie and
countrie thereabout, that their own partie was embittered against
them; yea, before we secured Northwich, whiles some of our forces were
in that countrie, they plundered Weverham and the county about; they
carried old men out of their houses, bound them together, tyed them
to a cart, drave them through mire and water above the knees, and so
brought them to that dungeon, where they lie without fire or light,
and now through extremities are so diseased, that they are ready to
yield up the ghost. On the Sabbath, March 12, having a little before
advanced to Middlewich, they plundered all that day, as a most proper
season for it, commanded the carts in all that countrie about to
carrie away the goods, kept a faire that day neere Torperley to sell
these goods. In Over when they had plundered they left ratbane in the
house wrapt in papers, for the children, which by God's providence was
taken from them before they could eate it, after their parents durst
returne to them; and being a considerable body they sent for more
strength, and by their warrant to the churches about, commanded all
the countrie to come in with such insolent and imperious expressions,
that they were hatefull to some malignants, and concluded to give
no quarter to any roundheads, and were confident quickly to carry
all downe before them. Sir William (Brereton) was at that time at
Northwitch with a considerable partie; many gentlemen of his partie
were at Namptwich, with about seven or eight hundred armed men; their
generous spirits were enrag'd to see such outrages committed; it
wrought alike in all Sir William's forces to provoke us for to fall
upon the enemy, though wee could not easily communicate our purposes
one to another. At Namptwich we agreed to assault them the next
morning, signified the same to Sir Will(iam). He was as forward as
we. Our gent. desired a minister to come to their Chambers, upon the
alarum to be given at twelve o'clock, that commending them to God in
prayer, they might speed the better. Some ministers and others fell to
the worke that day by prayer and fasting, though not as Moses, Aaron,
and Hur, in prospect of the armies, yet wrestling as Jacob did, and
putting their mouthes in the dust, if so bee there might be hope, of
which they had a gracious returne by three o'clock. The business of
that day was carried thus:--Sir William being foure miles from the
enemy, assaulted that side of the towne by eight o'clock, March the
13th, and continued the fight for about three or foure houres before
we came to his help; in which time this accident fell out, that his
powder was all spilt, excepting about seven pound they tooke councell
upon it, and it was concluded they must retreite because their partie
from Namptwich was not come in to their assistance, but Sir William
was resolute not to retreit but to send to Northwitch for more powder,
and to keep them in play as well as they could till the powder came,
which accordingly they did; betwixt eleven and twelve o'clock we came
to their assistance, which they knew not of till they heard us in hot
service on the other side of the town; when we began their powder came.
The enemy had chief advantages, their ordinance planted; we had none;
they layd about 150 musquetiers in an hole convenient for them. They
layd their ambuskadoes in the hedges, musquetiers in the church and
steeple, and had every way so strengthened themselves that they seemed
impregnable; but God led on our men with incredible courage--Captaine
George Booth fac'd the towne with his troope whilst they plaid on
with their ordinance, which once graz'd before them, and then mounted
cleare over them in another; in another that it dash't the water and
mire in his and two other captaines faces, but there it dies. This was
no discouragement to our men; they marched upon all their ambuskadoes,
drave them all out of them into the towne, entered the towne upon the
mouths of the cannon and storme of the muskets, our major (a right
Scottish blade)[39] brought them up in two files, with which he lined
the walls and kept the street open, went up to their ordinance, which
he tooke; then the enemy fled to the church; Sir Thomas Aston would
have gone after them but they durst not let him in, lest we should
enter with him: then he mounted his horse and fled with all speed by
Kinderton, and divers others with him, for that way only was open,
all the rest we had surrounded; we slew divers upon the top of the
steeple, and some, they say, within the church.
In this encounter 400 Royalists were taken prisoners, among them
several officers of rank, including Captain Massie, of Coddington,
Captain John Hurleston, Colonel Ellis, Major Gilmore, Captain Corbet,
Captain Starky, of Stretton, and Captain Morris; a Lancashire man was
also numbered among those captured--Sir Edward Mosley, of Hough End and
Aldport Lodge, in Manchester, at that time sheriff of Staffordshire,
who for his "delinquency" had to compound for his estates by the
payment to the Committee of Sequestrations of £4,874, which greatly
impoverished him.
By the defeat at Nantwich the Royalist army was greatly weakened, and
Brereton found himself free to turn his attention in other directions.
Hearing that the Earl of Northampton was marching northwards, he
immediately set out to the assistance of Sir John Gell, who was then in
the neighbourhood of Stafford.
It was a short fortnight after the siege of Lichfield Close, whither
Sir John, with a body of fighting men, had gone to reinforce the army
of Lord Brooke, who had himself fallen a victim to the unerring aim of
the keen-eyed Dyott, a bullet from whose arquebus had passed through
the visor of his helm and pierced his brain--the time
When fanatic Brooke
The fair cathedral stormed and took,
But, thanks to heaven, and good St. Chad,
A guerdon meet the spoiler had.
Hearing of the attack on
Moated Lichfield's lofty pile,
the Earl of Northampton hastened with a strong party of horse to
relieve the beleaguered city, when Gell, knowing himself to be in no
condition to cope with him, retired towards Stafford. Brereton, whose
new strung vigour and eager impetuosity seldom permitted him to leave
the saddle or let his sword rest in the scabbard, marched at once with
1,500 horsemen from Nantwich, by way of Newcastle and Stone, until he
reached Salt Heath, a place about three miles north-east of Stafford,
where, on the 19th of March, a week after the fight at Middlewich, he
joined the forces of Sir John Gell. At Hopton Heath, adjoining Salt
Heath, the Earl of Northampton fell upon their rear, and an engagement
ensued. The Parliamentarians numbered in all 3,000 horse and foot,
and the Royalists about half that number. Brereton posted his horse
in two bodies in front of the infantry, and awaited the attack from
the Earl, who charged the main body and dispersed them, the second
attack being followed by the same result; but the Royalist victory
was quickly turned to mourning. The Earl's cavalry, pursuing their
advantage with rash precipitation, threw themselves among the ranks of
Sir John Gell's foot; in this encounter the Earl of Northampton had
his horse shot under him, and while on foot was quickly surrounded
by his foes. Quarter was offered but refused, when a trooper with his
heavy matchlock smote off his helm, and another from behind dashed his
halberd into his brain. Sir Thomas Byron, who commanded the Prince of
Wales's troop, followed up the attack, but night coming on both armies
drew off, each claiming the victory. The advantage, however, would
appear to have remained with the Parliamentarians, who were enabled to
drive their opponents out of the county. Sir William Brereton, in the
fanatical phraseology so characteristic of the time, thus concludes his
account of the transaction:--
In the success of this battle the Lord was pleased much to shewe
himselfe to bee the Lord of Hosts and God of Victory; for, when
the day was theirs and the field wonne, he was pleased mightily to
interpose for the rescue and deliverance of these that trusted in him.
And, as my lord generall (Essex) said concerning Keinton (Edge-hill)
battle, soe may it bee said of this, that there was much of God
and nothing of man, that did contribute to this victorie. To him I
desire the sole glory may be ascribed, and that this may be a further
encouragement to trust in him, and an engagement to adhere unto this
cause, as well in the midst of daungers and streights as when they are
more remote. To this end I beseech you assist with your prayers those
who often stand in neede thereof; and believe that there is none that
doth more earnestly pray for and desire the encrease of all comfort
and happiness then Your most faithfull frend,
[Illustration: Handwritten signature]
Apart from the horrors inseparable from fratricidal strife, or the
results which civil war may ultimately secure, there are attendant
circumstances that make such an upheaval of the national life not
altogether an unmixed evil. If in the great social convulsions of the
past there has been much that we must deprecate and condemn, much that
must lead us to rejoice that our lot has been cast in more peaceful
times, there has been also much that is morally good and dear to our
every feeling of existence. If there were barbarism and selfishness and
ruthlessness, there were also high achievements and flashes of heroism
that will not be forgotten while great qualities find a sanctuary in
the human heart, even though we may not be able to approve the ends to
which they were devoted. While the coarser passions may have found vent
in heartless violence, honour has been as often roused from the embrace
of luxury, and a spirit of patriotism evoked that might never else have
struggled into light. Through the fissures caused by such dislocations
of the social strata, genius and virtue and devotion have forced their
way; men have struggled for principles as men struggle for life, and
have renewed their nobility in something nobler than in name.
Accustomed to a life of luxury and ease, upholding the Puritan
doctrines in which he believed, and watching, it may be from afar, the
widening breach between King and people, William Brereton had taken but
little active interest in public affairs; but when the trumpet-blast
of war sounded in his ears his courage, promptitude, and zeal were
instantly aroused. Forced by the troublous times from the lethargy of
security and passionless ease, he quickly evidenced the possession of
qualities of which he had never given even a crude or ostentatious
promise. In what he conceived to be the path of duty he was prodigal
of his personal safety, and in that great struggle against prerogative
no man was less mindful of the hardships and the dangers inseparable
from a soldier's life. It was no boyish enthusiasm that led him to
take down the spear and the arquebus from the ancestral wall and to
don the armour of his forefathers; for, when he entered the arena of
civil strife, he was verging upon forty years of age, and the blaze
of youth had sunk into the burning fire of middle life. Noble was the
idea he had set before him. To contend with the oppressor and to battle
for right and justice was a high work. It is not our province to enter
upon the merits of the great civil war of the seventeenth century; we
reverence the principles of civil and religious truth for which the
Puritans professed invincible attachment, but we cannot close our eyes
to the fact that some of those who pleaded so loudly for conscience,
and offered such uncompromising resistance to despotism, when they got
the power into their own hands, instead of righting the wrongs of
which they had complained, merely changed the venue and transferred
a grinding social tyranny from the hand of one faction to that of
another. As old Fuller, in his quaint way, observes, "they girt their
own garment closest about the consciences of others." We can sympathise
with the Puritanism of Brereton in the effort for the advance of civil
and religious liberty and the purity of moral life, but we cannot
sympathise with the Puritanism that manifested itself in fanatical
excesses and the profane handling of things that ought to have been
sacred, even to fanatics, if they believed in the cause for which they
contended.
Sir William Brereton could no longer find happiness in repose; his
new-born zeal knew no restraint. Scarcely had he returned from the
fight at Hopton Heath than he was again in the saddle, and marching
with his troops to Northwich. On Easter Monday, April 3rd, he advanced
from that place towards Warrington, with the object of assisting the
Manchester men in wresting that town from the Earl of Derby, who then
held it for the King. An engagement took place at Stockton Heath, when
the Earl, being worsted, fell back upon Warrington, which was shortly
afterwards invested; but as he destroyed some of the buildings, and
threatened to lay the remainder in ashes rather than surrender, the
siege was raised, and Brereton with his army returned to Nantwich.
The period which followed was one of considerable activity. Before
the month had closed he was again in Staffordshire, and at Drayton
encountered Sir Vincent Corbet, whom he a second time defeated, Sir
Vincent, as Burghall tells us, escaping "in his shirt and waistcoat,
leaving his clothes behind him, which Captain Whitney took, with all
his money and his letters found in his pockets." On the 15th May,
Brereton's dragoons, having been joined by some companies from Leek and
Newcastle-under-Lyme, entered the town of Stafford in the middle of
the night, while the people were in their beds, took possession, and
made several prisoners; among them Captain Biddulph, probably of the
family of Biddulph Hall, and Captain Legh, of Adlington. From Stafford
the victorious Parliamentarians proceeded to Wolverhampton, which
was speedily taken; they then returned into Cheshire, and advanced
to Warrington to join the Manchestrians in renewing the attack upon
the town, which had been left by the Earl of Derby to the care of
Colonel Edward Norris, of Speke; and on Saturday, May 27th, "after a
week's siege, the Royalists were obliged to surrender this key of the
county," when, as we learn from Burghall, "Sir George Booth (Brereton's
brother-in-law), being lord of the town, entered it, and was joyfully
entertained by the inhabitants." Sir William knew no rest. Two days
later we find him marching at midnight from Nantwich with a force
of eight hundred men to Whitchurch, where Lord Capel had fixed his
head-quarters, arriving there at three o'clock in the morning; when,
after two hours' sharp fighting, the place surrendered, and the victors
returned to Nantwich laden with "cheese, malt, wheat, bacon, and
ammunition," and other spoils of war.
During the preceding months the Vale of the Weaver had been harassed
and made the scene of many a predatory descent from Capel's forces,
aided occasionally by the Royalists from Cholmondeley; the country
round, but Nantwich more especially, had been plundered, the rich
meadows and pasture lands which had been brought under cultivation in
pre-Reformation times by the monks of Combermere being more productive
than other parts of the county offered a strong inducement; whilst
the inhabitants, having for the most part sided with the Republican
party, were accounted as fitting subjects for Royalist vengeance. Moss
House, near Burley Dam, Dorfold Hall, Acton, Ravensmoor, and Sound are
named as being plundered of horses, cows, young beasts, and household
stuffs during the occasional absences of General Brereton from
head-quarters. In retaliation, Cholmondeley Hall was itself attacked,
the Nantwich troops issuing from their entrenchments by the north
road; then, passing Mr. Wilbraham's house at Dorfold, they quitted the
Chester Road and proceeded by Monk's Lane, passing Acton Church and
Vicarage--the latter at the time the residence of Edward Burghall, the
Puritan diarist--and thence over Ravensmoor to the stone cross near
where stood the entrance to Woodhay, the owner of which, Sir Richard
Wilbraham, had died only a few days before, a prisoner in the castle
at Shrewsbury. Soon Cholmondeley was reached. The Royalists, being
apprised of their intention, turned out to meet them, and an engagement
took place, when the Cavaliers, having sustained some loss, withdrew to
the shelter of the hall, and their opponents returned to Nantwich with
a booty of six hundred horse.
Shortly after this some of the Nantwich men sustained a severe reverse.
The troops left in possession of Whitchurch, having imprudently
advanced beyond Hanmer into Wales, were met by Lord Capel and the Welsh
forces of the King, who had been lying in ambush. They were attacked
and dispersed, several of their number being killed or wounded, and
many taken prisoners. It was a sorrowful day for them, and Burghall
laments that it was "the worst day's work the Nantwich soldiers did
from the beginning of the war." It was a sorrowful day elsewhere, for
on the preceding day John Hampden--
The noblest Roman of them all,
received his death wound on Chalgrove Field, the avenging ball of a
Royalist having shivered his vigorous right arm on the very spot where
he had first executed the ordinance of the militia and engaged his
tenantry and serving men in rebellion, and he then lay at Thame, where,
with the grace and dignity of the old Roman, but with the fortitude and
trusting faith of the true Christian, he died after six days' agony.
It does not appear that Sir William Brereton was present at the
disaster which befell his troops in the Welsh Marches; had he been,
it is possible the result might have been different. A few days
before, he was at Liverpool, directing the unlading of a ship which
had arrived freighted with ordinance and ammunition from London.
This misfortune was, however, speedily made up for by an attack on
Eccleshall Castle, which surrendered with all its ordinance, arms, and
ammunition on the 26th June, and on returning to Nantwich he was, we
are told, "received with much joy." On Thursday, July 17th, having
received reinforcements from Staffordshire and Manchester, he set out
for Chester; but there his usual good luck failed him; an assault was
made, but the city was found to be strongly fortified, and learning
that Lord Capel, with the Shropshire forces, was advancing, he deemed
it prudent to withdraw his men and return to Nantwich. He did not
long remain there, for, hearing that Colonel Hastings had marched
with four hundred horse from Lichfield to relieve the Royalists, who
were then holding out at Stafford Castle, he set out with 1,000 men
to the help of the besiegers, bivouacking for the night at Stone. On
his approach the garrison fled in dismay, when the castle was taken
and demolished, except the keep. Taking advantage of his absence, the
Royalists, who, though driven out of Whitchurch, still hung about
the Welsh border, determined upon attacking Nantwich. Lord Capel
advanced with a considerable force by way of Baddington-lane, when
the Parliamentarians, fearing they might be outnumbered, prudently
retired within the town, having sustained but slight loss. On that warm
summer's night, August 3rd, the Royalists lay on Ravensmoor, and the
next morning, taking advantage of a thick mist that hid them from view,
set upon the town, directing their fire from the meadows lying between
Marsh Lane and the left bank of the Weaver. The attack lasted from
six o'clock in the morning until nine or ten, when the sun dispelled
the mist, and Capel, finding himself too near, withdrew his men. The
report that Capel had threatened the town caused reinforcements to
be sent from Lancashire and Staffordshire to the aid of the Cheshire
men, but finding he had fallen back they returned to their respective
counties, the "Moorland Dragoons" from Staffordshire marching by way
of Aslington, where they quartered on the night of the 5th of August,
and then, continuing their march, "they gave," as the Puritan Vicar of
Acton relates, "a strong alarm to Mr. Biddulph's house (Biddulph Old
Hall) in Staffordshire, where was a garrison. This Biddulph," he adds,
"was a great Papist," a name of reproach applied by the Presbyterians
to many a good Protestant.
At the time of Capel's descent on Nantwich, Brereton was with the
Parliamentary army in the neighbourhood of Wem, where he remained for
some time, having fortified the town, and being thus enabled to make
frequent predatory incursions from it into the surrounding country,
to the alarm of the Royalists who then garrisoned Shrewsbury. Taking
advantage of his prolonged absence, Lord Capel resolved once more on
attacking the great Puritan stronghold of Nantwich. On the 14th of
October, he set out with a force of 3,400 men and artillery, moving
by way of Whitchurch, Combermere, and Marbury; his men reached Acton
at noon on the 16th, when, finding that some of the Nantwich troops
were approaching, they took up a position in the church, which they
fortified along with the neighbouring mansion of Dorfold, but hearing
that Brereton was returning from Wem they deemed it unsafe to hazard an
engagement, and, during the night, withdrew.
Brereton did not remain many days at Nantwich. On the 7th November,
accompanied by Sir Thomas Middleton, he set out for Wales. When
night closed on that short November day they had got no further than
Sir Richard Wilbraham's house at Woodhay, where they bivouacked for
the night. On the following day they were joined by the Lancashire
forces, when an attack was made upon Holt Castle, the Royalists were
driven out, and the victors then marched to Wrexham, whence they would
seem to have directed their march towards Chester, for on Saturday,
November 11, Sir William, in company with Alderman Edwards, who had
been mayor of the city in 1636, and a small force, set out for Hawarden
Castle, which surrendered on their approach without so much as a shot
being fired. On the Thursday following Brereton sent a summons from
Hawarden to Sir Abraham Shipman, the governor of Chester, demanding
the surrender of the city, and threatening severe punishment in case
of refusal. To this demand the gallant old Royalist sent a curt and
characteristic reply assuring Sir William that he was not to be
terrified by words, and that if he wanted the city he must first come
and win it. In the meantime, in anticipation of any attack that might
be made, he caused the Handbridge suburbs to be destroyed to prevent
the Roundheads sheltering in them, and at the same time demolished
Overlegh Hall, Bache Hall, and Flookersbrook Hall, with their
outhousing, lest enemies from other quarters might effect lodgments
therein.
Happily for the inhabitants the landing at Mostyn of a body of the
King's troops, returning from employment against the rebels in Ireland,
saved the city from immediate danger. Brereton returned to his quarters
at Nantwich, and the Lancashire men hastened homewards. Burghall says
"it was a wonder they made such haste to relieve Hawarden Castle, a
stronghold, lately taken, only they left one Mr. Ince, an able and
faithful minister, and about 120 soldiers in it, with little provision,
and in great danger. It was also thought strange, that they should
leave Wales, which in a manner, was quite subdued a little before, and
so many good friends who had come to them, were left to the mercy of
the enemy." Brereton was doubtless a better judge of the exigencies
of the case than the Puritan divine whose ideas on military tactics
were in this instance at fault. Retreat had become necessary, for had
the Royalists with the large reinforcements from Ireland have moved
on Nantwich in his absence they would in all likelihood have been
successful, and not only have deprived the Parliamentarians of that
important position, but also have cut off the retreat of their army,
and have forced them to fight under great disadvantage in the rocky
defiles of the Welsh border, which at that season of the year would
have been all but impassable for troops encumbered with heavy ordinance.
Hawarden Castle, being left comparatively unprotected, was, as Burghall
says, "in great danger," but the little garrison held out bravely.
On the 21st of November Colonel Mann sent a trumpeter to demand the
castle for his Majesty's use; the demand was refused, and a week latter
Captain Standford, who commanded the Irish force then just landed, sent
the following peremptory summons:--
Gentlemen,--I presume you very well know, or have heard, of my
condition and disposition, and that I neither give or take quarter;
I am now with my firelocks, who never yet neglected opportunity to
correct rebels; ready to use you as I have done the Irish, but loth I
am to spill my countrymen's blood; wherefore, by these, I advise you
to your fealty and obedience towards his majesty, and shew yourselves
faithful subjects by delivering the castle into my hands for his
majesty's use; in so doing you shall be received into mercy, &c.
Otherwise, if you put me to the least trouble, or loss of blood, to
force you, expect no quarter for man, woman, or child. I hear you have
some of our late Irish army in your company; they very well know me,
and that my firelocks used not parly.--Be not unadvised, but think
of your liberty, for I vow all hopes of relief are taken from you,
and our intents are not to starve you, but to batter and storm you,
and then hang you all, and follow the rest of that rebel crew. I am
no bread and cheese rogue, but as ever a loyalist, and will ever be
whilst I can write or name
Nov. 28th, 1643. THO. SANDFORD, Cap. of Firelocks.
I expect your speedy answer this Tuesday night at Broadlane hall,
where I now am your near neighbour.
To the officer commanding in chief at Hawarden castle and his consorts
there.
On this summons the stout-hearted defenders of Hawarden also refused
to surrender. The besiegers then made application for assistance from
Chester, and a force of 300 of the citizens and trainbands having
arrived, the attack commenced on the 3rd December; on the following
day a white flag was hung out and the garrison capitulated; the castle
being surrendered early on the next morning on the condition that its
defenders should be free to march out with half arms, and two pairs of
colours, one flying and the other furled, and to be safely conveyed
either to Wem or Nantwich.
The Cheshire men who sided with the Parliament party appear to have had
a wholesome terror of Captain Sandford and his notorious firelocks. An
assailant whose cardinal principle is neither to ask or give quarter is
not a pleasant person to encounter, and hence the Cestrians were by no
means desirous of cultivating acquaintance with a soldier who had not
only declared his intention of putting to the sword all who presumed to
offer opposition to his demands, but who, on previous occasions, had
shown that he could be as good as his word.
Following up their success at Hawarden, the Cavaliers advanced to
Beeston; the garrison there, having heard of Brereton's retreat, had
become demoralised, and surrendered the castle to Sandford without even
the semblance of a struggle. Burghall thus relates the story of the
capture:--
December 13th (1643) a little before day Captain Sandford (a zealous
Royalist) who came out of Ireland, with eight of his firelocks, crept
up the steep hill of Beeston Castle, and got into the upper ward and
took possession there. It must be done by treachery for the place was
most impregnable. Captain Steel, who kept it for the Parliament, was
accused and suffered for it; but it was verily thought he had not
betrayed it wilfully; but some of his men proving false, he had not
courage enough to withstand Sandford to try it out with him. What made
much against Steel was he took Sandford down into his chamber, where
they dined together, and much beer was sent up to Sandford's men, and
the castle after a short parley was delivered up; Steel and his men
having leave to march with their arms and colours to Nantwich, but
as soon as he was come into the town the soldiers were so enraged
against him that they would have pulled him in pieces had he not been
immediately clapped in prison. There were much wealth and goods in
the castle belonging to gentlemen and neighbours, who had brought it
thither for safety, besides ammunition and provisions for half a year
at least; all which the enemy got.
The surrender of Beeston was a great discouragement to the
Parliamentarians, and so exasperated were the Nantwich men at what they
believed to be the treachery of Steel, that shortly after he was "shot
to death" in Tinker's Croft, by two soldiers, according to judgment
against him. Whether Steel was actuated by treachery or cowardice is
a matter of doubt, but, in any case, an example was required to be
made, and the stern Puritans could hardly have pronounced a milder
sentence; for the dining with Sandford, and the regaling of his men
with "much beer" must have told greatly against him. With the loss of
Beeston the way lay open from Chester; the garrison at Nantwich had
in consequence a busy time of it, being kept in a state of perpetual
alarm by the oft repeated rumours of the approach of Sandford and the
much-dreaded firelocks. The town, we are told by an old chronicler,
had no rest day or night, and a guard had to be kept continually
upon the walls to give warning in the event of the enemies coming.
Danger increased on every hand, the Royalists had been reinforced by
the Anglo-Irish contingent sent over by the Marquis of Ormond, and
the whole district lay at the mercy of Lord Byron, who had the chief
command, and who, elated with his successes, advanced without much loss
of time with the intention of attacking Brereton in his own quarters.
On the Sunday following the capture of Beeston, "during sermon time,"
as we are told, news came that the Cavaliers were at Burford, a
place about a mile distant. Sergeant-major Lothian, with a company
of soldiers, went out to meet them, but the sergeant got the worst
of it, and in the encounter was made prisoner, when his men took to
their heels. Immediately after Stoke, Hurleston, Brindley, Wrenbury,
and the country round was ravaged, and much injury was inflicted. On
the 22nd December the Royalists crossed the river to Audlem, Hankelow,
Buerton, and Hatherton; on the Saturday they reached Barthomley and
dispersed a number of Brereton's men, who had established themselves
in the church; and on Christmas day and the day after they plundered
Barthomley, Crewe, Haslington, and Sandbach. On the last-named day
Brereton, having left a guard at Nantwich, marched with a considerable
force towards Middlewich, Holmes Chapel and Sandbach, and at Booth
Lane, about a mile from the last mentioned town, he was overtaken by
the Royalists, when a fierce battle was fought, and he had to retreat
to Middlewich, whither he was pursued, again attacked, and finally
compelled to seek safety in flight, leaving his magazines behind
him and two hundred prisoners. After this disaster he made his way
northwards, when, as we learn from the "Briefe Summary" of the troubles
Mr. William Davenport had to undergo, he was on New Year's Day "about
Stopport, when with Captain Sankey, Captain Francis Dukinfield and a
few soldiers, he made a raid upon Mr. Davenport's house at Bramhall,
helped himself to what he could find, took away all the horses, about
twenty in number, and all the arms he could lay his hands on. Meanwhile
the victorious Cavaliers were by no means inactive; Crewe Hall was
captured, but surrendered again the next day; Dorfold was taken on the
2nd of January (1643-4) and on the 4th Doddington yielded without a
struggle. Nantwich had been invested and subjected to intermittent
attacks, and on Thursday, January 17," after being besieged for five
weeks and suffering great privation, it was assaulted on all sides; in
the attack Captain Sandford met a soldier's death under the guns of
his own hot battery, and within a few days of that on which Captain
Steel was led out to execution. The siege lasted for more than a week,
when General Fairfax, fresh from his victories in Yorkshire, passed
through Manchester, and, being joined by the forces of Sir William
Brereton, marched to the relief of the beleaguered town. The advancing
army mustered in all three thousand five hundred and fifty horse,
and five thousand foot; after a slight skirmish in Delamere Forest,
in which forty prisoners were taken, their progress was arrested for
a while at Barr Bridge, where a small force of Royalists had posted
themselves behind Hurlestone Brook, the main body of Byron's army,
however, remaining in the neighbourhood of Acton Church. The frost
which had continued for some time, suddenly broke up, and the flooding
of the Weaver, consequent upon the rapid thaw, placed the Royalists
at a considerable disadvantage; a temporary bridge which they had
constructed was swept away; communication between the cavalry and the
infantry was thus cut off, and the former, being confined in deep lanes
with great high hedges, were unable to sustain or relieve the suffering
infantry, and, in fact, could only reach them by a detour of five
miles. About half-past three in the afternoon of the 25th of January
the two armies were put in array against each other in the fields
lying between Acton Church and Ravensmoor, and on that raw winter's
afternoon, before darkness had closed upon the scene, the Royalist
infantry had given way and sought refuge in Acton Church, where they
were surrounded and compelled to surrender. About one thousand six
hundred of their number were made prisoners, among them Colonel Monk,
who was sent to the Tower, the same who, after he had brought about
the Restoration, developed into the Earl of Albemarle. The slain were
very few, considering the large number of men engaged, only about fifty
in all; their bodies were buried in a field belonging to Sir Thomas
Wilbraham of Woodhay, which to this day retains the name of the "Dead
Man's Field." The relief of the town was an occasion of much rejoicing;
thanksgivings were held, and for many years after, on St. Paul's Day
(January 25th), the anniversary of their deliverance, the townsmen wore
sprigs of holly in their hats in commemoration of the event.
Clarendon, in his History of the Rebellion, observes that Nantwich was
the only garrison which the Parliament had then left in Cheshire, and
that from the beginning of the troubles it had been the only refuge
for the disaffected in that county and the counties adjacent. He adds
that the pride of the late success, and the terror which the Royal
soldiers believed their names carried with them, led them before this
place at the most unseasonable time of the year, but that "it cannot be
denied that the reducing of this place at that time would have been of
unspeakable importance to the King's affairs, there being between that
and Carlisle no one town of moment (Manchester only excepted) which
declared against the King; and those two populous counties of Chester
and Lancashire, if they had been united against the Parliament, would
have been a strong bulwark against the Scots." With the disaster at
Nantwich the power of the Anglo-Irish army which the Marquis of Ormond
had sent over to the help of the Royalist cause in England was wholly
destroyed, and Fairfax was free to return to Yorkshire, where some
months after he took part in the decisive battle of Marston Moor.
Shortly after the raising of the siege of Nantwich Brereton's men made
an assault on Crewe Hall, which surrendered on the 4th of February.
Three days later Doddington Hall was given up, and on the 14th
Adlington Hall, after bravely holding out for a whole fortnight, was
delivered up to Colonel Dukinfield, who, a month later, in accordance
with an order of Parliament, handed over the possession to Colonel
Brereton, who pillaged the house, and seized the family possessions
into his own hands.
While these events were transpiring a kinsman of Sir William
Brereton's, Lord Brereton of Brereton, who had been collecting arms
and ammunition for the King's service, became alarmed, forsook his
own residence, Brereton Hall, and, with his wife and son, took up his
abode at Biddulph Hall, a fortified manor-house on the confines of
Staffordshire, which was at once put into a state of defence. Angry at
this proceeding, Sir William Brereton determined on its reduction, and
at once set out with an armed force to accomplish that object. On the
way one of the unlovely elements in the Puritan character manifested
itself--the fanatical soldiery broke into the church at Astbury, one of
the most beautiful ecclesiastical edifices in the county, defaced the
costly architecture, broke the painted windows, demolished the carved
screen-work, turned the fabric into a stable, and carried the organ
away to a field close by, where they set it on fire--the spot retaining
the name of the "Organ Field" to this day. Having performed these
exploits, Brereton and his men resumed their march towards Biddulph,
passing over Congleton Edge on the way. On the 20th of February the
siege began, but the besiegers held out for a lengthened period--three
months, it is said. Mr. J. Eglinton Bailey, in a paper recently read
before the members of the Manchester Literary Club, gives the following
interesting particulars:--
The ordnance was first planted on Congleton Edge, but little or no
mischief was done from that standpoint. A fragment of an old song is
remembered in which Lord Brereton, seeing Sir William on the Edge, is
made to say--
"Yonder my uncle stands, and he will not come near,
Because he is a Roundhead, and I a Cavalier."
... During this time the investment was pretty close. Communication
with the neighbourhood is said to have been held by means of a servant
appropriately named "Trusty," who had nightly egress by an underground
passage, through which victuals were taken in. The Parliamentary army
frequently changed the position of their camp. Meanwhile the garrison
became expert marksmen. A person riding through Whitemore Wood towards
the army at Congleton Edge had his horse struck by a shot, and the
rider took to his heels, not staying to remove the horse's bridle. It
is also said that when Mr. Bowyer, of Knypersley Hall, was galloping
over Bradley Green a ball from Biddulph took off the heel of his boot.
At length the besieging party fetched from Stafford a large cannon,
bearing the feminine name of "Roaring Meg," which was planted on the
west side. The gun was next tried on a battery on the rising ground
on the east side, the country people having informed the general that
that was the weakest side of the hall. The old record is that from
this site the artillerymen battered furiously for some time; that at
last a ball accidentally struck the end of a beam supporting the hall,
thus giving the building such a shake that its defenders thought it
would have fallen down; and that thereupon Lady Brereton was so much
affrighted that at her earnest entreaty the place was surrendered.
A number of prisoners were taken, including Lord and Lady Brereton and
their son and heir; three hundred stand of arms, with ammunition, also
fell into the hands of the victors, who sacked the mansion and bore off
the plunder to Stafford Castle.
In the accounts of the old corporate town of Congleton there are
several entries of moneys expended on the occasion of the visit of Sir
William Brereton and his followers while on their way to Biddulph. They
appear to have had a fondness for the good cheer for which the place
was even then noted; thus we read of "Meat and drink to Sir William
Brereton's men on the way, £1 13s. 3d.;" "Paid in meat and drink to
Sir William Brereton's men, £0 18s.;" "More, £0 18s. 3d.;" "Spent
on Captain Manwaring and Captain ---- from London in burned ale and
victuals, £0 10s. 0d.;" "Burned ale to Colonel Duckenfield, £0 1s. 8d."
"Burned ale" was a beverage the Puritan soldiers seemed to have been
rather partial to, and they had almost an equal fondness for Congleton
sack[40], if we may judge from the frequency with which they were
regaled with it.
The attack made by Sir William Brereton upon his relative, Lord
Brereton, at Biddulph, furnishes a characteristic picture of the social
disorder and confusion that prevailed in every rank and station of
life during that unnatural struggle; the ties of consanguinity were
forgotten in the bitterness of party strife, and relationship was no
longer recognised as influencing families or individuals, except in so
far that men oftentimes found their most inveterate foes were those of
their own household.
In the depth of the inclement winter, after the relief of Nantwich, Sir
Thomas Fairfax, in obedience to the orders of the Parliament, marched
back into Yorkshire to join his father, Lord Fairfax, who was hastening
to unite his forces with the Scottish army, which, led by Lesley, Earl
of Leven, had crossed the border and marched knee-deep in snow upon
the soil of England, preparatory to an attack upon York. Brereton,
after the fall of Biddulph, would appear to have followed him, for in a
contemporary document which Mr. Earwaker discovered among the Harleian
MSS.--"Accompts made and Sworne unto by Sev'all Inhabitants of the
Towneshippe of Hollingworth in the p'ish of Mottram in Longdendale and
County of Chester"--the following entry occurs:--
In the "Accompts" of Mr. John Hollingworth, of Hollingworth:
li s d
Itm. When Sr William Brereton Kt. marched wth his fforces
towardes Yorke there was quartered wth mee Seaven score
horse whereby I was dampnified 8 0 0
Itm. When Sr William Brereton marched towards Yorke wth
Cheshire fforces ffor ye assistance of that County, there
was 250 horse and rydrs quartered at my house; the
damage I had by them in eatinge my meadowe, killinge
my sheepe and plunderinge some of my goods privily, and
consuminge my victuals they found in my house, to ye
value att ye least of 20tie markes 13 6 8
These particulars give some idea of the losses and annoyance the people
were then subjected to, and furnish some interesting details of the way
in which the war was conducted.
Ere the month of June was ended, the fiery Prince Rupert, in obedience
to the King's command, had marched from Lathom House, in Lancashire,
and effected the relief of York. On the 2nd of July 50,000 subjects of
the King met upon the heath and among the corn fields on Marston Moor,
almost within sight of the walls of York city, where the boom of the
distant cannon would strike upon the inhabitants as the death knell of
friend or brother. For two long hours they remained gazing with silent,
yet settled determination, each waiting from the other the signal of
battle. The sun was sinking in the west on that warm summer's evening
when the strife began. By the time it had set, and the twilight had
deepened into night, the carnage was ended, and five thousand dead
bodies of Englishmen lay heaped upon the fatal ground. The distinctions
that in life had separated those sons of a common country seemed as
nothing now. The plumed helmet and the rude morion, the glistening
corslet and the buff jerkin, embraced as they rolled on the heath
together, and the loose love-lock of the careless Cavalier lay drenched
in the dark blood of the stern and uncompromising Roundhead.
On Marston Heath
Met front to front, the ranks of death;
Flourished the trumpets fierce, and now
Fired was each eye, and flushed each brow;
On either side loud clamours ring,
"God and the cause!"--"God and the King!"
Right English all, they rushed to blows
With nought to win and all to lose.
It was the first great battle in which Cromwell and his invincible
Ironsides had borne a part, and it was their irresistible bravery that
decided the day. Rupert was fairly swept off the field, and the hopes
of Charles were completely wrecked. It was the greatest achievement
of the war, and left the whole of the northern counties open to the
Parliament's sway.
The discomfited Rupert, with the wreck of his army, retreated towards
Chester, and thence into Lancashire, where he had the mortification to
see all the strongholds he had recently gained speedily retaken, and
among them the castle of Liverpool. Brereton was quickly marching in
the same direction. Halton Castle still held out for the King, though,
as we learn from a letter addressed by Goring to Prince Rupert, it was
then threatened by the garrison of Warrington. It shortly afterwards
surrendered, and on the 22nd July was taken possession of by the
Parliamentary troops under Brereton. A few weeks later Colonel Marrow,
the governor of Chester, with a small force marched from that city
towards Northwich, "plundering some poor men's cattle by the way;"
when near Hartford he was met by a party of Brereton's men. Marrow
retreated towards Sandiway, and there faced about, when a skirmish took
place. Fifteen of Brereton's soldiers were captured, but the victory
was dearly bought, for Marrow himself, "a most pestilent Atheisticall
Royalist," as Vicars calls him, received a shot, from the effects
of which he died the following day. This was on Sunday, the 18th of
August. A few days later the Nantwich men, with the assistance of
Brereton's cavalry and some troops from Halton, attacked the Royalists
in their quarters near Tarvin, and defeated them, and on the 26th they
were again engaged near Malpas, when the Cavaliers sustained some
serious losses.
Hearing that Lord Herbert, of Cherbury, was besieged in Montgomery
Castle, Brereton, with Sir Wm. Meldran, Sir Wm. Fairfax, and thirty-two
troops of horse out of Lancashire, and other companies out of
Staffordshire, in all about three thousand men, set out to relieve him.
On Tuesday, the 17th September, they compelled the Royalists to raise
the siege, which led to a desperate encounter on the following day,
when the King's troops were defeated with a loss of five hundred slain
and fourteen hundred prisoners, among the latter being that "_Chevalier
sans peur et sans reproche_," Major-general Sir Thomas Tyldesley. Among
the slain on the Parliament side was Sir William Fairfax. A week after
this exploit Brereton and his forces returned to Nantwich. In the
scattered but authentic records of the period we get frequent glimpses
of him hurrying hither and thither during the dark winter months. In
February, 1644-5, the town and castle of Shrewsbury, with the ordnance,
arms, and ammunition, and a considerable body of prisoners, surrendered
to him, and, as the spring advanced, his forces began to gather by
degrees round the castle of Beeston and the city of Chester, which
still held out for the King; but news coming that the Princes Rupert
and Maurice were approaching to the relief, his men fell back upon
Nantwich, and the relieving force of Royalists, having accomplished
their object, retired, first plundering Bunbury and burning Beeston
Hall. Scarcely had they departed, however, when the siege of Chester
was renewed. On the 7th of May the King left Oxford, and marched with
his forces in the direction of the city, but when within twenty miles
of it Brereton, hearing of his advance, raised the siege and retired
into Lancashire. This movement left his Majesty free to commence
operations in another direction, and he suddenly appeared before
Leicester and carried the town by storm.
On the 14th of June the battle of Naseby was fought--the most decisive
and disastrous to the King of all his military engagements--the
Royalists losing all their artillery, baggage, the King's private
cabinet, and eight thousand stand of arms, while the Parliamentarians
were put in possession of nearly all the chief cities of the kingdom.
The siege of Bristol followed; on the 9th of September the city
was stormed and taken, and victory seemed everywhere to attend the
movements of the King's opponents. Charles, who was now at Hereford,
resolved on proceeding to Chester, hoping to reach it by a circuitous
route over the Welsh mountains, and intending thence to make his way
northward by Lancashire and Cumberland, to join Montrose. The march
through that wild and inhospitable region occupied five days, the King
and his party being exposed the while to many hardships and privations.
He had arranged his plans in the full belief that Chester was safe
from any meditated attack, but, to his dismay, on approaching the city
he found the people in a state of excitement and alarm, Sir William
Brereton having collected a powerful body of troops, including the
force with which Colonel Jones and the redoubtable Adjutant-general
Lowthian had been investing Beeston Castle, and was then preparing to
attack it, having, indeed, on the very day his Majesty left Hereford,
surprised and possessed himself of the mayor's house, and with it the
sword and mace of the corporation, as well as of St. John's Church,
Boughton, and some of the eastern suburbs.
On learning the position of affairs, the King ordered Sir Marmaduke
Langdale--he who had fought so gallantly at Naseby--to cross the Dee
eastwards above Chester, whilst himself, with his guards, Lord Gerard,
and the remainder of the horse, would enter the city by the west,
intending thus to dislodge the republican soldiers by a simultaneous
attack upon their front and rear. But these plans were disconcerted
by the unexpected appearance of Major-general Poyntz, who had been
following in the King's track, and had advanced from Whitchurch to the
help of Brereton's forces.
The King reached the city, on the night of Wednesday, the 24th of
September, 1645, Sir Marmaduke Langdale having in the meantime crossed
the river at Holt Bridge, and drawn up his men on Rowton Heath, some
two miles distant. On the following morning Poyntz came upon the scene,
when he was attacked by Langdale and repulsed with considerable loss,
but a party of Brereton's men, headed by Colonel Jones and Lowthian,
hastened to their assistance, when Langdale was in turn overpowered
and compelled to seek shelter beneath the city walls, where the Royal
Guards, commanded by the young Earl of Lichfield and the Lords Gerard
and Lindsey, were ready to support them. The contest now became fierce
and general. From the leads on the Phoenix Tower on Chester walls
the ill-fated Charles watched the fluctuating progress of this last
effort for the maintenance of the Royal power; amid the broken surges
of the battle he saw his own battalions alternately retreating and
rallying until at length, overpowered by numbers, they were compelled
to retreat, and he saw, too, his gallant kinsman, Bernard Stuart, Earl
of Lichfield--the third brother of that illustrious family who had
sacrificed their lives in the cause--with many a gentleman besides fall
dead at his feet, and all that had hitherto survived of his broken
remnant of a host either taken prisoners or driven in headlong rout
and ruin from the fatal field. "Thenceforward the King's sword was a
useless bauble, less significant than the 'George' upon his breast."
Charles bore his misfortune with a dignity and composure that reminds
us of his valorous predecessor, the fifth Harry, when in similar peril.
Upon his royal face there is no note
How dread a peril hath enrounded him;
Nor doth he dedicate one jot of colour
Unto the weary and all-watched night;
But freshly looks, and overbears attaint,
With cheerful semblance and sweet majesty.
Chester still held out, and its preservation was of the utmost
importance to the Royal cause, for it was the only place at which the
King could hope to land the reinforcements expected from Ireland. It
was inexpedient, however, for him to incur the risk of being shut up
within the beleaguered city, and so at the close of that fatal Thursday
when the fight on Rowton Heath was ended, and the grey twilight of
the autumn evening was deepening into the sombre gloom of night, the
ill-starred monarch--a monarch only in name--accompanied by a small
guard and a few faithful followers, passed over the Dee Bridge a
fugitive on his way to Denbigh.
Everything which Charles or his friends attempted seemed to bear upon
it the impress of a failing or utterly fallen cause. The defeated,
powerless, almost friendless monarch was as unsuccessful in the
business of diplomacy as he was in that of war; and whatever was
indiscreetly planned was sure to be as rashly undertaken. Power had
passed from his grasp; but suffering had hardly as yet wreathed its
halo round his discrowned brow or
Lent his life the dignity of woe.
While at Denbigh, whither he had sought refuge on the discomfiture of
his troops before Chester, he received the mortifying intelligence
that Montrose had been surprised near Berwick by Lesley's steel-clad
troopers, and that his men, after a brief but gallant resistance,
had laid down their arms on the promise of quarter. All hope from
that direction was now at an end, and the idea of moving northwards
was abandoned. Turning his steps southwards, the fallen monarch,
accompanied by a few broken squadrons, retreated by way of Chirk,
Bridgenorth, and Lichfield to Newark: whence the march was continued
until the evening of the 5th of November, when the tired fugitives
entered the city of Oxford, Charles having, as his affectionate
historian writes, "finished the most tedious and grievous march that
ever King was exercised in."
On the 16th of November, three weeks after the defeat of the Royalist
army on Rowton Heath, the garrison of Beeston, after bravely holding
out for well-nigh twelve months, and undergoing the severest
privations, surrendered to Sir William Brereton. The loss of the great
Cheshire stronghold was a severe blow, but the hopes of Charles had
not entirely vanished. Chester still held out, and through the long
months of that dreary winter its gallant defenders persistently refused
to yield. On the 10th of December Brereton's army was reinforced, in
accordance with an order of the Parliament, by the Lancashire forces
commanded by Colonel Booth, who were then flushed with their recent
successes at Lathom House; but rather than surrender the loyal citizens
elected to keep a "Lenten Christmas," and, as the old chronicler has
it, "to feed on horses, dogs, and cats." On the 1st of January, 1645-6,
Brereton sent a preliminary summons to the governor, Lord Byron,[41]
demanding that the city should be immediately given up; but the
summons was disregarded; and subsequent demands were treated with the
same contumely, until at last, on the 3rd of February, when the brave
defenders had become reduced to the last extremity by famine, the city
and castle were given up to Brereton, after having withstood a close
siege for fully twenty weeks.
The following extract from a letter preserved among the MS. collection
of Walker, the historian, of "The Sufferings of the Clergy," in the
Bodleian Library, in which the writer, Mr. Edward Seddon, a native of
Chester, describing the sufferings his father had to endure during and
after the siege, gives a vivid picture of the hardships our forefathers
had to face in that great struggle:--
In pursuance of a promise I formerly made in a letter to Mr. Webber, I
have here sent you the following account of my most honoured father's
sufferings in the late times of rebellion and confusion, wherein,
though, perhaps, I may be under some mistakes, in not adjusting every
passage to its proper time, or mis-nomen of some persons mentioned in
it, yet I have not willingly and knowingly trespas'd upon ye truth in
any material part of my relation, which I hope you'l therefore peruse
with candour as follows;--The Reverend Mr. William Seddon M.A. of
Magdalen Coll. in Camb., being about the year of our Lord 1636, setl'd
a preacher in one of ye parish Churches, I think St. Maries in ye City
of Chester, was then also possess'd of a Vicarage at Eastham (about
six miles distant from ye City, value 68li. per annum), where he liv'd
with his wife and family in a very happy condition, till ye Civil
Wars breaking out, and ye Parliament forces drawing on to besiege
Chester, he was compel'd to withdraw his family and effects into ye
City for succour, where his great and good Friend and Pastor, ye Lord
Bishop Bridgman, then Lord Bishop of Chester, accommodated him with
several rooms and lodgings in his own Palace; and yet the aged Bishop
dreading the hardships of a siege, voided the place, leaving my father
in his Palace, who continued diligent in his ministry, and frequent
Preaching to ye Garrison there. And the City being closely besieg'd
and frequently storm'd, my Mother was on ye 12th day of Octob., 1645,
delivered of me, her 9th child (all the 9 then living) and said to be
ye last yt was publickly baptiz'd in ye Font of yt Cathedral there
before ye restoracion in 1660. The City being surrendred upon Articles
my Father was shortly apprehended and made Prisoner, and after some
short durance was demanded by ye prevailing Powers, why he had not,
according to ye Articles of surrender, march'd off with ye Garrison
to ye King's Quarters, to which he reply'd, yt he thought his Cassock
had vnconcern'd him in those Articles, being a Minister in ye City,
but above all he had a wife, and many small children there, which if
he could see tolerably dispos'd of he would, not vnwillingly, accept
the Articles. But many complaints being made against him, yt he had
in his preaching reflected upon the proceedings of the prevailing
party, had animated ye Garrison to resist even unto blood, &c., he
was remanded to Prison again, and his house permitted to be plunder'd
by ye souldiers, who despoil'd him not of his goods only, but of his
books and papers, which they exposed to sale at a very low rate; and
so by private directions to some of his friends, he repurchas'd some
of the most necessary for his own use. But then an order was drawn
up to export his wife and children out of ye City to Eastham (which
accordingly was done, several of ye younger sort being put into a
wagon with other goods which had escap'd the pillage) where though
they had only ye bare walls of a Vicarage house to resort to, yet they
found a hearty welcome from ye loial part of the parishioners there,
amongst whom they dispers'd themselves, and in a short time after, my
Father's confinement was somewhat enlarg'd and his escape conniv'd
at, which gave him ye liberty of going in quest of his wife and
children, whom he found in pretty good circumstances among his loial
friends. But another minister (whose name and character I have utterly
forgot)[42] being despatch'd with orders from ye ruling powers at
Chester to supply the vicarage at Eastham, and a rumour dispsd, yt my
father must be apprehended again, and reduc'd as prisoner to Chester,
he scamper'd about privately to the houses of ye loyal Gentry, to whom
his character and condition were well known, and then despatched a
letter to his elder Brother Mr. Peter Seddon of Outwood in Lancashire
(ye place of my Father's nativity) who was then, at that rate of ye
times, turn'd zealous Presbiterian too, and had a son a Captain in
ye Parliament's army, acquainting him with ye storm he was under,
and requesting him to cover either all or part of his ffamily, till
he could weather ye storm; _to which letter ye main of ye answers he
had was yt would he conform himself to ye Godly party, his own merits
would protect and prefer him_, which so incens'd my Father yet he
never more held any correspondence with him.[43]
After the reduction of Chester, Brereton was free to turn his
attention in other directions. Lichfield surrendered to his arms on
the 5th of March; on the 21st of April Tutbury was delivered into his
possession; seven days later Bridgewater yielded, and on the 12th of
May Dudley Castle was taken. "These, with many other victories," says
Rycroft, "hath this valiant knight performed which will to after ages
stand a monument to his due praise."
Thus restless souls send to eternall rest!
And active spirits in a righteous way
Find peace within, though much with war opprest;
This bravest Brereton of his name could say.
And now triumps, maugre those Nimrods dead,
_Aston_, _Capell_, _Byron_, and _Northampton_ dead.
The slaughter'd Irish, and his native soile
Now quiet show his courage, love, and toile.
The Parliament was not slow in rewarding him for the important services
rendered to the cause. In addition to being made Commander-in-Chief of
the Parliament's forces in Cheshire, Staffordshire, and Shropshire, he
had conferred upon him the chief Forestership of Macclesfield Forest,
as well as the Seneschalship of the Hundred; he received other rewards,
too, in the shape of grants of money and lands out of the sequestered
estates of "delinquent" Royalists and Papists, and on the termination
of the war had bestowed upon him the archiepiscopal palace of Croydon,
in which he fixed his residence during the Protectorate.
Brereton, though professedly a Churchman, was notorious for his
aversion to the episcopal form of Church government; anxious that his
country should enjoy the blessings of the kirk discipline, he busied
himself in the brief intervals he could snatch from his military
engagements in the direction of the ecclesiastical affairs of his
native county, and the accounts and other memoranda preserved in the
parish chest of many a village church in Cheshire bear testimony to
the suffering and misery inflicted on many a worthy clergyman by his
rough and ready method of effecting reforms. Poor William Seddon was
not the only one who felt the weight of his displeasure, for the
Cheshire parsons had in many instances the mortification of seeing
their churches and rectory houses sacked, their livings sequestered,
and themselves driven from their flocks and their homes, and, being
non-combatants, left powerless to help themselves or their families.
Liberty had been clamoured for, but those who clamoured when they got
the power, as Fuller says, "girt their own garment closest about the
consciences of others." Presbyterianism was as bigoted as Episcopacy,
and Independency, which followed, was as intolerant as either.
Brereton lived to see the restoration of monarchy in the person
of Charles II., but he did not long survive that event, his death
occurring at the palace of Croydon, April 7th, 1661. His remains were
brought down into Cheshire for interment in the Honford Chapel attached
to Cheadle Church, where many of his progenitors lie, but there is
no record of his burial there, though curiously enough in the parish
register there is an entry of his death at Croydon. As previously
stated, there is no memorial of him in the church, and tradition
accounts for the absence by the story that while the body was being
conveyed to what was intended to be its last resting place a river
that had to be forded had become swollen by a storm during the night,
and that, when endeavouring to cross, the coffin, with its ghastly
occupant, was carried away by the surging waters and never recovered.
Whether the deft and inquiring local antiquary will ever discover any
genuine metal by the smelting of the rude ore of this old wife's fable
remains to be seen.
That Sir William Brereton possessed great natural talents and abilities
no one can doubt, for without any proper military training he rapidly
rose to distinction, and was incontestably one of the greatest military
characters that his county has produced. The exigencies of those times
demanded military rather than political celebrities, and Brereton was
one of the few men possessing the genius needed. It was the great
upheaval in the national life that brought him into prominence and gave
him the opportunity, and but for that it is more than probable he would
never have attained to any special pre-eminence. His character exhibits
a happy blending of adroitness and force, and illustrates in a strong
degree the prodigious but coarse energy which marked that unhappy age.
His thirst for freedom hurried him into open resistance to prerogative,
while his religious feelings deepened into something approaching very
nearly to fanaticism. The gospel as exhibited in Presbyterianism, and
liberty as exemplified in the Parliament, constituted, in his belief,
the cause of God and truth, and this was the secret of his influence.
His discernment enabled him to gather around him those in whom the
same sentiments were blended--stern, dogged, self-reliant Puritans,
who believed in God and in the destinies of their leader--and by the
master-power of his energy and zeal he succeeded in moulding them to
his will. Clarendon speaks of the devotion of the lower orders to "Sir
William Brereton and his companions, and their readiness to supply
them with intelligence;" and, though he allows their education had
but ill-fitted them for the conduct of a war, praises their execution
of "their commands with notable sobriety and indefatigable industry
(virtues not so well practised in the King's quarters), insomuch as
the best soldiers who encountered with them had no cause to despise
them." Brereton shared the opinion which Cromwell expressed to his
cousin Hampden that an army of "decayed serving men and tapsters" would
never be able to encounter "gentlemen that have honour and courage and
resolution in them," and therefore he chose only "such men as had the
fear of God before them and made some conscience of what they did."
Such enthusiasts knew no fear, and had small respect for rank and power
so far as outward demeanour was concerned; they had an ever-present
belief that they were doing "the Lord's work," and, whether starving in
a fortress or ridden down by men in steel, they would not be moved
With dread of death to flight or foul retreat.
Brereton was their chief, but he was their comrade also; if he trained
and disciplined them he shared also their hardships, their dangers,
and their privations. He was prodigal of his own safety, and his
prodigality increased their faith and inspired their confidence,
and thus enabled them not only to withstand the reckless daring--the
chivalrous bravery of the Cavaliers--but eventually to overcome and
scatter those who counted their lives as nothing in defence of their
sovereign's cause.
Both Rycroft and Vicars[44] give what purport to be portraits of
Brereton, but they are rude and unsatisfactory, and there is a doubt
as to their authenticity. An unfriendly hand ("Mysteries of the Good
Old Cause," 12mo., 1663, p. 3) has described him as "a notable man at
a thanksgiving dinner, having terrible long teeth and a prodigious
stomach to turn the archbishop's chapel at Croydon into a kitchen, also
to swallow up that palace and lands at a morsel."
The subsequent history of Handforth Hall is soon told, As previously
stated, Sir William Brereton lost his first wife--a daughter of Sir
George Booth, of Dunham--before the breaking out of the Civil Wars;
he again entered the marriage state, his second wife being Cicely,
daughter of Sir William Skeffington, of Fisherwick, in Leicestershire,
the widow of his former comrade in arms, Edward Mytton, of Weston,
in Staffordshire, but as no mention is made of this lady in his
will the presumption is that she also predeceased him. At the time
of his death there were living four daughters, two by the first and
two by the second marriage, and one son, Thomas Brereton, the sole
heir, who succeeded to the baronetcy, and who was then married to
the Lady Theodosia, youngest daughter of Humble, first Baron Ward,
of Birmingham, ancestor of the present Lord Dudley. This Sir Thomas,
who was born in 1632, died childless on the 7th of January, 1673, and
was buried on the 17th of the same month in the Handforth Chapel, at
Cheadle, where there is now a handsome altar tomb to his memory with
his recumbent effigy resting thereon. He is represented in the plate
armour of the period, with the hands uplifted and conjoined as if in
supplication; the figure is bareheaded, with the long-flowing hair
characteristic of the later Carolinian period, and the head rests upon
a helmet surmounted with a plume of feathers. At one end is a shield,
representing the arms of Brereton impaling those of Ward, and on the
side are two shields--Brereton with a crescent as a mark of cadency and
the badge of baronetcy, and Ward, and between these on a tablet is the
following inscription:--
Here Lyeth the Body of Sr Thomas Brereton of Handforth, Barronett, who
Married Theodosia Daughter to the Right Honourable Humble Lord Ward
and the Lady Frances Barronesse Dudly. hee Departed this Life the 7th
of January Anno Dom: 1673
Ætatis Suæ 43.
[Illustration: SIR WILLIAM BRERETON.]
With the death of Sir Thomas Brereton the line once so firmly
established in Cheshire terminated, and nothing now remains but the
old ancestral home, the recollections of the name, and the memories
that surround it. After the decease of his widow, who remarried Charles
Brereton, and died in childbed, February 23, 1677, frequent disputes
respecting the disposition of the estates arose between Nathaniel
Booth, of Mottram-Andrew, who claimed as heir under a deed of trust
executed in the lifetime of Sir Thomas, and William Ward, the eldest
son of Frances Lady Ward, who claimed on the ground of kinship.
Eventually they descended to Nathaniel Booth, of Hampstead, heir to
Nathaniel Booth, of Mottram-Andrew, who succeeded to the baronetcy,
and also to the barony of Delamere. On the 14th of June, 1764, the
manor, &c., passed from this Nathaniel by purchase to Edward Wrench,
of Chester, and his nephew and heir, Edward Omaney Wrench, sold the
same in 1805, to Joseph Cooper, of Handforth, yeoman, whose trustees
in turn resold it in 1808 to William Pass, of Altrincham, from whom
it was purchased by the late Stephen Symonds, then of Handforth, but
subsequently of Broadwater Hall, Worthing, the father of the present
rector of Stockport, and James Cunliffe, who held the manor jointly
until the dissolution of their partnership in 1875, when it continued
in the sole possession of Mr. Symonds until the year 1878, when he
resold it to Edward T. Cunliffe, who is the present lord of the manor.
[Illustration: THE "SWAN," NEWBY BRIDGE.]