CATHOLICITY AND PROTESTANTISM IN RELATION TO SOCIAL PROGRESS.
PRELIMINARY COUP D'ŒIL.
After having placed Catholicity and Protestantism in contrast, in a
religious point of view, in the picture which I have just drawn; after
having shown the superiority of the one over the other, not only in
certainty, but also in all that regards the instincts, the feelings,
the ideas, the characteristics of the human mind, it seems to me proper
to approach another question, certainly not less important, but much
less understood, and in the examination of which we shall have to
contend against strong antipathies, and to dissipate many prejudices
and errors. Amid the difficulties by which the question that I am
about to undertake is surrounded, I am supported by a strong hope
that the interest of the subject, and its analogy with the scientific
taste of the age, will invite a perusal; and that I shall thereby
avoid the danger which commonly threatens those who write in favor
of the Catholic religion, that of being judged without being heard.
The question may be stated thus: "When we compare Catholicity and
Protestantism, which do we find the most favorable to real liberty, to
the real progress of nations, to the cause of civilization?" Liberty!
This is one of those words which are as generally employed as they are
little understood; words which, because they contain a certain vague
idea, easily perceived, present the deceptive appearance of perfect
clearness, while, on account of the multitude and variety of objects
to which they apply, they are susceptible of a variety of meanings,
and, consequently, are extremely difficult to comprehend. Who can
reckon the number of applications made of the word liberty? There is
always found in this word a certain radical idea, but the modifications
and graduations to which the idea is subject are infinite. The air
circulates with liberty; we move the soil around the plant, to enable
it to grow and increase with liberty; we clean out the bed of a stream
to allow it to flow with liberty; when we set free a fish in a net,
or a bird in a cage, we give them their liberty; we treat a friend
with freedom; we have free methods, free thoughts, free expressions,
free successions, free will, free actions; a prisoner has no liberty;
nor have boys, girls, or married people; a man behaves with greater
freedom in a foreign country; soldiers are not free; there are men
free from conscription, from contributions; we have free votes, free
acknowledgments, free interpretation, free evidence; freedom of
commerce, of instruction, of the press, of conscience; civil freedom,
and political freedom; we have freedom just, unjust, rational,
irrational, moderate, excessive, limited, licentious, seasonable,
unseasonable. But I need not pursue the endless enumeration. It seemed
to me necessary to dwell upon it for a moment, even at the risk of
fatiguing the reader; perhaps the remembrance of all this may serve to
engrave deeply on our minds the truth, that when, in conversation, in
writing, in public discussions, in laws, this word is so frequently
employed as applied to objects of the highest importance, it is
necessary to consider maturely the number and nature of the ideas which
it embraces in the particular case, the meaning that the subject needs,
the modifications which the circumstances require, and the precaution
demanded in the case.
Whatever may be the acceptation in which the word liberty is taken, it
is apparent that it always implies the absence of a cause restraining
the exercise of a power. Hence it follows that, in order to fix in
each case the real meaning of the word, it is indispensable to pay
attention to the circumstances as well as to the nature of the power,
the exercise of which is to be prevented or limited, without losing
sight of the various objects to which it applies, the conditions of
its exercise, as also the character, power, and extent of the means
which are employed to restrain it. To explain this matter, let it be
proposed to form a judgment on the proposition, "Man ought to enjoy
liberty of thought."
It is here affirmed that freedom of thought in man ought not to be
restrained; but do you speak of physical force exercised directly
on thought itself? In that case the proposition is entirely vain;
for as such an application of force is impossible, it is useless to
say that it ought not to be employed. Do you mean to say that it is
not allowable to restrain the expression of thought; that is to say,
that the liberty of manifesting thought ought not to be hindered or
restrained? You have, then, made a great step, you have placed the
question on a different footing. Or if you do not mean to say that
every man, at all times, in all places, and on all subjects, has a
right to give utterance to all that comes into his head, and that
in any way he may think proper, you must then specify the things,
the persons, the places, the times, the subjects, the conditions; in
short, you must note a variety of circumstances, you must prohibit
altogether in some cases, limit in others, bind in some, loosen in
others; in fine, make so many restrictions, that you will make little
progress in establishing your general principle of freedom of thought,
which at first appeared so simple and so clear. Even in the sanctuary
of thought, where human sight does not extend, and which is open to
the eye of God alone, what means the liberty of thought? Is it owing
to chance that laws are imposed on thought to which it is obliged to
submit under pain of losing itself in chaos? Can it despise the rules
of sound reason? Can it refuse to listen to the counsels of good sense?
Can it forget that its object is truth? Can it disregard the eternal
principles of morality? Thus we find, in examining the meaning of the
word liberty, even as applied to what is certainly freer than any
thing else in man, viz. thought--we find such a number and variety of
meanings that we are forced to make many distinctions, and necessity
compels us to limit the general proposition, if we wish to avoid saying
any thing in opposition to the dictates of reason and good sense, the
eternal laws of morality, the interests of individuals, and the peace
and preservation of society. And what may not be said of so many claims
of liberty which are constantly propounded in language intentionally
vague and equivocal?
I avail myself of these examples to prevent a confusion of ideas; for
in defending the cause of Catholicity, I have no need of pleading for
oppression, or of applauding tyranny, or of approving the conduct of
those who have trodden under foot men's most sacred rights. Yes, I
say, sacred; for after the august religion of Jesus Christ has been
preached, man is sacred in the eyes of other men on account of his
origin and divine destiny, on account of the image of God which is
reflected in him, and because he has been redeemed with ineffable
goodness and love by the Son of the Eternal. This divine religion
declares the rights of man to be sacred; for its august Founder
threatens with eternal punishment not only those who kill a man, those
who mutilate or rob him, but even those who offend him in words:
"He who shall say to his brother, Thou fool, shall be in danger of
hell-fire." (Matt. v. 22.) Thus speaks our divine Lord.
Our hearts swell with generous indignation, when we hear the religion
of Jesus Christ reproached with a tendency towards oppression. It is
true that, if you confound the spirit of real liberty with that of
demagogues, you will not find it in Catholicity; but, if you avoid a
monstrous misnomer, if you give to the word liberty its reasonable,
just, useful, and beneficial signification, then the Catholic religion
may fearlessly claim the gratitude of the human race, _for she has
civilized the nations who embraced her, and civilization is true
liberty_.
It is a fact now generally acknowledged, and openly confessed, that
Christianity has exercised a very important and salutary influence on
the development of European civilization; if this fact has not yet
had given to it the importance which it deserves, it is because it
has not been sufficiently appreciated. With respect to civilization,
a distinction is sometimes made between the influence of Christianity
and that of Catholicity; its merits are lavished on the former, and
stinted to the latter, by those who forget that, with respect to
European civilization, Catholicity can always claim the principal
share; and, for many centuries, an exclusive one; since, during a very
long period, she worked alone at the great work. People have not been
willing to see that, when Protestantism appeared in Europe, the work
was bordering on completion; with an injustice and ingratitude which
I cannot describe, they have reproached Catholicity with the spirit
of barbarism, ignorance, and oppression, while they were making an
ostentatious display of the rich civilization, knowledge, and liberty,
for which they were principally indebted to her.
If they did not wish to fathom the intimate connection between
Catholicity and European civilization, if they had not the patience
necessary for the long investigations into which this examination would
lead them, at least it would have been proper to take a glance at the
condition of countries where the Catholic religion has not exerted all
her influence during centuries of trouble, and compare them with those
in which she has been predominant. The East and the West, both subject
to great revolutions, both professing Christianity, but in such a way
that the Catholic principle was weak and vacillating in the East, while
it was energetic and deeply rooted in the West; these, we say, would
have afforded two very good points of comparison to estimate the value
of Christianity without Catholicity, when the civilization and the
existence of nations were at stake. In the West, the revolutions were
multiplied and fearful; the chaos was at its height; and, nevertheless,
out of chaos came light and life. Neither the barbarism of the nations
who inundated those countries, and established themselves there, nor
the furious assaults of Islamism, even in the days of its greatest
power and enthusiasm, could succeed in destroying the germs of a rich
and fertile civilization. In the East, on the contrary, all tended
to old age and decay; nothing revived; and, under the blows of the
power which was ineffectual against us, all was shaken to pieces. The
spiritual power of Rome, and its influence on temporal affairs, have
certainly borne fruits very different from those produced, under the
same circumstances, by its violent opponents.
If Europe were destined one day again to undergo a general and fearful
revolution, either by a universal spread of revolutionary ideas or by
a violent invasion of social and proprietary rights by pauperism; if
the colossus of the North, seated on its throne amid eternal snows,
with knowledge in its head, and blind force in its hands, possessing
at once the means of civilization, and unceasingly turning towards
the East, the South, and the West that covetous and crafty look which
in history is the characteristic march of all invading empires; if,
availing itself of a favorable moment, it were to make an attempt on
the independence of Europe, then we should perhaps have a proof of
the value of the Catholic principle in a great extremity; then we
should feel the power of the unity which is proclaimed and supported
by Catholicity, and while calling to mind the middle ages, we should
come to acknowledge one of the causes of the weakness of the East and
the strength of the West. Then would be remembered a fact, which,
though but of yesterday, is falling into oblivion, viz. that the nation
whose heroic courage broke the power of Napoleon was proverbially
Catholic; and who knows whether, in the attempts made in Russia against
Catholicity, attempts which the Vicar of Jesus Christ has deplored
in such touching language--who knows whether there be not the secret
influence of a presentiment, perhaps even a foresight of the necessity
of weakening that sublime power, which has been in all ages, when the
cause of humanity was in question, the centre of great attempts? But
let us return.
It cannot be denied that, since the sixteenth century, European
civilization has shown life and brilliancy; but it is a mistake to
attribute this phenomenon to Protestantism. In order to examine the
extent and influence of a fact, we ought not to be content with the
events which have followed it; it is also necessary to consider whether
these events were already prepared; whether they are any thing more
than the necessary result of anterior facts; and we must take care
not to reason in a way which is justly declared to be sophistical
by logicians, _post hoc, ergo propter hoc_: after that, therefore
on account of it. Without Protestantism, and before it, European
civilization was already very much advanced, thanks to the labors and
influence of the Catholic religion; the greatness and splendor which it
subsequently displayed were not owing to it, but arose in spite of it.
Erroneous ideas on this matter have arisen from the fact, that
Christianity has not been deeply studied; and that, without entering
into a serious examination of Church history, men have too often
contented themselves with taking a superficial view of the principles
of brotherhood which she has so much recommended. In order fully to
understand an institution, it is not enough to remain satisfied with
its leading ideas; it is necessary to follow all its steps, see how it
realizes its ideas, and how it triumphs over the obstacles that oppose
it. We shall never form a complete idea of an historical fact, unless
we carefully study its history. Now the study of Church history in
its relations with civilization, is still incomplete. It is not that
ecclesiastical history has not been profoundly studied; but it may be
said that since the spirit of social analysis has been developed, that
history has not yet been made the subject of those admirable labors
which have thrown so much light upon it in a critical and dogmatical
point of view.
Another impediment to the complete comprehension of this matter is,
that an exaggerated importance is given to the intentions of men, and
the great march of events is too much neglected. The greatness of
events is measured, and their nature judged of, by the immediate means
which produces them, and the objects of the men whose actions are
treated of; this is a very important error. The eye ought to range over
a wider field; we ought to observe the successive development of ideas,
the influence which they have exercised on events, the institutions
which have sprung from them; but it is necessary to see all these
things as they are in themselves, that is, on a large scale, without
stopping to consider particular and isolated facts. It is an important
truth, which ought to be deeply engraven on the mind, that when one
of those great facts which change the lot of a considerable portion
of the human race is developed, it is rarely understood by those who
take part in it, and figure as the principal actors. The march of
humanity is a grand drama; the parts are played by persons who pass
by and disappear: man is very little; God alone is great. Neither the
actors who figured on the scene in the ancient empires of the East, nor
Alexander invading Asia and reducing numberless nations into servitude,
nor the Romans subjugating the world, nor the barbarians overturning
the empire and breaking it in pieces, nor the Mussulmen ruling Asia and
Africa and menacing the independence of Europe, knew, or could know,
that they were the instruments in the great designs whereof we admire
the execution.
I mean to show from this, that when we have to do with Christian
civilization, when we collect and analyze the facts which distinguish
its march, it is not necessary, or even often proper, to suppose that
the men who have contributed to it in the most remarkable manner
understood, to the full extent, the results of their own efforts. It
is glory enough for a man to be pointed out as the chosen instrument
of Providence, without the necessity of attributing to him great
ability or lofty ambition. It is enough to observe that a ray of
light has descended from heaven and illumined his brow; it is of
little importance whether he foresaw that this ray, by reflection,
was destined to shed a brilliant light on future generations. Little
men are commonly smaller than they think themselves, but great men
are often greater than they imagine; if they do not know all their
grandeur, it is because they are ignorant that they are the instruments
of the high designs of Providence. Another observation which we ought
always to have present in the study of these great events is, that we
should not expect to find there a system, the connection and harmony
of which are apparent at the first _coup d'œil_. We must expect to
see some irregularities and objects of an unpleasant aspect; it is
necessary to guard against the childish impatience of anticipating the
time; it is indispensable to abandon that desire which we always have,
in a greater or less degree, and which always urges us to seek every
thing in conformity with our own ideas, and to see every thing advance
in the way most pleasing to us.
Do you not see nature herself so varied, so rich, so grand, lavish
her treasures in disorder, hide her inestimable precious stones and
her most valuable veins of metal in masses of earth? See how she
presents huge chains of mountains, inaccessible rocks, and fearful
precipices, in contrast with her wide and smiling plains. Do you not
observe this apparent disorder, this prodigality, in the midst of which
numberless agents work, in secret concert, to produce the admirable
whole which enchants our eyes and ravishes the lover of nature? So
with society; the facts are dispersed, scattered here and there,
frequently offering no appearance of order or concert; events succeed
each other, act on each other, without the design being discovered; men
unite, separate, co-operate, and contend, and nevertheless time, that
indispensable agent in the production of great works, goes on, and all
is accomplished according to the destinies marked out in the secrets of
the Eternal.
This is the march of humanity; this is the rule for the philosophic
study of history; this is the way to comprehend the influence of those
productive ideas, of those powerful institutions, which from time to
time appear among men to change the face of the earth. When in a study
of this kind we discover acting at the bottom of things a productive
idea, a powerful institution, the mind, far from being frightened
at meeting with some irregularities, is inspired, on the contrary,
with fresh courage; for it is a sure sign that the idea is full of
truth, that the institution is fraught with life, when we see them
pass through the chaos of ages, and come safe out of the frightful
ordeals. Of what importance is it that certain men were not influenced
by the idea, that they did not answer the object of the institution,
if the latter has survived its revolutions, and the former has not
been swallowed up in the stormy sea of the passions? To mention the
weaknesses, the miseries, the faults, the crimes of men, is to make the
most eloquent apology for the idea and the institution.
In viewing men in this way, we do not take them out of their proper
places, and we do not require from them more than is reasonable. We
see them enclosed in the deep bed of the great torrent of events,
and we do not attribute to their intellects, or to their will, any
thing that exceeds the sphere appointed for them; we do not, however,
fail to appreciate in a proper manner the nature and the greatness
of the works in which they take part, but we avoid giving to them an
exaggerated importance, by honoring them with eulogiums which they do
not deserve, or reproaching them unjustly. Times and circumstances
are not monstrously confounded; the observer sees with calmness and
_sang froid_ the events which pass before his eyes; he speaks not of
the empire of Charlemagne as he would of that of Napoleon, and is not
hurried into bitter invectives against Gregory VII. because he did not
adopt the same line of political conduct as Gregory XVI.
Observe that I do not ask from the philosophical historian an impassive
indifference to good and evil, to justice and injustice; I do not claim
indulgence for vice, nor would I refuse to virtue its eulogy. I have
no sympathy with that school of historic fatalism, which would bring
back to the world the destiny of the ancients; a school which, if it
acquired influence, would corrupt the best part of history, and stifle
the most generous emotions. I see in the march of society a plan, a
harmony, but not a blind necessity; I do not believe that events are
mingled up together indiscriminately in the dark urn of destiny, nor
that fatalism holds the world enclosed in an iron circle. But I see a
wonderful chain stretching over the course of centuries, a chain which
does not fetter the movements of individuals or of nations, and which
accommodates itself to the ebb and flow which are required by the
nature of things; at its touch great thoughts arise in the minds of
men: this golden chain is suspended by the hand of the Eternal, it is
the work of infinite intelligence and ineffable love.