THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR SINCE 1902
Before taking up the history of the Confederation after 1902, a general
outline of the constitution adopted at Montpellier must be given. Passim
will be indicated the changes that have been made since.
The General Confederation of Labor consists of National Federations of
industries and trades,[180] of National Syndicats, of isolated single
syndicats (in that case only if there is no national or regional
federation of the trade, or if the federation does not adhere to the
Confederation), and of _Bourses du Travail_, considered as local,
departmental or regional central unions.[181]
[180] In 1906 the statutes were so modified as to admit no new trade
federations. This was a decided step in the direction of the industrial
form of organization.
[181] At the last congress of the Confederation which was held in Havre
in September, 1912, a resolution was passed that the Bourses du Travail
in each Department of France should form Departmental Unions (Unions
Departmentales), and that on January 1, 1914, these Departmental Unions
should take the place of the Bourses du Travail in the organization of
the Confederation. The resolution has not yet been fully carried into
effect, and the process of reorganization is still going on. When it is
completed, the General Confederation of Labor will emerge with a more
compact and centralized form of organization embracing Federations of
industry, on the one hand, and Departmental Unions, on the other. The
single Bourses will not disappear, and their functions will not be
curtailed; but they will henceforth form the constituent elements of the
more comprehensive Departmental Unions and will have no individual
representation in the Confederal Committee. The reorganization was made
necessary by the rapid growth of Bourses du Travail, the number of
which far outstripped the number of Federations of industry and which
thus controlled the policies of the Confederal Committee. The number of
the Departmental Unions can not exceed eighty-seven (87), as there are
but eighty-seven political subdivisions in France called Departments.
Every syndicat adhering to the Confederation must fulfil the condition
of so-called "double adherence;" that is, it must belong to its national
federation of industry or trade, and to the _Bourse du Travail_ of its
locality. Besides, every federation must have at least one subscription
to the _Voix du Peuple_, which is the official organ of the
Confederation. These conditions, however, were, and still are
disregarded by a considerable number of syndicats.[182]
[182] E. Pouget, _Le Confédération Générale du Travail_ (Paris, 1908),
p. 16.
The General Confederation is represented by the Confederal Committee
which is formed by delegates of the adhering organizations. Each
organization is represented by one delegate in the Confederal Committee.
This point should be noticed as it is the cause of struggle within the
Confederation. It means that a large Federation has only one delegate
and one vote in the Confederal Committee, just as another smaller
Federation. The number of delegates in the Confederal Committee,
however, is not always equal to the number of adhering organizations,
because one delegate may represent as many as three organizations. The
delegates must be workingmen who have been members of their syndicat for
at least a year.
The General Confederation has five central organs; two sections and
three commissions. The first section is called: "The Section of
Federations of trades and of industries and of isolated syndicats;" the
second is "The Section of the Federation of _Bourses du Travail_."[183]
The three commissions are (1) the Commission of the journal; (2) the
Commission of strikes and of the general strike, and (3) the Commission
of Control.
[183] From Jan. 1, 1914, called the "Section of the Federation of
Departmental Unions."
The two sections are autonomous in their internal affairs. The first
section is formed by the delegates of the National Federations of trades
and industries. They take the name of _Comité des Fédérations
d'industries et de metiers_. This section appoints it own secretary,
assistant secretary, treasurer, assistant treasurer, and archivist, who
form the executive committee of the section. This section collects
monthly from every adhering organization 40 centimes[184] for every
hundred members, or for any fraction of a hundred; isolated syndicats
pay five centimes monthly for each member.
[184] Increased in 1909 to 60 centimes. For further increase see page
195.
The Sections of Federations of industries and trades is convened by its
secretary and meets whenever necessary. Its functions are to promote the
organization of new federations and to maintain relations between the
adhering federations. It takes "all measures necessary for the
maintenance of syndical action in the field of economic struggle." It
also tries to induce isolated syndicats to join their _Bourses du
Travail_.
The "Section of the Federation of _Bourses du Travail_" is formed by the
delegates of the local, departmental and regional central unions. The
delegates take the title of _Comité des Bourses du Travail_.[185] The
section appoints its own secretary, assistant secretary, treasurer,
assistant treasurer, and archivist, and these five members form the
executive committee of the second section. It collects from the _Bourses
du Travail_ 35 centimes monthly for each adhering syndicat.[186]
[185] When the reorganization is completed, this section will consist of
one delegate from each Departmental Union, who will form the _Comité des
Unions Departmentales_. See note 181 on page 162.
[186] Changed in 1909 to five centimes for each member per year.
The second section promotes the creation of new _Bourses du Travail_ and
coördinates the activities of the adhering Bourses. Its functions
embrace "everything that bears upon syndical administration and upon the
moral education of the workingmen;" its task is to collect statistics of
production, of consumption, of unemployment; to organize gratuitous
employment bureaus, to watch the progress of labor legislation, etc. It
also tries to induce single syndicats to join their national
federations. This section also meets whenever necessary at the
invitation of its secretary.
The Commission of the Journal is composed of twelve members, six from
each section. It appoints its own secretary. The journal must be edited
only by workingmen-members of the Confederation.
The Commission of strikes and of the general strike consists also of
twelve members, six from each section, and appoints its own secretary.
The functions of this commission are: to study the strike movement in
all countries, to send speakers and organizers to, and to collect
subscriptions in favor of workingmen on strike, to make propaganda for
the general strike, and to promote "the penetration of this idea into
the minds of organized workingmen." For this purpose the commission
creates wherever possible sub-committees of the general strike. This
commission has its own resources which consist of 50 per cent of all
money collected by the sub-committees, and of 50 per cent of the
assessments collected by both sections of the Confederation.
The Commission of Control is also formed of twelve members, six from
each section; it verifies the financial reports of both sections and of
the other two commissions. It appoints its own secretary.
The Confederal Committee is formed by the delegates of both sections. It
meets every three months, except in extraordinary cases. It executes the
decisions of the Congresses, intervenes in all issues concerning the
working-class and decides upon all questions of a general character.
The Confederal Bureau[187] consists of thirteen members, of the ten
members of the bureaus of both sections and of the three secretaries of
the three commissions. The Confederal Bureau summons the Confederal
Committee and executes the decisions of the latter. The secretary of the
"Section of Federations" is the general secretary of the Confederation.
The Confederal Bureau is renewed after every Congress, that is every two
years, but functionaries whose terms have expired may be re-elected.
[187] Executive Committee.
Article 37 of the statutes adopted read: "The General Confederation of
Labor, based on the principles of federalism and of liberty, assures and
respects the complete autonomy of the organizations which conform to the
present statutes." The _Bourses du Travail_ and the Federations of
industries and of trades were, therefore, to pursue independently the
activities that concerned them alone. The _Bourses du Travail_ continued
in the main the activities described in the third chapter. Their growth
was steady both in number of organizations and in membership, as may be
seen from the following table:
-----+-------------------+---------------------
| Number of Bourses | Number of Syndicats
| belonging to the | in Bourses of
| Confederation | Confederation.
| of Labor. |
-----+-------------------+---------------------
1902 | 83 | 1,112
1904 | 110 | 1,349
1906 | 135 | 1,609
1908 | 157 | 2,028
1910 | 154 | 1,826
1912 | 153 |
-----+-------------------+---------------------
After 1906 Bourses of the same region or Department began to form
regional and Departmental Unions in order to coördinate their activities
and to influence larger groups of the working population. This has led
to the process described above, which is transforming the basis of
representation in the General Confederation of Labor.
In matters of administration the _Bourses du Travail_ have made a step
in advance since the early part of the century. They have succeeded in
organizing the _viaticum_ (aid to workingman traveling from town to town
in search of work) on a national basis, and have amplified their
services as employment bureaus. They are now systematizing their
statistical work by making monthly and quarterly reports on the state of
employment in their locality, on strikes, on the growth of organization,
and on other industrial matters of interest. Their financial situation
has been considerably improved, and in a number of cities they have left
the municipal buildings and have built their own "people's houses"
(_maisons du peuple_).
Regard for matters of administration has not diminished the zeal of the
Bourses for anti-militaristic propaganda. Most of them have organized in
recent years the so-called _Sou du Soldat_ (Soldier's Penny). They send
financial aid to workingmen who are doing military service, invite them
to the social gatherings of the syndicats, distribute syndicalist
literature among them, and in all ways try to maintain in the soldiers a
feeling of solidarity with the organized workers.
The Federations of industries and trades after 1902 concentrated their
attention upon their particular trade and industrial interests. The
story of these Federations is the story of organization, education, and
strikes which can not be told here in detail.
While the Bourses and industrial federations attended to the particular,
local and administrative interests of their respective organizations,
the General Confederation of labor intervened or took the initiative in
questions that interested all or a considerable part of all workingmen.
The new statutes went into force on January 1, 1903. The elections
secured the predominance of the revolutionary syndicalists in the
Confederal Committee; Griffuelhes was elected secretary of the
Confederation; Pouget, assistant; Yvetot, secretary of the Section of
Bourses. In October of the same year the Confederal Committee was
summoned to an extraordinary meeting to consider the question of the
suppression of employment bureaus. This question had agitated a
considerable part of the working-class for many years. The workingmen
had protested time and again against the methods and procedure of these
bureaus, and their protests had been found to be well founded by all who
investigated the matter.[188] The methods of the employment bureaus had
been condemned in Parliament, and the Chamber had passed a bill to
suppress the employment bureaus with indemnity in 1901-2. The Senate,
however, rejected it in February, 1902, and the question was dropped
indefinitely.
[188] Senator Paul Straus in _La Grande Revue_ (Feb., 1914), pp. 320 _et
seq._
The workingmen of the food-producing industries (_alimentation_) were
particularly interested in the suppression of the employment bureaus. In
October, 1903, exasperated by the fact that twenty-five years of
lobbying and of petitioning had produced no results, they decided to
take the matter into their own hands. October 29th, a "veritable riot"
took place in the _Bourse du Travail_ of Paris, the police used their
arms, and many were wounded on both sides.[189]
[189] _Journal des Débats_ (Nov. 6, 1903), p. 865.
The Confederal Committee decided to lend its help to the workingmen in
the struggle. It appointed a special committee to direct the movement.
The plan adopted was to carry on a wide agitation for some time and then
to arrange protest-meetings on the same day in all industrial centers of
France. December 5, 1903, hundreds of meetings were held all over
France, at which the same demand was made that the employment offices be
abolished. The meetings were arranged with the help of the _Bourses du
Travail_ which appear in all such cases as the centers of agitation.
November 5, 1903, the Chamber, by 495 votes against 14, voted a law
suppressing the Employment Bureaus within a period of five years, with
an indemnity of six million francs. In February, 1904, the law passed
the Senate with some modifications.
The agitation for the suppression of the employment bureaus appeared to
all as a manifestation of the new theories on "Direct Action." "The
socialist syndicats have wrested the vote of the Chamber by the pressure
of rebellion (_Coup d'émeutes_)" wrote the _Journal des
Économistes_.[190] The revolutionary syndicalists themselves considered
the agitation as an illustration of their methods, and the success
obtained as a proof of the efficiency of the latter. The report to the
Congress of Bourges (1904) read:
[190] _Journal des Économistes_ (November, 1903), p. 315.
Under the pressure of the workingmen the Government, till then
refractory to the reform, capitulated.... To-day it is an
accomplished fact; wherever syndicalist action was exercised with
perseverance and energy, the employment bureaus have gone. This
fact is characteristic. The General Confederation has the merit,
thanks to the immense effort of the interested themselves, of
having obtained a reform in a relatively short time, if it is
compared with the slowness with which everything concerning the
workingmen is done.[191]
[191] _XIV Congrès National Corporatif_ (Bourges, 1904), p. 8.
The policy of the General Confederation, however, had opponents within
the Confederation itself. A struggle for supremacy between the two
tendencies was inevitable, and it took place at the very next Congress
of the Confederation at Bourges (1904).
The report presented to the Congress of Bourges showed that the
Confederation had made considerable progress since 1902. It counted now
53 Federations of industries and trades, and National syndicats (against
30 in 1902), 15 isolated syndicats, and 110 _Bourses du Travail_, a
total of 1,792 syndicats (against 1,043 in 1902), with 150,000 members.
The Section of Federations of industries had received in dues for the
two years, 11,076 francs; its total budget amounted to 17,882 francs;
the Section of _Bourses du Travail_ had collected in dues 9,016 francs
and had a total budget of 12,213 francs. The _Voix du Peuple_ was now
self-supporting, and had increased the number of its subscriptions. The
Congress of Bourges, for the first time, was organized on the financial
resources of the syndicats without municipal or governmental subsidies.
It was known before that the Congress of Bourges would discuss the
question of methods, and both sides, the revolutionary syndicalists and
those who were called "reformists," made all efforts possible to obtain
a majority at the Congress. There were 1,178 mandates from as many
syndicats. This was the system of representation adopted by the Statutes
of the Confederation in 1902. At its Congress the Confederation resolves
itself into an association of syndicats; the Federations and Bourses
disappear and their constituent elements, the syndicats, take their
place. Each syndicat--no matter how large or how small--has one vote;
and one delegate may represent as many as ten syndicats. At the Congress
of Bourges the 1,178 mandates were distributed among 400 delegates, of
whom 350 came from the Provinces and 50 from Paris.
The attack on the Confederal Committee was led by M. Keufer, the
delegate and secretary of the Typographical Union (_La Fédération du
Livre_). He accused the Confederal Committee of violating the statutes,
of being partial and biased and of trying in every way to harm the
_Fédération du Livre_, because the latter pursued "reformist" methods.
"Yes," said M. Keufer, "we prefer the reformist method, because we
believe that direct and violent action, commended by the anarchists,
will cost thousands of workingmen their lives, without assuring durable
results."[192] He insisted that it was necessary to try conciliatory
methods before declaring strikes and to solicit the help of
representatives in the legislative bodies. He showed that, on the one
hand, even the revolutionary syndicalists were compelled by
circumstances to use such methods, while the _Fédération du Livre_, on
the other hand, did not shrink from strikes and from direct action, when
that was inevitable. M. Keufer was supported by M. Lauche, the delegate
of the machinists, and by M. Guérard, the delegate of the railway
workers.
[192] _XIV Congrès Corporatif_ (Bourges, 1904), pp. 95-6.
The accusations of the "reformists" were repudiated by a number of
revolutionary syndicalists who reaffirmed in their speeches adherence to
the ideas, described in the preceding chapters, on the State, on direct
action, etc. They were the victors, and the report of the Confederal
Committee was approved by 812 votes against 361 and 11 blank.
The main struggle, however, centered on the question of proportional
representation. This question had been brought up at previous Congresses
by the delegates of some larger syndicats. At one time even some of the
revolutionary syndicalists had advocated proportional representation as
a means of finding out the real strength of the various tendencies in
the Confederation. But after the Confederation became decidedly
revolutionary, the revolutionary syndicalists became decidedly opposed
to proportional representation which they now regarded as a move on the
part of the "reformist" element to obtain control of the
Confederation.[193]
[193] _Mouvement Socialiste_ (Nov., 1904), p. 61.
Proportional representation was defended by the delegates of the
Typographical Union, of the Machinists and of the Railway Workers. They
criticised the statutes adopted at Montpellier which gave every
organization, regardless of its numbers, one vote only in the Confederal
Committee. This system, they declared, vitiated the character of the
Confederation, and gave predominance to the minority. They claimed that
the delegates in the Confederal Committee expressed the opinions shared
by a small proportion only of the organized workingmen and that the
Confederation was, therefore, a tool in the hands of a few "turbulent"
individuals. They demanded that some system of proportional
representation should be adopted which should give every organization a
number of votes in the Confederal Committee proportional to the number
of its members.
The opponents of proportional representation argued that this system
would stifle the small syndicats; that all syndicats were of equal value
from the point of view of the economic struggle, because small syndicats
often achieve as much, and even more, than large ones; they pointed out
that proportional representation would make necessary continual changes
in the number of delegates in the Confederal Committee, because the
effective force of the syndicats is in constant flux and that it would
be impossible to find out the true figures. They claimed that
proportional representation could not be applied to economic life,
because it was no fault of any one trade or industry if only a few
thousand workers were employed in it, while other industries required
hundreds of thousands of workingmen. Even from the point of view of
strength, they argued, a small syndicat may have more value than a large
one because it may embrace a larger proportion of workingmen employed in
the trade. The opponents of proportional representation repudiated the
assertion that only the small syndicats were with them and pointed out
that some of the largest federations, as the Metallurgical Federation
with 11,500 members, the Federation of Marine with 12,000 members and
others, were against proportional representation.
The opponents of proportional representation carried the day and the
proposition of "reformist" delegates was rejected by a vote of 822
against 388 (one abstained).
The Congress of Bourges thus sanctioned the revolutionary character of
the Confederation. The "reformists" frankly admitted that they had
suffered a defeat and attributed it to the fact that two-thirds of the
delegates were new men in the movement and under the influence of the
anarchists.[194] The revolutionary syndicalists triumphed, and extolled
the historical significance of the Congress of Bourges which, in their
opinion, was a "landmark" in the history of syndicalism.
[194] A. Keufer, _Le Mouvement Socialiste_ (Nov., 1904), p. 93.
The Congress of Bourges adopted a resolution which was to concentrate
the attention of the Confederation for the next two years on one
question: an eight-hour working day. The Committee appointed by the
Congress to consider the question reported that two ways of obtaining an
eight-hour day had been indicated. One proposed to prepare a bill to be
presented to the public authorities and to organize public meetings in
order to show the government that public opinion demanded the passage of
the law. This method was rejected by the Committee because ever since
1889, workingmen had presented such petitions to the public authorities
on the first of May, but without any results whatsoever.
On the contrary, the other "direct" method which recommended the
workingmen to "hold aloof" from the public authorities, and to exert all
possible pressure "on their adversaries" was adopted by the Committee.
The Committee argued that the experience with the employment agencies
had shown that this method gave better results. The report of the
Committee read:
If the recent campaign has resulted in the suppression of the
employment bureaus, it is because the movement was becoming
dangerous.
Every day employment bureaus were abolished, anonymous violence was
committed against the owners of the offices (_placeurs_), a
considerable number of shops were damaged, numerous collisions took
place between the police and the workingmen, Paris was in a state
of siege, and it was in order to calm this agitation that
Parliament voted a law making it permissive for the municipalities
to abolish the employment bureaus.[195]
[195] _XIV Congrès Corporatif_ (Bourges, 1904), pp. 205-6.
The Committee, therefore, recommended that the same method be used to
obtain an eight-hour day, that big manifestations be organized all over
France on the 1st of May, 1905, and that afterwards an active propaganda
be carried on by a special commission appointed for that purpose by the
Confederal Committee "in order that beginning with the 1st of May, 1906,
no workingman should consent to work more than eight hours a day
nor for a wage below the minimum established by the interested
organizations."[196] The recommendation of the Committee was adopted by
the Congress with an amendment of Pouget which still more emphasized the
"direct" method to be used.
[196] _Ibid._, p. 207.
To carry out the decisions of the Congress, the Confederal Committee
appointed a special commission to direct the movement for an eight-hour
day. The Commission sent out a questionnaire to all syndical
organizations, asking all those who were in favor of the movement to
lend their help. A number of manifestoes, posters and pamphlets were
published and spread abroad in tens of thousands of copies in which the
meaning of the movement and its importance were explained. In the
trade-journals, in the cars, in the streets, and wherever possible,
brief mottoes were posted, such as: "Eight hours of work means more rest
and more health," "To work more than eight hours means to lower your
wages," etc. On the _Bourse du Travail_ of Paris a big placard was put
up with the words: "From the first of May, 1906, we shall not work more
than eight hours." Delegates were sent out on repeated tours into the
province to carry on the propaganda and agitation. On the first of May,
1905, over 150 meetings were arranged in different parts of France at
which the question of the eight-hour day was considered.
As May 1, 1906, neared, the agitation in the country became more and
more intense. A number of events helped to increase the agitation. In
March, 1906, a catastrophe occurred in the mining districts of Northern
France which resulted in the loss of workingmen's lives. A strike
accompanied by violence followed. In April, the letter carriers of Paris
struck, causing some disorganization in the service for a few days.
Toward the end of April the number of strikes and manifestations
increased in Paris. The agitation was exploited by the enemies of the
government and particularly by the monarchist papers. The Government of
M. Clemenceau, on the other hand, tried to discredit the movement by
spreading rumors that a plot against the Republic had been discovered in
which monarchists and leaders of the Confederation were involved. The
_Voix du Peuple_ published a protest of the Confederal Committee against
this accusation. Nevertheless the government searched at the same time
the houses of Monarchists, Bonapartists and of leading members of the
Confederation, and on the eve of the first of May, it arrested
Griffuelhes, Pouget, Merrheim and other syndicalists together with a
number of well-known monarchists.
The first of May found Paris in a state of siege. Premier Clemenceau had
collected numerous troops in the capital. Since the days of the Commune
Paris had not seen so many. Among the bourgeoisie a real panic reigned.
Many left Paris and crossed the Channel. Those who remained in Paris
made provision for food for days to come. The papers spoke of the
"coming revolution" which the General Confederation of Labor was to let
loose on society.[197]
[197] _Journal des Débats_ (27 April, 1906), p. 769.
The strike movement was very wide. According to official statistics, the
agitation of the Confederation affected 2,585 industrial establishments
and involved 202,507 workingmen. The sweep of the movement may be
grasped from the following table giving the statistics of strikes in
France since 1892:
_Year_ _Number of _Number of _Number of
strikes_ establishments_ workingmen_
1892 261 500 50,000
1893 634 4,286 170,123
1894 391 1,731 54,576
1895 405 1,298 45,801
1896 476 2,178 49,851
1897 356 2,568 68,875
1898 368 1,967 82,065
1899 740 4,290 176,826
1900 902 10,253 222,714
1901 523 6,970 111,414
1902 512 1,820 212,704
1903 567 3,246 123,151
1904 1,026 17,250 271,097
1905 830 5,302 177,666
1906 1,309 19,637 438,466
1907 1,275 8,365 197,961[198]
[198] _Statistique des Grèves_, 1893-1908.
The movement assumed various forms in different trades. The printers,
for instance, pursued their conciliatory methods and obtained a
nine-hour day in about 150 towns. In some trades the strikes developed a
more or less acute character and continued for several months after the
first of May.
Some of the "reformists" declared that the movement was a complete
failure.[199] According to official statistics,[200] the results of the
strike movement were as follows:
[199] _XV Congrès National Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), p. 103.
[200] _Statistique des Grèves_, 1906, pp. 774 _et seq._
A: Strikes B: Establishments C: Strikers
-----------+----------------+--------------------+--------------------
| Success | Compromise | Failure
Demand |----------------|--------------------|--------------------
| A | B | C | A | B | C | A | B | C
-----------+----+-----+-----|----+-------+-------|----+-------+-------
8 hour day| 2 | 5 | 45 | 13 | 1,970 |25,520 | 88 | 7,556 |109,786
9 hour day| 36 | 135 |2723 | 28 | 994 |30,750 | 45 | 755 | 17,023
10 hour day| 40 | 582 |7409 | 16 | 220 | 2,000 | 27 | 368 | 7,251
-----------+----------------+--------------------+--------------------
The revolutionary syndicalists did not claim much material success, but
they argued that this had not been expected. The main purpose of the
movement, they asserted, was, "by an immense effort, to spread among the
large mass of workingmen the ideas which animate the militant groups and
the syndical organizations. The problem to be solved, at first, was,
thus, by means of a vigorous propaganda to reach the workingmen who had
remained indifferent to the syndicalist movement."[201] And this task,
in the opinion of the revolutionary syndicalists, had been accomplished.
The agitation had aroused the workingmen in all parts of France.
[201] _XV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), p. 3.
In September, 1906, the Congress of the Confederation met at Amiens. The
report of the secretary showed continued progress of the Confederation
since 1904. The Section of Federations of industries now counted 61
federal organizations with 2,399 syndicats and 203,273 members. The dues
collected by this section for the two years amounted to 17,650 francs;
and its total budget to 20,586 francs. The section of the Federation of
Bourses consisted now of 135 Bourses with 1,609 syndicats; it collected
in dues 11,821 francs, and had a total budget of 15,566 francs.
The report of the Confederal Committee again called forth the attacks of
"reformist" syndicalists, but was approved by 781 votes against 115 (21
blank and 10 contested). But the main question which absorbed the
largest part of the work of the Congress was the relation of the General
Confederation of Labor to the Socialist Party.
This question had again assumed a new character. The International
Socialist Congress of Amsterdam (1904) had exhorted and advised the
French Socialists to accomplish as soon as possible the unification of
their separate parties into one national Socialist Party. In April,
1905, a "Congress of Unification" was held at Paris, at which the _Parti
Socialiste de France_ and the _Parti Socialiste Français_ formed the
_Parti Socialiste Unifié_. A common program was accepted and a new form
of organization elaborated. At its first Congress in Chalons in October,
1905, the Unified Party counted 35,000 paying members distributed in
2,000 groups, 67 federations and 77 departments. In the elections of
1906 the Unified Party obtained an increase of votes and elected 54
members to Parliament.
It now seemed to many that there was no reason for the General
Confederation of Labor to keep aloof from the Socialist Party. The
reason heretofore given was that the divisions in the Socialist Party
disorganized the syndicats, but since the Socialist Party was now
unified, the reason lost all significance, and it seemed possible to
establish some form of union between the two organizations. The question
was taken up soon after the unification of the Socialist Party by the
"Federation of Textile Workers" who had it inserted in the program of
the coming Congress of Amiens. The question was discussed for some time
before the Congress in the socialist and syndicalist press, and the
decision that would be taken could have been foreseen from the
discussion.
M. Renard, the Secretary of the "Federation of Textile Workers,"
defended the proposition that permanent relations should be established
between the General Confederation and the Unified Socialist Party. His
argument was that in the struggle of the working-class for emancipation,
various methods must be used, and that various forms of organization
were accordingly necessary. The syndicat, in his opinion, could not
suffice for all purposes; it was an instrument in economic struggles
against employers, but by the side of this economic action, political
action must be carried on to obtain protective labor legislation. For
this purpose he considered it necessary to maintain relations with the
Socialist Party, which had "always proposed and voted laws having for
their object the amelioration of the conditions of the working-class as
well as their definitive emancipation."[202] Besides, argued M. Renard,
"if a revolutionary situation should be created to-day," the syndicats
now in existence, with their present organization could not "regulate
production and organize exchange," and "would be compelled to make use
of the machinery of the government." The co-operation of the
Confederation with the Socialist Party, therefore, was useful and
necessary from the point of view both of the present and of the future.
[202] _XV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), pp. 135-6.
M. Renard repudiated the accusation that he meant to introduce politics
into the syndicats or to fuse the latter in the Socialist Party. On the
contrary, he accused the Confederal Committee of carrying on political
agitation under the cover of neutrality. Against this "special politics"
his proposition was directed. "When anti-militarism is carried on," said
M. Renard, "when anti-patriotism is indulged in, when [electoral]
abstention is preached, it is politics."[203] This anarchistic policy
has prevailed since the "libertarians have invaded the Confederation and
have transformed the latter into a war-engine against the Socialist
Party. The Federation of Textile Workers wants to put an end to the
present state of affairs."[204]
[203] _Ibid._, p. 134.
[204] _Ibid._, p. 165.
The proposition of the Textile workers was combated by revolutionary and
"reformist" syndicalists alike. M. Keufer, who had bitterly attacked the
revolutionary syndicalists at Bourges (1904), now fought the political
syndicalists. He agreed with M. Renard that political action was
necessary though he did not place "too great hopes in legislative action
and in the intervention of the State;" still he thought that the latter
was inevitable, and alluded to the fact that the revolutionary
syndicalists themselves were constantly soliciting the intervention of
the public authorities. But to secure a successful parallel economic and
political action, M. Keufer believed that it was better for the
Confederation to remain entirely independent of the Socialist Party, and
he proposed a resolution repudiating both "anarchist and
anti-parliamentarian agitation" and permanent relations with any
political party.[205]
[205] _XIV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), pp. 154-157.
* * * * *
The revolutionary syndicalists in their turn criticised the part
assigned to the syndicat both by the political syndicalists and by the
"reformists." They emphasized the "integral" and revolutionary rôle of
the syndicat which makes it unnecessary and dangerous to conclude any
alliance with any political party. They denied that the Confederal
Committee was carrying on an anarchist propaganda. Said M. Griffuelhes:
Keufer insists very much on the presence of libertarians in the
Confederal Committee; they are not so numerous as the legend has
it; this is only a stratagem to arouse the fear of an anarchist
peril which does not exist. On the contrary, the vitality of the
Confederation is the result of a co-operation of various political
elements. When, after the entrance of M. Millerand into the
government, the latter began its policy of "domesticating" the
workingmen, a coalition of Anarchists, Guesdists, Blanquists,
Allemanists and other elements took place in order to isolate the
government from the syndicats. This coalition has maintained itself
and has been the very life of the Confederation.[206]
[206] _XV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), p. 167.
The proposition of the Textile Federation was rejected by 724 votes
against 34 (37 blank). The defeat for the political syndicalists was
complete. By an overwhelming majority of 830 against 8 (one blank), the
Congress adopted the following proposition of Griffuelhes:
The Confederal Congress of Amiens confirms article 2 of the
constitution of the General Federation.
The C. G. T. groups, independent of all political schools, all the
workingmen who are conscious of the struggle to be carried on for
the disappearance of the wage system....
The Congress considers that this declaration is a recognition of
the class struggle which, on an economic basis, places the
workingmen in revolt against all forms of exploitation and
oppression, material and moral, put into operation by the
capitalist class against the working-class.
The Congress makes this theoretic affirmation more precise by
adding the following points:
With regard to the every-day demands, syndicalism pursues the
coördination of the efforts of the workingmen, the increase of the
workingmen's welfare through the realization of immediate
ameliorations, such as the diminution of working hours, the
increase of wages, etc.
But this is only one aspect of its work; syndicalism is preparing
the integral emancipation which can be realized only by the
expropriation of the capitalist class; it commends as a means to
this end the general strike, and considers that the syndicat, now
a group of resistance, will be in the future the group of
production and of distribution, the basis of social organization.
The Congress declares that this double task of every-day life and
of the future follows from the very situation of the wage-earners,
which exerts its pressure upon the working-class and which makes it
a duty for all workingmen, whatever their opinions or their
political and philosophical tendencies, to belong to the essential
group which is the syndicat; consequently, so far as individuals
are concerned, the Congress declares entire liberty for every
syndicalist to participate, outside of the trade organization, in
any forms of struggle which correspond to his philosophical or
political ideas, confining itself only to asking of him, in return,
not to introduce into the syndicat the opinions which he professes
outside of it.
In so far as organizations are concerned, the Congress decides
that, in order that syndicalism may attain its maximum
effectiveness, economic action should be exercised directly against
the class of employers, and the Confederal organizations must not,
as syndical groups, pay any attention to parties and sects which,
outside and by their side, may pursue in full liberty the
transformation of society.
The vote on this resolution showed that all parties interpreted the
resolution in their own way. To the "reformists" it meant complete
political neutrality, to the political syndicalist it emphasized the
liberty of political action outside the syndicat; the revolutionary
syndicats saw in the resolution the "Charter of French Syndicalism" in
which their theories were succinctly formulated.
After the Congress of Amiens the General Confederation continued its
policy of direct action. During 1907 it helped the movement for a law on
a weekly rest (_Repos Hebdamodaire_) which was carried on by the
commercial employees and by workingmen of certain trades. The movement
expressed itself often in street demonstrations and riotous gatherings
and brought the Confederation into conflict with the government.
The government of M. Clemenceau took a determined attitude towards the
Confederation. Papers like the _Temps_ called upon the government to
dissolve the Confederation. "Against syndicalism," wrote the _Temps_,
"are valid all the arguments of law and of fact as against anarchy."
Members of the Confederal Committee were arrested here and there for
incendiary speeches and for anti-militaristic propaganda. In the Chamber
of Deputies the Confederation was the subject of a heated debate which
lasted several days, and in which radicals, conservatives, socialists,
and members of the government took part.
The Confederal Committee in its turn vehemently attacked the government.
In June, 1907, troubles occurred among the wine-growers in the south of
France, and blood was shed. The Confederal Committee launched a
manifesto against the government with the heading, "Government of
Assassins," in which it praised one of the regiments that had refused to
shoot into the crowd at the order of the officers.
The government instituted legal proceedings against twelve members of
the Confederal Committee for "insults to the army." The trial took place
in February, 1908; all the accused were acquitted.
In June, 1908, a strike in one of the towns near Paris, Draveuil,
occasioned the intervention of the police. Shooting took place, one
workingman was killed, one mortally wounded, and several others severely
wounded. On the 4th of June the Confederal Committee published a protest
calling the government "a government of assassins" and Premier
Clemenceau, "Clemenceau the murderer" (_Clemenceau le Tueur_) and called
upon the syndicats to protest against the action of the government. As
the strike in Draveuil was among workingmen of the building trades, the
"Federation of the Building Trades," the most revolutionary syndical
organization in France, took the lead in the movement, seconded by the
Confederal Committee. Manifestations took place at the funerals of the
killed workingmen in Draveuil and Villeneuve St. George (neighboring
communes) in which bloody collisions with the police were avoided with
difficulty. The "Federation of the Building Trades" and many members of
the Confederal Committee advocated a general strike as a protest against
the action of the government.
Meanwhile the strike at Draveuil was going on. On the 27th of July a
collision between the police and the strikers again took place, and the
"Federation of Building Trades" decided upon a general strike and upon a
demonstration for the 30th of July. Some members of the Confederal
Committee, the Secretary Griffuelhes, for instance, were opposed to the
manifestation, but the decision was taken against their advice.
The manifestation of Villeneuve St. George resulted in a violent
collision; there were many killed and wounded. The agitation grew, and
the Confederal Committee together with the federal committee of the
Building Trades called upon the other trades to join them in a general
strike to be continued as a protest against the "massacres." The call of
the Confederal Committee was only partly followed.
The events of Villeneuve St. George aroused the press and the government
against the Confederation. The "Confederal Committee," wrote the
_Temps_, "is not an instrument for trade conquests. It is a purely
insurrectional Committee. It should be treated as such." The government
arrested all the leading members of the Confederal Committee.
On the 4th of August, as a move against the government, the Confederal
Committee which constituted itself after the arrests and of which M.
Luquet was temporary secretary, admitted the Federation of Miners with
60,000 members into the Confederation. The Federation of Miners had for
some time expressed its wish to enter the Confederation, but certain
difficulties, more or less personal, had stood in the way. After
Villeneuve St. George these difficulties were smoothed and the adherence
of the Miners to the Confederation was made possible.
The events of Villeneuve St. George aroused some protests within the
Confederation. The collisions and the bloodshed were ascribed by the
opponents of the Confederal Committee to revolutionary methods and
"anarchist" tactics. The polemics between the "reformist" and
"revolutionary" elements which had not ceased since the Congress of
Amiens now became more and more bitter.
In September, 1908, the Congress of the Confederation met at Marseilles.
The reports to the Congress showed that the Section of Federations of
industries counted 68 federal organizations with 2,586 syndicats and
294,398 members; total receipts amounted to 24,719 francs. The Section
of Bourses counted 157 _Bourses du Travail_ with 2,028 syndicats and
with a budget of 16,081 francs.
The Congress of Marseilles expressed its sympathy with the arrested
members of the Confederation, and "denounced before the entire public
the abominable procedures" of the government. The reports of the
Confederal Committee were approved by 947 with none against and 109
blanks, "not because the members of the Confederal Bureau were arrested,
but because the acts of the Bureau and of the Confederal Committee were
the expression of the mandate entrusted to them."
The Congress of Marseilles rejected the proposition to apply the
principle of proportional representation which was again advanced. It
discussed the question of industrial and trade unionism and decided in
favor of the former, inviting all trade federations to fuse into
industrial federations.
But the main question which agitated the Congress was that of
anti-militarism. At Amiens (1906) an anti-militaristic resolution
introduced by Yvetot (Secretary of the Section of _Bourses du Travail_)
had been passed. But it was passed in a hurry, as there was no time to
discuss it, and it raised strong opposition among the "reformist"
elements. It was taken to the Congress of Marseilles, therefore, for
another discussion.
The Congress of Marseilles accepted the resolution introduced by Yvetot.
The resolution read:
The Congress of Marseilles, repeats and renders more precise the
decision of Amiens, namely:
Considering that the army tends more and more to take the place of
the workingmen on strike in the factory, in the fields, in the
workshop, when it has not the function of shooting them, as in
Narbonnes, Raon-L'Etape, and Villeneuve St. George;
Considering that the exercise of the right to strike will be only a
fraud as long as the soldiers agree to substitute the workers in
civil work and to massacre the workingmen; the Congress, keeping
within purely economic limits, recommends the instruction of the
recruits (_jeunes_) in order that on the day when they put on the
military uniform they should be convinced that they should remain
nevertheless members of the family of workingmen and that in the
conflict between capital and labor their duty is not to use their
arms against their brethren, the workingmen;
Considering that the geographical boundaries are modifiable at the
will of the possessors, the workingmen recognize only the economic
boundaries separating the two class-enemies--the working-class and
the capitalist class.
The Congress repeats the formula of the International: "The
workingmen have no fatherland;" and adds:
That whereas, consequently, every war is but an outrage
(_attentat_) against the workingmen; that it is a bloody and
terrible means of diverting them from their demands, the Congress
declares it necessary, from the international point of view, to
enlighten the workingmen, in order that in case of war they may
reply to the declaration of war by a declaration of a revolutionary
general strike.[207]
[207] _XVI Congrès National Corporatif_, p. 213.
The resolution was adopted by 681 votes against 421 and 43 blank. Many
voted against the resolution because of its anti-patriotic character,
though they accepted the part bearing upon the use of the army in
strikes.
In November, 1909, the government freed the arrested members of the
Confederal Committee, but they did not regain their former positions of
authority. In February, 1909, the "reformist" elements succeeded in
electing as secretary of the Confederation their candidate, M. Niel, who
was once a revolutionary but had become more moderate. M. Niel was
elected by a majority of one vote, and his position was very difficult
in the Confederal Committee. He aimed, as he expressed it, to bring
about "moral unity" in the Confederation, but was hampered in his
activities by the revolutionaries and not sufficiently supported by the
"reformists."
In March, 1909, the Post Office employees went on strike. The
Confederation took no part in the movement but invited the workingmen to
sympathize with the strikers. The strike was successful, and the
government promised to consider the grievances of the Post Office
employees whose main demand was the removal of the Secretary of the
Department.
The promises of the government were unofficial, and the strikers after
some time claimed that the government had not kept its word. A second
strike followed in May, but there was less enthusiasm among the
employees, and a failure was inevitable. The leaders of the strike
appealed to the Confederation for help. The Confederal Committee invited
the workingmen of Paris to go out on a general strike, but the
invitation of the Confederation found very little response, and the Post
Office employees returned to work.
The failure was ascribed to the "reformists", M. Guérard,[208] secretary
of the Railway Workers, and to M. Niel, who had delivered a speech on
the eve of the general strike declaring that the miners were not ready
for it. This speech, the revolutionaries alleged, produced an impression
disastrous for the general strike. The bitter criticism of the
revolutionists forced Niel to resign on May 28, 1909. The election of
Jouhaux secured the triumph of the revolutionary syndicalists once more.
[208] M. Guérard, once revolutionary, had become moderate.
The dissensions between "reformists" and "revolutionaries" became still
more acute after the resignation of M. Niel. The rumor that the
"reformist" syndicats would leave the Confederation circulated more
persistently than before. The "reformists" formed in July, 1909, a
_Comité d'Union Syndicaliste_ to react against the anarchistic
syndicalism, to realize the union of workingmen, independent of all
politics, in the exclusively economic and industrial domain.[209] The
situation was considered very critical by both friends and enemies of
the Confederation.
[209] G. Weill, _Histoire du Mouvement Social du France_, 386.
The struggle of tendencies and personalities within the Confederation
came to a climax at the next congress held at Toulouse from Oct. 3 to
Oct. 10, 1910. The greater part of the time of the congress was consumed
in discussing the resignation of Niel, the accusations against the
former secretary Griffuelhes, and the quarrels of "reformists" and
revolutionists generally. Both sides were disgusted with the
proceedings, but hoped that the atmosphere of mutual hostility and
distrust would be cleared thereby, and that a new period of harmonious
action would be the result.
The Congress was hardly over, when a strike unexpectedly broke out among
the railway men of the _Paris-Nord_. The National Syndicat of Railway
workers had been considering the advisability of a general strike for
some time, but was postponing action in the hope of effecting a peaceful
settlement. The Syndicat of railway workers was among the so-called
"reformist" syndicats, and its leaders laid great stress on peaceful
negotiations with employers and on soliciting the co-operation of the
government. The demands of the railway men were: an increase in wages,
one day of rest in the week, the retroactive application of the old-age
pension law passed in 1909, and several other concessions relating to
conditions of work and matters of discipline. The railway companies had
refused to meet the representatives of the railway men, and M. Briand,
who was Premier at the time, advised the officials of the railway union
that he could do nothing to make the railway companies change their
attitude. The leaders of the syndicat, however, were still continuing
their efforts to bring pressure to bear upon the companies, when their
plans were frustrated by the sudden outbreak on the railroad system
known as Paris-Nord.
The strike, begun in Paris on October 10, rapidly spread over the system
Paris-Nord. The next day the strike committee ordered a general railroad
strike, and the order was followed on October 12 by the Western system
of railroads. On October 13 M. Briand arrested the members of the strike
committee and ordered the striking railway men under colors, thus
putting them under martial law. A second strike committee automatically
took the place of the leaders who were arrested, but it did not display
much energy. Besides, the response to the strike order on the eastern
and southern railroad lines was very slight, and towards the end of the
week the strike was practically defeated. By order of the second strike
committee work was resumed on all lines on October 18.
The failure of the railway strike was a heavy blow not only to the
syndicat of Railway Workers, but to the general labor movement of
France. It resulted in the disorganization of one of the strongest
syndicats and added fuel to the dying embers of factional strife. The
revolutionary elements in the Confederation attributed the failure of
the strike to the hesitating tactics of the "reformist" leaders and to
the intervention of the socialist politicians who tried to make
political capital out of the strike situation. The "reformists," on the
other hand, accused the revolutionists of precipitating the strike and
of defeating the general movement by hasty action on the Paris-Nord. Two
facts, however, stand out clear: first, that the Confederation of Labor
did not direct the strike, which was a purely trade movement largely
dominated by reformist and political elements; secondly, that the strike
was defeated mainly by the quick and energetic action of M. Briand, who
treated the strike as a revolt, sent soldiers to replace the strikers,
and mobilized the latter for military service.
The dissensions provoked by the railway strike accentuated the "crisis"
in the General Confederation of Labor and hampered its activities.
Still, amid these internal struggles, the Confederal Committee made
persistent efforts to carry out the program of action which was outlined
for it at the congress of Toulouse. During 1910-1911 it carried on a
relentless campaign against the old-age pension law which was passed in
April, 1910. The French workingmen were opposed to the age limit imposed
by the law (65 years), to the system of capitalization, and to the
obligatory deductions of the worker's contribution from his wages. The
campaign was effective to the extent of forcing several important
modifications in the law in favor of the workers.
At the same time the Confederation carried on a campaign against the
high cost of living ascribing it to speculation and to the protective
system. Meetings were held throughout France, and demonstrations were
arranged; in many places bread riots took place in which the leaders of
the Bourses and of the Confederal Committee took part.
But the greatest part of the energy of the Confederation was directed
against the wave of militarism and nationalism which began to sweep
France after the incident of Agadir in the summer of 1910. The
Confederation of Labor felt that the labor movement in general and the
revolutionary tendencies in particular were endangered by the
nationalist spirit and military excitement which was stirring the
country. Meetings were organized all over France to protest against war
and militarism; several international meetings were arranged in Berlin,
Madrid, Paris, and London, at which speakers representing all European
countries spoke against war and in favor of international peace. The
idea of a general strike in case of war was revived and agitated in the
syndicalist organizations as a warning to the French government.
In September, 1912, the twelfth congress of the Confederation was held
at Toulouse. The report of the Confederal Committee showed that the
Confederation was not making as much progress as before. The growth of
the General Confederation of Labor in relation to the general labor
movement of the country may be judged from the following table:
-----+---------+------------+-------------+-------------+-------------
| | | Number of | |
| Total |Total Number| Federations | |
|Number of|of Organized| of industry | Syndicats |
|Syndicats| Workingmen | adhering to | adhering to | Members of
Year |in France| in France |Confederation|Confederation|Confederation
-----+---------+------------+-------------+-------------+-------------
1902 | 3,680 | 614,204 | 30 | 1,043 |
| | | | |
1904 | 4,227 | 715,576 | 53 | 1,792 | 150,000
| | | | |
1906 | 4,857 | 836,134 | 61 | 2,399 | 203,273
| | | | |
1908 | 5,524 | 957,102 | 63 | 2,586 | 294,398
| | | | |
1910 | 5,260 | 977,350 | 57 | 3,012 | 357,814
| | | | |
1912 | 5,217 | 1,064,000 | 53 | 2,837 | 400,000
-----+---------+------------+-------------+-------------+-------------
The slackening in the growth of the Confederation was attributed partly
to the persistent persecutions of the government, but in the main to
internal dissensions and struggles. As a result of the latter, many of
the old militants who had taken a leading part in the syndicalist
organizations had become disillusioned and had left the movement. Many
of the syndicats had lost in membership, and new syndicats were formed
with great difficulty.
The supreme effort of the Congress of Toulouse was, therefore, to assert
once more the leading ideas of syndicalism and to unite all labor
elements upon a common platform of action. A long debate between
representatives of the various tendencies took place in consequence of
which the Congress reaffirmed the resolution of Amiens (1906) known as
the "charter of syndicalism."[210] The most important resolution,
however, was that in favor of a general movement for the reduction of
hours of labor, particularly for the establishment of the "English week"
(La semaine Anglaise, i. e. half holiday on Saturday). The Confederal
Committee was authorized to carry on a campaign similar in character to
the Campaign of 1906 in favor of the eight hour day. To meet the
necessary expenses the dues were raised to ten francs per thousand
members for each Federation of industry and to seven francs per thousand
members for each Departmental Union.
[210] See page 183.
The discussion at the Congress of Toulouse showed very clearly that the
leaders of the syndicalist organizations were becoming tired of
perennial debates and that they were anxious to save the Confederation
from its present critical condition by a vigorous campaign for shorter
hours, which would appeal to the mass of working men and women. The
Confederal Committee, however, has not been very successful in this
since the congress of Toulouse, for two principal reasons: the
militaristic excitement of Europe and the general industrial depression.
During 1913, the Confederation was engaged in fighting the increase in
military expenses and particularly the passage of the three years'
military service law. In May and June a number of revolts took place in
the barracks, mainly among the soldiers who would have been released in
1913, had not the new law been made retroactive. The government accused
the Confederation of instigating the revolts of the soldiers, and made
numerous arrests among the leaders of the principal syndicats in Paris
and in the province. The Confederation repudiated complicity in the
revolts, but asserted its right to maintain relations with the soldiers
by means of the _Sou du Soldat_. A number of protest meetings were held
in Paris and other cities against the new military law, and there can be
little doubt that this agitation resulted in the modifications of the
law which practically reduced the actual time of service by several
months.
At the same time, the activities of the General Confederation of Labor
during 1913 revealed a conscious determination to steer clear of
hazardous movements of a revolutionary character. In July, 1913, the
Federations of industries and the Bourses du Travail held their third
annual Conference in Paris, at which questions of administration and
policy were discussed. A number of delegates demanded that a general
strike be declared on September 24, when the soldiers ought to have been
released from the barracks. This proposition was defeated as an unwise
measure. Among those who spoke against the proposition were some of the
ablest representatives of the revolutionary syndicalists, like Jouhaux,
the general secretary; Merrheim, the secretary of the Federation of the
metal industry, and others. The cautious action of the Confederation
incensed the anarchist groups who had supported the Confederation all
along, and they began to criticise the latter for "turning to the
right." The leaders of the Confederation, however, explained their
action not by any change in ideas, but by a desire to hew to the line of
strictly labor demands for the time being.
While making efforts to increase its strength at home, the Confederation
of Labor has been endeavoring in recent years to spread the ideas of
French syndicalism abroad, and has been watching with great interest the
new tendencies in the labor movement of England and the activities of
the Industrial Workers of the World in the United States. Its main
efforts outside of France, have been exerted at the conferences of the
International Secretariat of Labor. These conferences have been held
every two years since 1903 by the secretaries of the adhering National
Trade Union Centers.[211] The General Confederation took part in the
Conference of Dublin in 1903, but sent no delegates to the Conferences
of Amsterdam (1905) or of Christiana (1907) because these conferences
refused to discuss the questions of the general strike and of
anti-militarism. The relations of the Confederation to the International
Secretariat have been much discussed at the Congresses of the
Confederation and in the press. The Congress of Marseilles, though
approving the policy of the Confederal Committee, recommended that the
latter enter into closer relations with the International Secretariat.
Since then the Confederation has taken part in the Conferences of Paris
in 1909,[212] Budapest (1911), and Zurich (1913).
[211] The first two conferences were held at Balberstadt (1900) and at
Stuttgart (1902).
[212] An account of the Paris conference is given in Mr. Gompers' _Labor
in Europe and America_ (New York, 1910).
In the International organization the Confederation tries to enforce its
views on the general strike and advocates the organization of
International Labor Congresses. Its ideas meet here, however, with the
opposition of American, English, German and Austrian trades unions. The
latter are the more numerous. Germany pays dues to the International
Secretariat for 2,017,000 organized workingmen; the United States for
1,700,000; England for 725,000; Austria for 480,000; France for 340,000.
The total number of organized workingmen affiliated with the
International Secretariat is 6,033,500.[213]
[213] These figures are for 1911.