alleged sufficient reasons for an immediate decision; and that we have
so visibly proved the danger of delay, that we dare to hope from the
paternal equity of your High Mightinesses, a reasonable attention to the
respectful proposition which we have made. It proceeds from no other
motive than a sincere affection for the precious interests of our dear
country; since we consider it as certain, that as soon as the step taken
by us shall be known by the English, and that they shall have the least
hope of preventing us, they will not fail, as soon as possible, to
acknowledge American independence. Supported by all these reasons, the
petitioners address themselves to your High Mightinesses, humbly
requesting that it may please your High Mightinesses, after the
occurrences and affairs above-mentioned, to take, for the greatest
advantage of this country, as soon as possible, such resolution as your
High Mightinesses shall judge most convenient.
This doing, &c.
PETITION
To the Burgomasters and Regents of
AMSTERDAM:
The subscribers, all merchants and manufacturers of this city, with all
due respect, give to understand: That the difference arisen between the
kingdom of Great Britain and the United States of America, has not only
given occasion for a long and violent war, but that the arms of America
have covered themselves with a success so happy, that the Congress,
assisted by the Courts of France and Spain, have so well established
their liberty and independence, and reduced Great Britain to extremities
so critical, that the House of Commons in England, notwithstanding all
the opposition of the British Ministry, have lately formed the important
resolution to turn the King from an offensive war against America, with
no other design than to accelerate, if it is possible, a reconciliation
with America.
That to this happy revolution in the dispositions of the English in
favour of the liberty and independence of America, according to all
appearances, the resolution taken by the Congress, towards the end of
the last year, to wit, to forbid in all America the importation of
British manufactures and productions, has greatly contributed: a
resolution, of which they perceive in England, too visibly, the
consequences ruinous to their manufactures, trade, commerce, and
navigation, to be able to remain indifferent in this regard. For all
other commercial nations, who take to heart, ever so little, their own
prosperity, will apply themselves ardently, to collect from it all the
fruit possible. To this effect, it would be unpardonable for the
business and commerce of this Republic in general, and for those of this
city in particular, to suffer to escape this occasion so favourable for
the encouragement of our manufactures so declined, and languishing in
the interior cities, as well as that of the commerce and navigation in
the maritime cities; or to suffer that other commercial nations, even
with a total exclusion of the mercantile interests of this Republic,
should profit of it, and this, upon an occasion, when, by reason of the
war, equally unjust and ruinous, in which the kingdom of Great Britain
has involved this Republic, we cannot, and ought not to have the least
regard or condescension for that jealous State, being able even to
oblige this arrogant neighbour, in the just fear of the consequences
which a more intimate connection between this Republic and North America
would undoubtedly have, to lay down the sooner her arms, and restore
tranquility to all Europe.
That the petitioners, notwithstanding the inclination they have for it,
ought not nevertheless to explain themselves farther upon this object,
nor make a demonstration in detail of the important advantages which
this Republic may procure itself by a connection and a relation more
intimate with North America; both, because that no well-informed man can
easily call the thing in question, or contradict it; but also, because
the States of Friesland themselves have very lately explained
themselves, in a manner so remarkable, in this respect; and which is
still more remarkable, because in very different circumstances, with a
foresight, which posterity will celebrate by so much the more, as it is
attacked in our time by ill designing citizens, the Lords your
predecessors thought, four years ago, upon the means of hindering this
Republic from being excluded from the business of the new world, and
from falling into the disagreeable situation in which the kingdom of
Portugal is at present, considering that according to the informations
of your petitioners, the Congress has excluded that kingdom from all
commerce and business with North America, solely, because it had
perceived that it suffered itself to be too strongly directed by the
influence of the British Court. This example makes us fear with reason
that if the propositions made, in the name of America, by Mr. Adams to
this Republic, should remain, as they still are, without an answer, or
that, if, contrary to all expectation, they should be rejected, in that
case the Republic ought not to expect a better treatment.
That, for these reasons and many others, the petitioners had flattered
themselves that we should long ago have opened negotiations, and a
closer correspondence, with the United States of America. But this
important work appeared to meet with difficulties with some, as
incompatible with the accession of this Republic to the armed
neutrality, and, in course, with the accepted mediation; whilst that
others cannot be persuaded to make this so necessary step, in the
opinion that we cannot draw any advantage, or at least of much
importance, from a more strict connection with America: Reasons,
according to the petitioners, the frivolity of which is apparent to
every one who is not filled with prejudice, without having occasion to
employ many words to point it out. For, as to the first point,
supposing, for a moment, that it might be made a question whether the
Republic, after her accession to the armed neutrality, before the war
with England, could take a step of this nature, without renouncing at
the same time the advantages of the armed neutrality which it had
embraced; it is at least very certain, that every difficulty concerning
the competency of the Republic to take a similar step vanishes and
disappears of itself at present, when it finds itself involved in a war
with Great Britain, since from that moment she could not only demand the
assistance and succour of all the confederates in the armed neutrality,
but that thereby the finds herself authorized, for her own defence, to
employ all sorts of means, violent and others, which she could not
before adopt nor put in use, while she was really in the position of a
neutral power which would profit of the advantages of the armed
neutrality. This reasoning then proves evidently, that, in the present
situation of affairs, the Republic might acknowledge the independence of
America; and, notwithstanding this, claim of full right the assistance
of her neutral allies, at least, if we would not maintain one of the two
following absurdities: That, notwithstanding the violent aggression of
England in resentment of our accession to the armed neutrality, we dare
not defend ourselves, until our confederates shall think proper to come
to our assistance; or, otherwise, that being attacked by the English, it
should be permitted us, conformably to the rights of the armed
neutrality, to resist them in arms, whether on the Doggers-bank or
elsewhere, but not by contracting alliances, which certainly do no
injury or harm to the convention of the armed neutrality,
notwithstanding even the small hope we have of being succored by the
allies of the armed confederation. The argument of the mediation is
still more contrary to common sense in this, that it supposes, that the
Republic, by accepting the mediation, has also renounced the employment
of all the means, by the way of arms, of alliances, or otherwise, which
it might judge useful or necessary to annoy her enemy: a supposition,
which certainly is destitute of all foundation, and which would reduce
it simply to a real suspension of hostilities on the part of the
Republic only; to which the Republic can never have consented, neither
directly nor indirectly.
Besides this last argument, the petitioners ought to observe, in the
first place, that by means of a good harmony and friendship with the
United States of America, there will spring up, not only different
sources of business for this Republic, founded solely on commerce and
navigation, but in particular the manufactures and trade will assume a
new activity in the interior cities; for they may consume the amount of
millions of our manufactures in that new country, of so vast extent: In
the second place, abstracted from all interests of commerce, the
friendship or the enmity of a nation, which, after having made prisoners
of two English armies, has known how to render herself respectable and
formidable, if it were only in relation to the western possessions of
this State, is not and cannot be in any manner indifferent for our
Republic. In the last place, it is necessary that the petitioners remark
farther in this respect, that several inhabitants of this Republic, in
the present situation of affairs, suffer very considerable losses and
damages, which at least hereafter might be wholly prevented, or in part,
in case we should make with the United States of America, with relation
to vessels and effects recaptured, a convention similar to that which
has been made with the Crown of France the last year; for, venerable
Regents, if a convention of this nature had been contracted in the
beginning of this war, the inhabitants of the Republic would have
already derived important advantages from it, considering that several
ships and cargoes, taken by the English from the inhabitants of this
State, have fallen into the hands of the Americans; among others, two
vessels from the West Indies, richly loaded, and making sail for the
ports of the Republic, and both estimated at more than a million of
florins of Holland; which, captured by the English at the commencement
of the year past, were carried into North America, where, after the
capitulation of General Cornwallis, they passed from the hands of the
English into others.
That, although the petitioners are fully convinced, that the interests
of the commerce of this common country, and of this city, have
constantly, but especially in these last years, attracted, and still
attract every day, a great part of the cares of the venerable Regency;
nevertheless, having regard to the importance of the affair, the
petitioners have thought that they might, and that they ought to take
the liberty to address themselves with this petition to you, venerable
Regents, to inform you, according to truth, that the moments are
precious, that we cannot lose any time, how little soever it may be,
without running the greatest risque of losing all; since, by hesitating
longer, the Republic, according to all appearances, would not derive any
advantage, not even more than it has derived from its accession to the
armed neutrality; because that in the fear of British menaces, we did
not determine to accede to it, until the opportunity of improving the
advantage of it was passed.
For these causes, the petitioners address themselves to you, venerable
Regents, respectfully soliciting, that your efficacious influence may
condescend, at the Assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses the
States of this Province, to direct affairs in such a manner, that upon
this important object there may be taken as soon as possible, and, if
possible, even during the continuance of this Assembly, a final and
decisive resolution, such as you, venerable Regents, and their noble and
grand Mightinesses, according to their high wisdom, shall judge the most
convenient: and if, contrary to all expectation, this important
operation should meet with any obstacle on the part of one or more of
the confederates, that in that case you, venerable Regents, in concert
with the Province of Friesland, and those of the other Provinces who
make no difficulty to open a negotiation with America, will condescend
to consider the means, which shall be found proper and convenient to
effectuate, that the commerce of this Province, as well as that of
Friesland, and the other members adopting the same opinion, may not be
prejudiced by any dilatory deliberations, nor too late resolved, for the
conclusion of a measure as important as necessary.
So doing, &c.
AMSTERDAM
_ADDRESS of the Merchants, &c. to their Regency_.
NOBLE, GREAT, AND VENERABLE LORDS!
It is for us a particular satisfaction to be able to offer to your noble
and great lordships, as heads of the regency of this city, this well
intentioned address that a multitude of our most respectable
fellow-citizens have signed. It was already prepared and signed by many,
when we learned, as well by the public papers as otherwise, the
propositions of a particular peace, with an offer of an immediate
suspension of hostilities on the part of Great-Britain, made to this
state by the mediation of the Russian ambassador. This is the only
reason why no immediate mention was made of it in the address itself. It
is by no means the idea, that these offers would have made any
impression upon the merchants; since we can, on the contrary, in truth
assure your noble and great Lordships, that the unanimous sentiment
nearly of the Exchange of Amsterdam, as much as that is interested in
it, is entirely conformable to that which the merchants of Rotterdam
have made known in so energetic a manner: that consequently we have the
greatest aversion to like offers, as artful as dangerous, which, being
adopted, would very probably throw this Republic into other situations
very embarrassing, the immediate consequences of which would be, to ruin
it totally: whereas, on the other hand, these offers shew that we have
only to deal with an enemy exhausted; whom we could force to a general
and durable peace in the end, by following only the example of France,
Spain, and North America; and by using the means which are in our hands.
It is improper for us, however, to enlarge farther upon this project,
important as it may be, being well assured, that your noble and great
Lordships see those grievous consequences more clearly than we can trace
them.
The merchants continue to recommend their commerce and navigation to the
constant care and protection of your noble and great Lordships, and to
insist only, that in case these offers of the court of England should
be, at any time, the cause that the affair of the admission of Mr.
Adams, in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America, should meet with any difficulty or delay on the part of the
other confederates, that your noble and great lordships, conformably to
the second article of our requisition, inserted in this request, would
have the goodness to think upon measures which would secure this
province from the ruinous consequences of such a proceeding.
_To the foregoing was joined the Address presented to the Burgomasters
and the Council, which is of the following tenor._
NOBLE, GREAT, VENERABLE, AND NOBLE AND VENERABLE LORDS!
The undersigned merchants, citizens, and inhabitants of the city of
Amsterdam, have learned with an inexpressible joy, the news of the
resolution taken the 28th of March last by their noble and grand
Mightinesses, the lords the States of Holland and West-Friesland. Their
noble and grand Mightinesses have thereby not only satisfied the general
wishes of the greatest and best part of the inhabitants of this
province, but they have laid the foundations of ulteriour alliances and
correspondencies of friendship and of good understanding with the United
States of America, which promise new life to the languishing state of
our commerce, navigation, and manufactures. The unanimity with which
that resolution was decided in the assembly of Holland, gives us grounds
to hope that the States of the other provinces will not delay to take a
similar resolution; whilst the same unanimity fills with the most lively
satisfaction the well intentioned inhabitants of this city, and without
doubt those of the whole country, in convincing them fully that the
union among the sage and venerable fathers of the country increases
more and more; whilst that the promptness and activity with which it
hath been concluded, make us hope, with reason, that we shall reap, in
time, from a step so important and so necessary for this Republic, the
desired fruits. Who then can call in question, or disavow that the
moment seems to approach nearer and nearer, when this Republic shall
enter into new relations with a people, who find themselves in
circumstances which differ but little from those in which our ancestors
found themselves two centuries ago, with a people which conciliates more
and more the general affection and esteem.
The conformity of religion and government, which is found between us and
America, joined to the indubitable marks that she hath already long
since given of the preference that she feels for our friendship, makes
the undersigned not only suppose, but inspires them with a confidence
that our connections with her will be equally solid, advantageous, and
salutary to the interests of the two nations. The well-being and
prosperity which will very probably result from them; the part which you
noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable lords, have had in the
conclusion of a resolution so remarkable; the conviction that the
venerable council of this city had of it, upon the proposition of the
noble, great, and venerable Lords, almost consented to, before the
request relative to this project presented not long since to you, noble,
great, and venerable Lords, had come to the knowledge of the council;
finally the remembrance of that which was done upon this matter in the
year 1778, with the best intentions and the most laudable views, finding
itself at present crowned with an approbation as public as it is
general, indispensibly oblige the undersigned to approach you with this
address; not only to congratulate you upon so remarkable an event, but
to thank you at the same time with as much zeal as solemnity, for all
those well intentioned cares, and those well concerted measures, for
that inflexible attachment, and that faithful adherence to the true
interests of the country in general, and of this city in particular,
which manifest themselves in so striking a manner, in all the
proceedings and resolutions of your noble, great, and venerable
Lordships, and of the venerable council of this city, and which
certainly will attract the esteem and veneration of the latest
posterity, when comparing the annals and events of the present with
those of former times, it shall discover that Amsterdam might still
boast itself of possessing patriots who dared sacrifice generously all
views of private interests, of grandeur and consideration to the sacred
obligations that their country requires of them.
We flatter ourselves, noble, great, venerable, noble and venerable
Lords, that the present public demonstration of our esteem and
attachment will be so much the more agreeable, as it is more rare in our
republic, and perhaps even it is without example; and as it is more
proper to efface all the odious impressions that the calumny and
malignity of the English ministry, not long ago so servilely adored by
many, but whose downfal is at present consummated, had endeavoured to
spread, particularly a little before and at the beginning of this war,
insinuations, which have since found partisans in the United Provinces,
among those who have not been ashamed to paint the Exchange of Amsterdam
(that is to say the most respectable and the most useful part of the
citizens of this city, and at the same time the principal support of the
well-being of the United Provinces) as if it consisted in a great part
of a contemptible herd of vile interested souls, having no other object
than to give loose to their avidity, and to their desire of amassing
treasures, in defrauding the public revenues, and in transporting
articles, against the faith of treaties; calumniators, who have had at
the same time, and have still the audacity to affront the most upright
regency of the most considerable city of the Republic, and to expose it
to public contempt, as if it participated by connivance, and otherwise,
in so shameful a commerce; insinuations and accusations which have been
spread with as much falshood as wickedness, and which ought to excite so
much the more the indignation of every sensible heart, when it is
considered that not only the merchants of this city, but also those of
the whole Republic have so inviolably respected the faith of treaties
that, to the astonishment of every impartial man, one cannot produce any
proofs, at least no sufficient proofs; that there hath ever been
transported from this country contraband merchandizes; whilst that the
conjuncture in which imputations of this kind have been spread rendered
the proceeding still more odious, seeing it has been done at an epoch
when the commerce and navigation of Amsterdam, and of the whole
Republic, would have experienced the first and almost the only attack of
an unjust and perfidious ally, for want of necessary protection, upon
which you, noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lords, have
so often and so seriously insisted, even before the commencement of the
troubles between Great Britain and the United States of America; at an
epoch, when the merchant, formed for enterprises, was obliged to see the
fruit of his labour, and of his cares, the recompence of his
indefatigable industry, and the patrimony destined to his posterity,
ravished from his hands by foreign violence and an unbounded rapacity;
at an epoch finally, when the wise and prudent politicians, who had
exhausted themselves and spared no pains for the public good, saw their
patriotic views dissipated, and their projects vanish.