IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEB. 15, 1850.

[DURING the progress of the debate on the resolutions submitted

by Mr. Clay, President Taylor transmitted to congress a message,

apprising that body that he had received the constitution

adopted by the people of California, accompanied with an

application for admission as a state into the Union. The

reference of this message was warmly discussed; and while it

was under consideration, Mr. Clemens, of Alabama, indulged in

several unwarrantable ‘flings’ at Mr. Clay, among other things

expressing his surprise at the ‘fellow-feeling’ which existed

between him and Mr. Benton. This drew forth the following

rejoinder, in which other matters are collaterally noticed. (It

may be proper to state here that the resolutions of Mr. Clay,

together with several other propositions from different sources,

were finally referred to a committee of thirteen, which was

chosen by ballot, and of which Mr. C. was elected chairman.)]

MR. CLAY rose to reply to one of the remarks of the senator from

Alabama, Mr. Clemens. What right had the senator to animadvert upon

a conference held between the senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) and

him? It was very true that for several years there did exist other

than the most cordial feeling between him and Mr. Benton――that a system

of non-intercourse was established between them, if gentlemen pleased

so to call it. Some three years ago they had come together, having

made peace with each other, as Mr. Clay wished he might be able to

do with all the world; but with respect to intimations of any mutual

deliberation and consideration of measures proposed to be introduced,

he had to say, that there was nothing of the kind; he had never seen

or heard any thing in relation to the bill proposed and introduced by

Mr. Benton, proposing to reduce the boundaries of Texas, until it was

brought into the senate. On the other hand, Mr. Benton had never seen,

heard or thought, so far as he knew, of the series of resolutions

recently introduced by him. What, then, had the senator who had

denounced their intercourse to go upon? Was he to speculate upon

the object of that private conference, and to make such deductions

as seemed to him to be proper? He had no right so to do, and the

conclusion showed how incorrect his deductions were. He would repeat

that there was no interchange of opinion between him and Mr. Benton

at all, in relation to their respective projects. It was true, that

at the time alluded to, they did converse together upon the proper

dispositions of subjects coming before the senate, but what right had

others to attempt to place a construction upon their motives? He must

protest against submitting his private intercourse to any such test

as that. He was, and had been so deeply impressed with a sense of the

awful dangers which menace the existence of the government, that if the

senator had been his most bitter enemy, and had come to him to consider

the means best calculated to rescue the common country from impending

danger, he would have counselled with him, as with his friend――if by so

doing he might hope to accomplish so desirable an end. Mr. Clay desired

to notice one or two other points to which the senator had alluded. He

(Mr. Clay) had said, that in the admission of California there was no

concession from either side:――true, the North would get what she wanted;

but it would be from causes not under the control of congress, and not

by concession. It had been said that, if received with her inhibition

of slavery, congress would be responsible for it. He proceeded to

show that this was not true, but that if congress passed laws allowing

the people of California to frame a constitution and erect a state,

congress would then more reasonably be held responsible for any act

decided upon by the people, with reference to the institution of

slavery. He had admitted that there was some irregularity in the action

taken by California; but was there not good ground for excuse for this

child, which, having been abandoned by its natural parent, had adopted

the necessary measures for her own protection, and now came back again,

asking its neglectful parent to receive it into the family of states?

Similar irregularities had been overlooked in the case of Michigan,

notwithstanding the necessities of her situation were by no means

commensurate with those of the people of the Pacific――the former had

a form of government, under which she had existed and found peace and

security for years――the latter were without law or means of protection.

A sentiment had been reiterated in the senate to-day, which he had

heard, alas! too often, and which he never heard without a shudder. The

senate was told that, in a certain contingency, the South were to take

a specific course, regardless of consequences. Was that true? For one,

he knew of no condition in which man could be placed, either on the

boundless prairies of the west, in the midst of the howling winds and

lashing fury of the ocean storm, or in the deliberative body――none in

which a moral, rational, accountable being could take a step regardless

of consequences. It was because he did regard consequences the most

important, that he was led to make every effort in his power to avert

the greatest of human calamities――a consequence fraught with evil, not

to his country alone, but to the cause of humanity throughout the world.

* * * * *

Mr. Foote made some remarks in vindication of his observations

in relation to the recent intercourse between Mr. Benton and

Mr. Clay; in the course of which he suggested to Mr. Clay that

there was sometimes something in his demeanor, when excited in

debate, which had the appearance of menace. He also alluded to

a speech made by that senator eleven years ago, in which he said

that certain acts, if persisted in, would dissolve the Union,

and dissolve it in blood. Mr. F. went on at length with some

personal remarks upon Mr. Clay, Mr. Seward and Mr. Benton.

Mr. Clay said a few words in reply to Mr. Foote’s remarks about the

intercourse between him and Mr. Benton, and in the course of a few

observations, suggested to him the impropriety of attempting to draw

deductions from such private intercourse. He reminded Mr. Foote that he

himself that morning had come over to him, and held a long conversation

with him, in relation to the difficulties which concerned the affairs

of the country,――and asked him whether it would not have been unfair

for some northern man to have imputed to the senator dishonorable

motives in seeking that interview. It is an evil――a political

and social evil――it is a wrong toward those who are the sufferers

thereby――those were his opinions, but he quarrelled with no man who

thought otherwise. In conclusion, he denied all ambitious projects:

he stood, as it were, upon the brink of eternity, expecting soon to

go hence, and owed no responsibility which he was not prepared to meet

here and before God. If the senator from Mississippi chose to call him

an Abolitionist――well and good; he would only say, that if there was

any one man in the community more abused by the Abolitionists than

another, it was he.

Mr. Cass (interrupting) said, that if Mr. Clay claimed to be

the best abused man in the community, he must take exception.

(Laughter.)

Mr. Clay further defended his resolutions. He had honestly, in the

sight of God, endeavored to bring forward a scheme of compromise for

the purpose of keeping the Union together in one family, with harmony

and concord. In supporting that scheme he had not forgotten to rebuke

the fanatics of the north for their course, as well as to call upon

the south not to persist in what would not bear the scrutiny of reason

and judgment. It was enough for him that his plan of settlement was

rejected by the ultraists of both sections.

A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq. · 第 238 / 250 题