[IN the summer of 1839, Mr. Clay made a visit to the country
on the Lakes, Canada, and the state of New York. At the city of
Buffalo, he yielded to the request of his friends, to address
the people on the state of public affairs, and in the following
remarks, he alludes to the course of the administration of
Mr. Van Buren, and shows the importance of the adoption of
wise measures to promote the prosperity of the country, without
regard to local prejudices, or party considerations.]
MR. RECORDER and fellow citizens, the journey which has brought me
in the midst of you, was undertaken to afford me an opportunity which
I had long desired, but never before enjoyed, of viewing some of the
lakes, the country bordering upon them, the wonderful cataract in your
neighborhood, and the Canadas. I had no wish, during its performance,
to attract public attention, or to be the object of any public
demonstrations. I expected, indeed, to meet, and I take great pleasure
in acknowledging, that I have every where met with individual kindness,
personal respect, and friendly consideration. But, although it is my
wish to pass on quietly, without display or parade, I am penetrated
with sentiments of gratitude, for the manifestations of attachment and
confidence with which I am honored in this beautiful city of the lakes.
I thank you, most cordially thank you, for them all.
I am happy to learn that the public measures, to which, in the national
councils, I have rendered my humble support, here have commanded your
approbation. The first of these, in time and importance, was the last
war with Great Britain. Upon its causes, and upon its results, we
may look back with entire satisfaction. In surveying this theatre of
gallant deeds, upon the lakes, and upon their shores, I have felt my
bosom swell with patriotic pride. Nor can any one fail to recollect
the names of Brown, and Scott, and Porter, and Harrison, and Shelby,
and Perry, and their brave comrades, who so nobly sustained the honor,
and added to the glory of our country. And it is most gratifying to
behold the immense augmentation, on this frontier, of its military
strength and security, since the last war. The satisfaction which is
derived from witnessing the tranquillity which now prevails on our
border, would be complete, if we were not forced to recollect that the
violation of our territorial jurisdiction, in the case of the Caroline,
remains to be satisfactorily atoned for.
During the progress of that war, as in the war of the revolution,
cut off from the usual supplies of European fabrics, our armies, and
our population generally, were subjected to extreme privations and
sufferings. It appeared to me, upon its termination, that the wisdom of
government was called upon to guard against the recurrence of the evil,
and to place the security and prosperity of the country upon a sure
basis. Hence, I concurred most heartily in the policy of protecting
American manufactures, for a limited time, against foreign competition.
Whatever diversity of opinion may have existed as to the propriety of
that policy originally, I think that all candid men must now admit,
that it has placed this country at least half a century in advance
of the position in which it would have been, without its adoption.
The value of a home, as well as of a foreign market, is incalculable.
It may be illustrated by a single example. Suppose the three hundred
thousand bales of cotton now manufactured in the United States,
were thrown into the glutted markets of Europe, who can estimate
the reduction in the price of that great staple, which would be the
inevitable consequence? The compromise of the tariff was proposed
to preserve our manufactures from impending ruin, menaced by the
administration of general Jackson, and which would have been inflicted
at the succeeding session, and to avert from the union the threatened
danger of civil war. If the compromise be inviolably maintained, as
I think it ought to be, I trust that the rate of duty for which it
provides, in conjunction with the stipulations for cash duties, home
valuation, and the long list of free articles, inserted for the benefit
of the manufacturing interest, will insure it reasonable and adequate
protection.
Intimately connected with the strength, the prosperity, and the union
of our country, was that policy of internal improvements, of which you
have expressed approbation. The national road, and the great canal,
projected or executed by your Clinton, both having the same object of
connecting the eastern and western portion of the union, have diffused
a spirit throughout the land which has impelled the several states
to undertake the accomplishment of most of the works which ought to
be performed by the present generation. And after the distribution of
the large surplus recently made from the common treasury, but little
now remains for the general government directly to do, on this great
subject, except those works which are intended to provide, on navigable
waters, for the security of commerce and navigation, and the completion
of the Cumberland road. I have been very glad, during my voyage upon
this lake, to find that an erroneous impression had existed in my mind,
as to the improvement of harbors. I had feared that the expenditure
of public money had been often wasteful and unnecessary, upon works on
the lake shores. There are, probably, a few instances in which it might
have been properly avoided; but I am now fully persuaded that, in the
general, the expenditure has been necessary, wise, and salutary.
In sustaining the great systems of policy to which I have just
adverted, I was actuated by the paramount desire which has influenced
me throughout my whole public career, of reserving, in all its
integrity and vigor, our happy union. In it is comprehended peace,
safety, free institutions, and all that constitutes the pride and hope
of our country. If we lift the veil beyond it, we must start back with
horror at the scenes of disorder, anarchy, war, and despotism, which
rise up before us.
But if it be most proper and expedient to leave the case to the several
states, those internal improvements within their respective limits,
which the wants of society require, there is one great and lasting
resource to which I think them fairly entitled. The public domain has
accomplished the object to which it was dedicated by our revolutionary
fathers, in satisfying the land bounties which were granted to the
officers and soldiers of the war of independence, and contributing to
the extinction of the national debt. It is in danger of being totally
lost, by loose and improvident legislation; and, under the plausible
pretext of benefiting the poor, of laying, in the hands of speculators,
the foundations of principalities. I have thought that the net products
of the public domain should be equitably divided among all the states.
In their hands, the fund would assist in the execution of those great
and costly works which many of them have undertaken, and some find it
difficult to complete. The withdrawal of the fund from the danger to
which it is exposed, and the corrupting influences which it exerts,
fluctuating as the fund does from year to year, would scarcely be felt
by the general government in its legitimate operations, and would serve
to impress upon it the performance of the necessary duty of economy,
and strict accountability.
This is not a suitable occasion, and, perhaps, I am not a fit person,
to expatiate here, on the condition of our public affairs; but I trust
that I shall be excused for saying a few words to those who concur in
opinion with me, without intending the slightest offence to any present,
if there be any present, from whom it is my misfortune to differ. We
believe that there is a radical mal-administration of the government;
that great interests of the country are trodden down; that new and
dangerous principles and practices have been introduced and continued;
that a fearful conjunction of the purse and the sword, in the same
hands, already alarmingly strong, is perseveringly attempted; that
the constitution has been grossly violated; and that, by the vast
accumulation of executive power, actual and meditated, our system
is rapidly tending towards an elective monarchy. These are our
convictions, honestly and sincerely entertained. They prescribe to
us the duties which we have to perform towards our country. To correct
past evils, and to avert impending dangers, we see no effectual
remedy, but in a change of our rulers. The opposition constitutes
the majority――unquestionably the majority――of the nation. A great
responsibility, therefore, attaches to it. If defeated, it will be
defeated by its own divisions, and not by the merits of the principles
of its opponents. These divisions are at the same time our weakness and
his strength.
Are we not then called upon, Mr. Recorder and fellow citizens, by the
highest duties to our country, to its free institutions, to posterity,
and to the world, to rise above all local prejudices, and personal
partialities, to discard all collateral questions, to disregard
every subordinate point, and, in a genuine spirit of compromise and
concession, uniting heart and hand to preserve for ourselves the
blessings of a free government, wisely, honestly, and faithfully
administered, and as we received them from our fathers, to transmit
them to our children? Should we not justly subject ourselves to eternal
reproach, if we permitted our differences about mere men, to bring
defeat and disaster upon our cause? Our principles are imperishable,
but men have but a fleeting existence, and are themselves liable to
change and corruption during its brief continuance.
If my name creates any obstacle to cordial union and harmony, away
with it, and concentrate upon some individual more acceptable to all
branches of the opposition. What is a public man worth, who is not
ever ready to sacrifice himself for the good of his country? I have
unaffectedly desired retirement; I yet desire it, when, consistently
with the duties and obligations which I owe, I can honorably retire.
No veteran soldier, covered with scars and wounds, inflicted in many
severe battles, and hard campaigns ever received his discharge with
more pleasure, than I should mine. But I think that like him, without
presumption, I am entitled to an honorable discharge.
In conclusion, Mr. Recorder, allow me to express to the city
government, through you, my respectful and especial acknowledgments,
for its liberal tender of the hospitalities of the city; and to you,
my thanks, for the friendly and flattering manner in which you have
communicated it.