[THE subject of the following speech is one of momentous
interest and importance to the American people, and, indeed,
has for a long time attracted the attention of philanthropists
throughout a large portion of the civilized world. The situation
of the African portion of the population of the United States
engaged the attention of Mr. Clay at an early period of
his political career, as may be seen by reference to our
biographical sketch. Believing, as he did, after due reflection
on the subject, that the condition of the African race could be
best improved by colonization in Africa, we have seen that he
lent his aid and influence in establishing and promoting the
American colonization society. His views on that subject are
given in his speech before the society, January twentieth, 1827.
The abolition societies in the United States have in various
ways manifested their opposition to colonization in Africa,
and many of their members have assailed the motives and conduct
of the friends of the colonization society. Insisting upon
immediate abolition as the only proper course to be pursued on
the subject of slavery, they have poured in their petitions to
congress, session after session, asking for the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia. Mr. Clay, it will be seen
in this speech, thinks that their petitions ought to have been
received by congress and reported upon by a committee, instead
of being laid upon the table, without further notice, as has
been the practice in one or both houses of congress. Residing,
as Mr. Clay does, in a slave-holding state, and from his long
experience and knowledge of the subject on which he has bestowed
much reflection, this speech must ever be read with interest,
and regarded as the views of a philanthropist and statesman,
even by those who may not accord with him in his opinions on
this very exciting topic.]
I HAVE received, Mr. President, a petition to the senate and house
of representatives of the United States, which I wish to present to
the senate. It is signed by several hundred inhabitants of the District
of Columbia, and chiefly of the city of Washington. Among them I
recognize the name of the highly esteemed mayor of the city, and other
respectable names, some of which are personally and well known to me.
They express their regret that the subject of the abolition of slavery
within the District of Columbia continues to be pressed upon the
consideration of congress by inconsiderate and misguided individuals in
other parts of the United States. They state, that they do not desire
the abolition of slavery within the district, even if congress possess
the very questionable power of abolishing it, without the consent of
the people whose interests would be immediately and directly affected
by the measure; that it is a question solely between the people of the
district and their only constitutional legislature, purely municipal,
and one in which no exterior influence or interest can justly interfere;
that if, at any future period, the people of this district should
desire the abolition of slavery within it, they will doubtless make
their wishes known, when it will be time enough to take the matter
into consideration; that they do not, on this occasion, present
themselves to congress because they are slaveholders; many of them
are not; some of them are conscientiously opposed to slavery; but they
appear because they justly respect the rights of those who own that
description of property, and because they entertain a deep conviction
that the continued agitation of the question by those who have no
right to interfere with it, has an injurious influence on the peace and
tranquillity of the community, and upon the well-being and happiness of
those who are held in subjection; they finally protest as well against
the unauthorized intervention of which they complain, as against any
legislation on the part of congress in compliance therewith. But as
I wish these respectable petitioners to be themselves heard, I request
that their petition may be read. [It was read accordingly, and Mr. Clay
proceeded.] I am informed by the committee which requested me to offer
this petition, and believe, that it expresses the almost unanimous
sentiments of the people of the District of Columbia.
The performance of this service affords me a legitimate opportunity, of
which, with the permission of the senate, I mean now to avail myself,
to say something, not only on the particular objects of the petition,
but upon the great and interesting subject with which it is intimately
associated.
It is well known to the senate, that I have thought that the most
judicious course with abolition petitions has not been of late pursued
by congress. I have believed that it would have been wisest to receive
and refer them, without opposition, and report against their object in
a calm, and dispassionate, and argumentative appeal to the good sense
of the whole community. It has been supposed, however, by a majority
of congress, that it was most expedient either not to receive the
petitions at all, or, if formally received, not to act definitively
upon them. There is no substantial difference between these opposite
opinions, since both look to an absolute rejection of the prayer of the
petitioners. But there is a great difference in the form of proceeding;
and, Mr. President, some experience in the conduct of human affairs has
taught me to believe, that a neglect to observe established forms is
often attended with more mischievous consequences than the infliction
of a positive injury. We all know that, even in private life, a
violation of the existing usages and ceremonies of society cannot take
place without serious prejudice. I fear, sir, that the abolitionists
have acquired a considerable apparent force by blending with the object
which they have in view a collateral and totally different question,
arising out of an alleged violation of the right of petition. I know
full well, and take great pleasure in testifying, that nothing was
remoter from the intention of the majority of the senate, from which
I differed, than to violate the right of petition in any case in
which, according to its judgment, that right could be constitutionally
exercised, or where the object of the petition could be safely or
properly granted. Still it must be owned that the abolitionists have
seized hold of the fact of the treatment which their petitions have
received in congress, and made injurious impressions upon the minds
of a large portion of the community. This, I think, might have been
avoided by the course which I should have been glad to see pursued.
And I desire now, Mr. President, to advert to some of those topics
which I think might have been usefully embodied in a report by
a committee of the senate, and which, I am persuaded, would have
checked the progress, if it had not altogether arrested the efforts
of abolition. I am sensible, sir, that this work would have been
accomplished with much greater ability and with much happier effect,
under the auspices of a committee, than it can be by me. But, anxious
as I always am to contribute whatever is in my power to the harmony,
concord, and happiness of this great people, I feel myself irresistibly
impelled to do whatever is in my power, incompetent as I feel myself to
be, to dissuade the public from continuing to agitate a subject fraught
with the most direful consequences.
There are three classes of persons opposed, or apparently opposed,
to the continued existence of slavery in the United States. The first
are those, who, from sentiments of philanthropy and humanity, are
conscientiously opposed to the existence of slavery, but who are no
less opposed, at the same time, to any disturbance of the peace and
tranquillity of the union, or the infringement of the powers of the
states composing the confederacy. In this class may be comprehended
that peaceful and exemplary society of ‘Friends,’ one of whose
established maxims is, an abhorrence of war in all its forms, and the
cultivation of peace and good-will amongst mankind. The next class
consists of apparent abolitionists; that is, those who, having been
persuaded that the right of petition has been violated by congress,
coöperate with the abolitionists for the sole purpose of asserting
and vindicating that right. And the third class are the real ultra
abolitionists, who are resolved to persevere in the pursuit of their
object at all hazards, and without regard to any consequences, however
calamitous they may be. With them the rights of property are nothing;
the deficiency of the powers of the general government is nothing; the
acknowledged and incontestable powers of the states are nothing; civil
war, a dissolution of the union, and the overthrow of a government in
which are concentrated the fondest hopes of the civilized world, are
nothing, A single idea has taken possession of their minds, and onward
they pursue it, overlooking all barriers, reckless and regardless of
all consequences. With this class, the immediate abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia, and in the territory of Florida, the
prohibition of the removal of slaves from state to state, and the
refusal to admit any new state, comprising within its limits the
institution of domestic slavery, are but so many means conducing to
the accomplishment of the ultimate but perilous end at which they
avowedly and boldly aim; are but so many short stages in the long and
bloody road to the distant goal at which they would finally arrive.
Their purpose is abolition, universal abolition; peaceably if it can,
forcibly if it must be. Their object is no longer concealed by the
thinnest veil; it is avowed and proclaimed. Utterly destitute of
constitutional or other rightful power, living in totally distinct
communities, as alien to the communities in which the subject on which
they would operate resides, so far as concerns political power over
that subject, as if they lived in Africa or Asia, they nevertheless
promulgate to the world their purpose to be, to manumit forthwith, and
without compensation, and without moral preparation, three millions
of negro slaves, under jurisdictions altogether separated from those
under which they live. I have said, that immediate abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia and the territory of Florida, and the
exclusion of new states, were only means towards the attainment
of a much more important end. Unfortunately they are not the only
means. Another, and much more lamentable one is that which this class
is endeavoring to employ, of arraying one portion against another
portion of the union. With that view, in all their leading prints
and publications, the alleged horrors of slavery are depicted in the
most glowing and exaggerated colors, to excite the imaginations and
stimulate the rage of the people in the free states, against the people
in the slave states. The slaveholder is held up and represented as
the most atrocious of human beings. Advertisements of fugitive slaves
and of slaves to be sold, are carefully collected and blazoned forth,
to infuse a spirit of detestation and hatred against one entire and
the largest section of the union. And, like a notorious agitator upon
another theatre, they would hunt down and proscribe from the pale
of civilized society, the inhabitants of that entire section. Allow
me, Mr. President, to say, that whilst I recognise in the justly
wounded feelings of the minister of the United States at the court of
St. James, much to excuse the notice which he was provoked to take of
that agitator, in my humble opinion, he would better have consulted
the dignity of his station and of his country in treating him with
contemptuous silence. He would exclude us from European society――he
who himself can only obtain a contraband admission, and is received
with scornful repugnance into it! If he be no more desirous of our
society than we are of his, he may rest assured that a state of eternal
non-intercourse will exist between us. Yes, sir, I think the American
minister would have best pursued the dictates of true dignity by
regarding the language of the member of the British house of commons
as the malignant ravings of the plunderer of his own country, and the
libeller of a foreign and kindred people.
But the means to which I have already adverted are not the only ones
which this third class of ultra-abolitionists are employing to effect
their ultimate end. They began their operations by professing to employ
only persuasive means in appealing to the humanity, and enlightening
the understandings, of the slaveholding portion of the union. If there
were some kindness in this avowed motive, it must be acknowledged that
there was rather a presumptuous display also of an assumed superiority
in intelligence and knowledge. For some time they continued to make
these appeals to our duty and our interest; but impatient with the
slow influence of their logic upon our stupid minds, they recently
resolved to change their system of action. To the agency of their
powers of persuasion, they now propose to substitute the powers of the
ballot-box; and he must be blind to what is passing before us, who does
not perceive that the inevitable tendency of their proceedings is, if
these should be found insufficient, to invoke, finally, the more potent
powers of the bayonet.
Mr. President, it is at this alarming stage of the proceedings of the
ultra-abolitionists, that I would seriously invite every considerate
man in the country solemnly to pause, and deliberately to reflect, not
merely on our existing posture, but upon that dreadful precipice down
which they would hurry us. It is because these ultra-abolitionists have
ceased to employ the instruments of reason and persuasion, have made
their cause political, and have appealed to the ballot-box, that I am
induced, upon this occasion, to address you.
There have been three epochs in the history of our country, at which
the spirit of abolition displayed itself. The first was immediately
after the formation of the present federal government. When the
constitution was about going into operation, its powers were not well
understood by the community at large, and remained to be accurately
interpreted and defined. At that period numerous abolition societies
were formed, comprising not merely the society of Friends, but many
other good men. Petitions were presented to congress, praying for the
abolition of slavery. They were received without serious opposition,
referred, and reported upon by a committee. The report stated, that
the general government had no power to abolish slavery, as it existed
in the several states, and that these states themselves had exclusive
jurisdiction over the subject. The report was generally acquiesced
in, and satisfaction and tranquillity ensued; the abolition societies
thereafter limiting their exertions, in respect to the black population,
to offices of humanity within the scope of existing laws.
The next period when the subject of slavery, and abolition incidentally,
was brought into notice and discussion, was that on the memorable
occasion of the admission of the state of Missouri into the union.
The struggle was long, strenuous, and fearful. It is too recent to make
it necessary to do more than merely advert to it, and to say, that it
was finally composed by one of those compromises characteristic of our
institutions, and of which the constitution itself is the most signal
instance.
The third is that in which we now find ourselves. Various causes,
Mr. President, have contributed to produce the existing excitement on
the subject of abolition. The principal one, perhaps, is the example
of British emancipation of the slaves in the islands adjacent to our
country. Such is the similarity in laws, in language, in institutions,
and in common origin, between Great Britain and the United States, that
no great measure of national policy can be adopted in the one country
without producing a considerable degree of influence in the other.
Confounding the totally different cases together, of the powers of the
British parliament and those of the congress of the United States, and
the totally different situations of the British West India islands, and
the slaves in the sovereign and independent states of this confederacy,
superficial men have inferred, from the undecided British experiment,
the practicability of the abolition of slavery in these states. The
powers of the British parliament are unlimited, and are often described
to be omnipotent. The powers of the American congress, on the contrary,
are few, cautiously limited, scrupulously excluding all that are not
granted, and, above all, carefully and absolutely excluding all power
over the existence or continuance of slavery in the several states. The
slaves, too, upon which British legislation operated, were not in the
bosom of the kingdom, but in remote and feeble colonies having no voice
in parliament. The West India slave-holder was neither represented nor
representative in that parliament. And whilst I most fervently wish
complete success to the British experiment of West India emancipation,
I confess, that I have fearful forebodings of a disastrous termination
of it. Whatever it may be, I think it must be admitted, that, if the
British parliament treated the West India slaves as freemen, it also
treated the West India freemen as slaves. If, instead of these slaves
being separated by a wide ocean from the parent country, three or
four millions of African negro slaves had been dispersed over England,
Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and their owners had been members of
the British parliament――a case which would have presented some analogy
to that of our own country――does any one believe that it would have
been expedient or practicable to have emancipated them, leaving them
to remain, with all their embittered feelings, in the united kingdom,
boundless as the powers of the British parliament are?
Other causes have conspired with the British example to produce the
existing excitement from abolition. I say it with profound regret,
but with no intention to occasion irritation here or elsewhere, that
there are persons in both parts of the union who have sought to mingle
abolition with politics, and to array one portion of the union against
the other. It is the misfortune in free countries, that, in high party
times, a disposition too often prevails to seize hold of every thing
which can strengthen the one side or weaken the other. Charges of
fostering abolition designs have been heedlessly and unjustly made
by one party against the other. Prior to the late election of the
present president of the United States, he was charged with being
an abolitionist, and abolition designs were imputed to many of his
supporters. Much as I was opposed to his election, and am to his
administration, I neither shared in making nor believing the truth of
the charge. He was scarcely installed in office before the same charge
was directed against those who opposed his election.
Mr. President, it is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that
either of the two great parties in this country has any designs or aim
at abolition. I should deeply lament if it were true. I should consider,
if it were true, that the danger to the stability of our system would
be infinitely greater than any which does, I hope, actually exist.
Whilst neither party can be, I think, justly accused of any abolition
tendency or purpose, both have profited, and both have been injured,
in particular localities, by the accession or abstraction of abolition
support. If the account were fairly stated, I believe the party to
which I am opposed has profited much more, and been injured much less,
than that to which I belong. But I am far, for that reason, from being
disposed to accuse our adversaries of being abolitionists.
And now, Mr. President, allow me to consider the several cases,
in which the authority of congress is invoked by these abolition
petitioners upon the subject of domestic slavery. The first relates
to it as it exists in the District of Columbia. The following is the
provision of the constitution of the United States in reference to that
matter.
‘To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever
over such district, (not exceeding ten miles square,) as may
by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress,
become the seat of government of the United States.’
This provision preceded, in point of time, the actual cessions which
were made by the states of Maryland and Virginia. The object of the
cession was, to establish _a seat of government of the United States_;
and the grant in the constitution, of exclusive legislation, must be
understood, and should be always interpreted, as having relation to the
object of the cession. It was with a full knowledge of this clause in
the constitution, that those two states ceded to the general government
the ten miles square, constituting the District of Columbia. In making
the cession, they supposed that it was to be applied, and applied
solely, to the purposes of a seat of government, for which it was asked.
When it was made, slavery existed in both those commonwealths, and
in the ceded territory, as it now continues to exist in all of them.
Neither Maryland nor Virginia could have anticipated, that, whilst
the institution remained within their respective limits, its abolition
would be attempted by congress without their consent. Neither of them
would probably have made an unconditional cession, if they could have
anticipated such a result.
From the nature of the provision in the constitution, and the avowed
object of the acquisition of the territory, two duties arise on the
part of congress. The first is, to render the district available,
comfortable, and convenient, as a seat of government of the whole
union; the other is, to govern the people within the district, so
as best to promote their happiness and prosperity. These objects are
totally distinct in their nature, and, in interpreting and exercising
the grant of the power of exclusive legislation, that distinction
should be constantly borne in mind. Is it necessary, in order to
render this place a comfortable seat of the general government, to
abolish slavery within its limits? No one can or will advance such a
proposition. The government has remained here near forty years without
the slightest inconvenience from the presence of domestic slavery.
Is it necessary to the well-being of the people of the district,
that slavery should be abolished from amongst them? They not only
neither ask nor desire, but are almost unanimously opposed to it. It
exists here in the mildest and most mitigated form. In a population
of thirty-nine thousand eight hundred and thirty-four, there were, at
the last enumeration of the population of the United States, but six
thousand one hundred and ten slaves. The number has not probably much
increased since. They are dispersed over the ten miles square, engaged
in the quiet pursuits of husbandry, or in menial offices in domestic
life. If it were necessary to the efficiency of this place as a seat of
the general government to abolish slavery, which is utterly denied, the
abolition should be confined to the necessity which prompts it, that
is, to the limits of the city of Washington itself. Beyond those limits,
persons concerned in the government of the United States have no more
to do with the inhabitants of the district than they have with the
inhabitants of the adjacent counties of Maryland and Virginia, which
lie beyond the district.
To abolish slavery within the District of Columbia, whilst it remains
in Virginia and Maryland, situated, as that district is, within the
very heart of those states, would expose them to great practical
inconvenience and annoyance. The district would become a place of
refuge and escape for fugitive slaves from the two states, and a place
from which a spirit of discontent, insubordination, and insurrection,
might be fostered and encouraged in the two states. Suppose, as was at
one time under consideration, Pennsylvania had granted ten miles square
within its limits for the purpose of a seat of the general government;
could congress, without a violation of good faith, have introduced and
established slavery within the bosom of that commonwealth, in the ceded
territory, after she had abolished it so long ago as the year 1780? Yet
the inconvenience to Pennsylvania in the case supposed would have been
much less than that to Virginia and Maryland in the case we are arguing.
It was upon this view of the subject, that the senate, at its last
session, solemnly declared that it would be a violation of implied
faith, resulting from the transaction of the cession, to abolish
slavery within the District of Columbia. And would it not be? By
implied faith is meant, that when a grant is made for one avowed
and declared purpose, known to the parties, the grant should not be
perverted to another purpose, unavowed, and undeclared, and injurious
to the grantor. The grant, in the case we are considering, of the
territory of Columbia, was for a _seat of government_. Whatever power
is necessary to accomplish that object is carried along by the grant.
But the abolition of slavery is not necessary to the enjoyment of this
site as a seat of the general government. The grant in the constitution,
of exclusive power of legislation over the district, was made to insure
the exercise of an exclusive authority of the general government, to
render this place a safe and secure seat of government, and to promote
the well-being of the inhabitants of the district. The power granted
ought to be interpreted and exercised solely to the end for which
it was granted. The language of the grant was necessarily broad,
comprehensive, and exclusive, because all the exigencies which might
arise to render this a secure seat of the general government could
not have been foreseen and provided for. The language may possibly
be sufficiently comprehensive to include a power of abolition, but
it would not at all thence follow, that the power could be rightfully
exercised. The case may be resembled to that of a plenipotentiary
invested with a plenary power, but who, at the same time, has positive
instructions from his government as to the kind of treaty which he
is to negotiate and conclude. If he violates those instructions, and
concludes a different treaty, this government is not bound by it. And
if the foreign government is aware of the violation, it acts in bad
faith. Or it may be illustrated by an example drawn from private life.
I am an endorser for my friend on a note discounted in bank. He applies
to me to endorse another to renew it, which I do in blank. Now, this
gives him power to make any other use of my note which he pleases. But
if, instead of applying it to the intended purpose, he goes to a broker
and sells it, thereby doubling my responsibility for him, he commits a
breach of trust, and a violation of the good faith implied in the whole
transaction.
But, Mr. President, if this reasoning were as erroneous as I believe
it to be correct and conclusive, is the affair of the liberation of
six thousand negro slaves in this district, disconnected with the three
millions of slaves in the United States, of sufficient magnitude to
agitate, distract, and embitter this great confederacy?
The next case in which the petitioners ask the exercise of the power of
congress, relates to slavery in the territory of Florida.
Florida is the extreme southern portion of the United States. It is
bounded on all its land sides by slave states, and is several hundred
miles from the nearest free state. It almost extends within the tropics,
and the nearest important island to it, on the water side, is Cuba, a
slave island. This simple statement of its geographical position should
of itself decide the question. When, by the treaty of 1819 with Spain,
it was ceded to the United States, slavery existed within it. By the
terms of that treaty, the effects and property of the inhabitants are
secured to them, and they are allowed to remove and take them away,
if they think proper to do so, without limitation as to time. If it
were expedient, therefore, to abolish slavery in it, it could not be
done consistently with the treaty, without granting to the ancient
inhabitants a reasonable time to remove their slaves. But further.
By the compromise which took place on the passage of the act for the
admission of Missouri into the union, in the year 1820, it was agreed
and understood, that the line of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes
of north latitude, should mark the boundary between the free states
and the slave states, to be created in the territories of the United
States, ceded by the treaty of Louisiana; those situated south of it
being slave states, and those north of it, free states. But Florida is
south of that line, and consequently, according to the spirit of the
understanding which prevailed at the period alluded to, should be a
slave state. It may be true, that the compromise does not in terms
embrace Florida, and that it is not absolutely binding and obligatory;
but all candid and impartial men must agree, that it ought not to be
disregarded without the most weighty considerations, and that nothing
could be more to be deprecated than to open anew the bleeding wounds
which were happily bound up and healed by that compromise. Florida is
the only remaining territory to be admitted into the union with the
institution of domestic slavery, while Wisconsin and Iowa are now
nearly ripe for admission without it.
The next instance in which the exercise of the power of congress
is solicited, is that of prohibiting what is denominated by the
petitioners the slave-trade between the states, or, as it is described
in abolition petitions, the traffic in human beings between the states.
This exercise of the power of congress is claimed under that clause of
the constitution which invests it with authority to regulate commerce
with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian
tribes. The power to regulate commerce among the several states, like
other powers in the constitution, has hitherto remained dormant in
respect to the interior trade by land between the states. It was a
power granted, like all the other powers of the general government,
to secure peace and harmony among the states. Hitherto it has not been
necessary to exercise it. All the cases in which, during the progress
of time, it may become expedient to exert the general authority to
regulate commerce between the states, cannot be conceived. We may
easily imagine, however, contingencies which, if they were to happen,
might require the interposition of the common authority. If, for
example, the state of Ohio were, by law, to prohibit any vessel
entering the port of Cincinnati, from the port of Louisville, in
Kentucky, if that case be not already provided for by the laws which
regulate our coasting trade, it would be competent to the general
government to annul the prohibition emanating from state authority. Or
if the state of Kentucky were to prohibit the introduction, within its
limits, of any articles of trade, the production of the industry of the
inhabitants of the state of Ohio, the general government might, by its
authority, supersede the state enactment. But I deny that the general
government has any authority, whatever, from the constitution, to
abolish what is called the slave trade, or, in other words, to prohibit
the removal of slaves from one slave state to another slave state.
The grant in the constitution is of a power of _regulation_, and not
prohibition. It is conservative, not destructive. Regulation _ex vi
termini_ implies the continued existence or prosecution of the thing
regulated. Prohibition implies total discontinuance or annihilation.
The regulation intended was designed to facilitate and accommodate,
not to obstruct and incommode the commerce to be regulated. Can it be
pretended that, under this power to regulate commerce among the states,
congress has the power to prohibit the transportation of live stock,
which, in countless numbers, are daily passing from the western and
interior states, to the southern, southwestern, and Atlantic states?
The moment the incontestable fact is admitted, that negro slaves are
property, the law of movable property irresistibly attaches itself to
them, and secures the right of carrying them from one to another state,
where they are recognised as property, without any hindrance whatever
from congress.
But, Mr. President, I will not detain the senate longer on the subject
of slavery within the district and in Florida, and of the right of
congress to prohibit the removal of slaves from one state to another.
These, as I have already intimated, with ultra-abolitionists, are but
so many masked batteries, concealing the real and ultimate point of
attack. That point of attack is the institution of domestic slavery, as
it exists in these states. It is to liberate three millions of slaves
held in bondage within them. And now allow me, sir, to glance at the
insurmountable obstacles which lie in the way of the accomplishment of
this end, and at some of the consequences which would ensue if it were
possible to attain it.
The first impediment is the utter and absolute want of all power
on the part of the general government to effect the purpose. The
constitution of the United States creates a limited government,
comprising comparatively few powers, and leaving the residuary mass
of political power in the possession of the several states. It is
well known, that the subject of slavery interposed one of the greatest
difficulties in the formation of the constitution. It was happily
compromised and adjusted in a spirit of harmony and patriotism.
According to that compromise, no power whatever was granted to the
general government in respect to domestic slavery, but that which
relates to taxation and representation, and the power to restore
fugitive slaves to their lawful owners. All other power in regard to
the institution of slavery was retained exclusively by the states, to
be exercised by them severally, according to their respective views
of their own peculiar interest. The constitution of the United States
never could have been formed upon the principle of investing the
general government with authority to abolish the institution at its
pleasure. It never can be continued for a single day, if the exercise
of such a power be assumed or usurped.
But it may be contended by these ultra-abolitionists, that their
object is, not to stimulate the action of the general government,
but to operate upon the states themselves, in which the institution
of domestic slavery exists. If that be their object, why are these
abolition societies and movements all confined to the free states?
Why are the slave states wantonly and cruelly assailed? Why do the
abolition presses teem with publications tending to excite hatred and
animosity, on the part of the inhabitants of the free states, against
those of the slave states? Why is congress petitioned? The free states
have no more power or right to interfere with institutions in the slave
states, confided to the exclusive jurisdiction of those states, than
they would have to interfere with institutions existing in any foreign
country. What would be thought of the formation of societies in Great
Britain, the issue of numerous inflammatory publications, and the
sending out of lecturers throughout the kingdom, denouncing and aiming
at the destruction of any of the institutions of France? Would they
be regarded as proceedings warranted by good neighborhood? Or what
would be thought of the formation of societies in the slave states,
the issuing of violent and inflammatory tracts, and the deputation
of missionaries, pouring out impassioned denunciations against
institutions under the exclusive control of the free states? Is their
purpose to appeal to our understandings, and to actuate our humanity?
And do they expect to accomplish that purpose by holding us up to the
scorn, and contempt, and detestation of the people of the free states
and the whole civilized world? The slavery which exists amongst us is
our affair, not theirs; and they have no more just concern with it than
they have with slavery as it exists throughout the world. Why not leave
it to us, as the common constitution of our country has left it, to be
dealt with, under the guidance of Providence, as best we may or can?
The next obstacle in the way of abolition, arises out of the fact of
the presence in the slave states of three millions of slaves. They are
there, dispersed throughout the land, part and parcel of our population.
They were brought into the country originally under the authority of
the parent government, whilst we were colonies, and their importation
was continued, in spite of all the remonstrances of our ancestors. If
the question were an original question, whether, there being no slaves
within the country, we should introduce them, and incorporate them into
our society, that would be a totally different question. Few, if any,
of the citizens of the United States, would be found to favor their
introduction. No man in it would oppose, upon that supposition, their
admission with more determined resolution and conscientious repugnance
than I should. But that is not the question. The slaves are here; no
practical scheme for their removal or separation from us has been yet
devised or proposed; and the true inquiry is, what is best to be done
with them. In human affairs we are often constrained, by the force of
circumstances and the actual state of things, to do what we would not
do, if that state of things did not exist. The slaves are here, and
here must remain, in some condition; and, I repeat, how are they to
be best governed? What is best to be done for their happiness and our
own? In the slave states the alternative is, that the white man must
govern the black, or the black govern the white. In several of those
states, the number of the slaves is greater than that of the white
population. An immediate abolition of slavery in them, as these ultra
abolitionists propose, would be followed by a desperate struggle for
immediate ascendency of the black race over the white race, or rather
it would be followed by instantaneous collisions between the two
races, which would break out into a civil war, that would end in the
extermination or subjugation of the one race or the other. In such an
alternative, who can hesitate? Is it not better for both parties that
the existing state of things should be preserved, instead of exposing
them to the horrible strifes and contests which would inevitably attend
an immediate abolition? This is our true ground of defence, for the
continued existence of slavery in our country It is that which our
revolutionary ancestors assumed. It is that which, in my opinion, forms
our justification in the eyes of all christendom.
A third impediment to immediate abolition is to be found in the immense
amount of capital which is invested in slave property. The total number
of slaves in the United States, according to the last enumeration of
the population, was a little upwards of two millions. Assuming their
increase at a ratio, which it probably is, of five per centum per annum,
their present number would be three millions. The average value of
slaves at this time, is stated by persons well informed, to be as high
as five hundred dollars each. To be certainly within the mark, let us
suppose that it is only four hundred dollars. The total value, then,
by that estimate, of the slave property in the United States, is twelve
hundred millions of dollars. This property is diffused throughout all
classes and conditions of society. It is owned by widows and orphans,
by the aged and infirm, as well as the sound and vigorous. It is the
subject of mortgages, deeds of trust, and family settlements. It has
been made the basis of numerous debts contracted upon its faith, and is
the sole reliance, in many instances, of creditors, within and without
the slave states, for the payment of the debts due to them. And now
it is rashly proposed, by a single fiat of legislation, to annihilate
this immense amount of property! To annihilate it without indemnity and
without compensation to its owners! Does any considerate man believe it
to be possible to effect such an object, without convulsion, revolution,
and bloodshed?
I know that there is a visionary dogma, which holds that negro slaves
cannot be the subject of property. I shall not dwell long on this
speculative abstraction. That _is_ property which the law declares
_to be_ property. Two hundred years of legislation have sanctioned
and sanctified negro slaves as property. Under all the forms of
government which have existed upon this continent during that long
space of time――under the British government――under the colonial
government――under all the state constitutions and governments――and
under the federal government itself――they have been deliberately and
solemnly recognised as the legitimate subjects of property. To the wild
speculations of theorists and innovators, stands opposed the _fact_,
that in an uninterrupted period of two hundred years’ duration, under
every form of human legislation, and by all the departments of human
government, African negro slaves have been held and respected, have
descended and been transferred, as lawful and indisputable property.
They were treated as property in the very British example which is so
triumphantly appealed to as worthy of our imitation. Although the West
India planters had no voice in the united parliament of the British
isles, an irresistible sense of justice extorted from that legislature
the grant of twenty millions of pounds sterling, to compensate the
colonists for their loss of property.
If, therefore, these ultra abolitionists are seriously determined
to pursue their immediate scheme of abolition, they should at once
set about raising a fund of twelve hundred millions of dollars, to
indemnify the owners of slave property. And the taxes to raise that
enormous amount can only be justly assessed upon themselves or upon the
free states, if they can persuade them to assent to such an assessment;
for it would be a mockery of all justice, and an outrage against all
equity, to levy any portion of the tax upon the slave states to pay for
their own unquestioned property.
If the considerations to which I have already adverted, are not
sufficient to dissuade the abolitionists from further perseverance in
their designs, the interest of the very cause which they profess to
espouse, ought to check their career. Instead of advancing, by their
efforts, that cause, they have thrown back for half a century, the
prospect of any species of emancipation of the African race, gradual
or immediate in any of the states. They have done more; they have
increased the rigors of legislation against slaves in most, if not all,
of the slave states. Forty years ago, the question was agitated in the
state of Kentucky, of a gradual emancipation of the slaves within its
limits. By gradual emancipation, I mean that slow but safe and cautious
liberation of slaves, which was first adopted in Pennsylvania, at
the instance of Dr. Franklin,[24] in the year 1780, and, according
to which, the generation in being were to remain in slavery, but all
their offspring born after a specified day, were to be free at the age
of twenty-eight, and, in the mean time, were to receive preparatory
instruction to qualify them for the enjoyment of freedom. That was
the species of emancipation which, at the epoch to which I allude, was
discussed in Kentucky. No one was rash enough to propose or think of
immediate abolition. No one was rash enough to think of throwing loose
upon the community, ignorant and unprepared, the untutored slaves
of the state. Many thought, and I amongst them, that as each of the
slave states had a right exclusively to judge for itself, in respect
to the institution of domestic slavery, the proportion of slaves,
compared with the white population in that state, at that time, was so
inconsiderable that a system of gradual emancipation might have been
safely adopted, without any hazard to the security and interests of the
commonwealth. And I still think that the question of such emancipation
in the farming states is one whose solution depends upon the relative
numbers of the two races in any given state. If I had been a citizen of
the state of Pennsylvania, when Franklin’s plan was adopted, I should
have voted for it, because by no possibility could the black race
ever acquire the ascendency in that state. But if I had been then,
or were now, a citizen of any of the planting states――the southern
or southwestern states――I should have opposed, and would continue to
oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, gradual or immediate,
because of the danger of an ultimate ascendency of the black race, or
of a civil contest which might terminate in the extinction of one race
or the other.
The proposition in Kentucky for a gradual emancipation, did not
prevail, but it was sustained by a large and respectable minority. That
minority had increased, and was increasing, until the abolitionists
commenced their operations. The effect has been to dissipate all
prospects whatever, for the present, of any scheme of gradual or other
emancipation. The people of that state have become shocked and alarmed
by these abolition movements, and the number who would now favor a
system even of gradual emancipation is probably less than it was in
the years 1798–9. At the session of the legislature held in 1837–8, the
question of calling a convention was submitted to the consideration of
the people by a law passed in conformity with the constitution of the
state. Many motives existed for the passage of the law, and among them
that of emancipation had its influence. When the question was passed
upon by the people at their last annual election, only about one fourth
of the whole voters of the state supported a call of a convention. The
apprehension of the danger of abolition was the leading consideration
amongst the people for opposing the call. But for that, but for the
agitation of the question of abolition in states whose population had
no right, in the opinion of the people of Kentucky, to interfere in the
matter, the vote for a convention would have been much larger, if it
had not been carried. I felt myself constrained to take immediate, bold,
and decided ground against it.
Prior to the agitation of this subject of abolition, there was a
progressive melioration in the condition of slaves throughout all the
slave states. In some of them, schools of instruction were opened by
humane and religious persons. These are all now checked, and a spirit
of insubordination having shown itself in some localities, traceable,
it is believed, to abolition movements and exertions, the legislative
authority has found it expedient to infuse fresh vigor into the police,
and laws which regulate the conduct of the slaves.
And now, Mr. President, if it were possible to overcome the
insurmountable obstacles which lie in the way of immediate abolition,
let us briefly contemplate some of the consequences which would
inevitably ensue. One of these has been occasionally alluded to
in the progress of these remarks. It is the struggle which would
instantaneously arise between the two races in most of the southern
and southwestern states. And what a dreadful struggle would it not be!
Embittered by all the recollections of the past, by the unconquerable
prejudices which would prevail between the two races, and stimulated by
all the hopes and fears of the future, it would be a contest in which
the extermination of the blacks, or their ascendency over the whites,
would be the sole alternative. Prior to the conclusion, or during
the progress of such a contest, vast numbers, probably, of the black
race would migrate into the free states; and what effect would such
a migration have upon the laboring classes in those states!
Now the distribution of labor in the United States is geographical; the
free laborers occupying one side of the line, and the slave laborers
the other; each class pursuing its own avocations almost altogether
unmixed with the other. But on the supposition of immediate abolition,
the black class, migrating into the free states, would enter into
competition with the white class, diminishing the wages of their labor,
and augmenting the hardships of their condition.
This is not all. The abolitionists strenuously oppose all separation
of the two races. I confess to you, sir, that I have seen with regret,
grief, and astonishment, their resolute opposition to the project of
colonization. No scheme was ever presented to the acceptance of man,
which, whether it be entirely practicable or not, is characterized by
more unmixed humanity and benevolence, than that of transporting, with
their own consent, the free people of color in the United States to
the land of their ancestors. It has the powerful recommendation, that
whatever it does, is good; and, if it effects nothing, it inflicts
no one evil or mischief upon any portion of our society. There is no
necessary hostility between the objects of colonization and abolition.
Colonization deals only with the free man of color, and that with
his own free voluntary consent. It has nothing to do with slavery.
It disturbs no man’s property, seeks to impair no power in the slave
states, nor to attribute any to the general government. All its action
and all its ways and means are voluntary, depending upon the blessing
of Providence, which hitherto has graciously smiled upon it. And yet,
beneficent and harmless as colonization is, no portion of the people of
the United States denounces it with so much persevering zeal, and such
unmixed bitterness, as do the abolitionists.
They put themselves in direct opposition to any separation whatever
between the two races. They would keep them for ever pent up together
within the same limits, perpetuating their animosities and constantly
endangering the peace of the community. They proclaim, indeed, that
color is nothing; that the organic and characteristic differences
between the two races ought to be entirely overlooked and disregarded.
And, elevating themselves to a sublime but impracticable philosophy,
they would teach us to eradicate all the repugnances of our nature, and
to take to our bosoms and our boards, the black man as we do the white,
on the same footing of equal social condition. Do they not perceive
that in thus confounding all the distinctions which God himself has
made, they arraign the wisdom and goodness of Providence itself? It
has been his divine pleasure to make the black man black, and the white
man white, and to distinguish them by other repulsive constitutional
differences. It is not necessary for me to maintain, nor shall I
endeavor to prove, that it was any part of his divine intention that
the one race should be held in perpetual bondage by the other; but this
I will say, that those whom he has created different, and has declared,
by their physical structure and color, ought to be kept asunder, should
not be brought together by any process whatever of unnatural
amalgamation.
But if the dangers of the civil contest which I have supposed could be
avoided, separation or amalgamation is the only peaceful alternative,
if it were possible to effectuate the project of abolition. The
abolitionists oppose all colonization, and it irresistibly follows,
whatever they may protest or declare, that they are in favor of
amalgamation. And who are to bring about this amalgamation? I have
heard of none of these ultra-abolitionists furnishing in their own
families or persons examples of intermarriage. Who is to begin it?
Is it their purpose not only to create a pinching competition between
black labor and white labor, but do they intend also to contaminate
the industrious and laborious classes of society at the north by a
revolting admixture of the black element?
It is frequently asked, what is to become of the African race among
us? Are they for ever to remain in bondage? That question was asked
more than a half a century ago. It has been answered by fifty years of
prosperity but little checkered from this cause. It will be repeated
fifty or a hundred years hence. The true answer is, that the same
Providence who has hitherto guided and governed us, and averted all
serious evils from the existing relation between the two races, will
guide and govern our posterity. Sufficient to the day is the evil
thereof. We have hitherto, with that blessing, taken care of ourselves.
Posterity will find the means of its own preservation and prosperity.
It is only in the most direful event which can befall this people, that
this great interest, and all other of our greatest interests, would be
put in jeopardy. Although in particular districts, the black population
is gaining upon the white, it only constitutes one fifth of the whole
population of the United States. And taking the aggregate of the two
races, the European is constantly, though slowly, gaining upon the
African portion. This fact is demonstrated by the periodical returns
of our population. Let us cease, then, to indulge in gloomy forebodings
about the impenetrable future. But, if we may attempt to lift the
veil, and contemplate what lies beyond it, I too, have ventured on a
speculative theory, with which I will now trouble you, but which has
been published to the world. According to that, in the progress of time,
some one hundred and fifty or two hundred years hence, but few vestiges
of the black race will remain among our posterity.
Mr. President, at the period of the formation of our constitution, and
afterwards, our patriotic ancestors, apprehended danger to the union
from two causes. One was, the Alleghany mountains, dividing the waters
which flow into the Atlantic ocean from those which found their outlet
in the Gulf of Mexico. They seemed to present a natural separation.
That danger has vanished before the noble achievements of the spirit
of internal improvement, and the immortal genius of Fulton. And now,
nowhere is found a more loyal attachment to the union, than among those
very western people, who, it was apprehended, would be the first to
burst its ties.
The other cause, domestic slavery, happily the sole remaining
cause which is likely to disturb our harmony, continues to exist. It
was this, which created the greatest obstacle, and the most anxious
solicitude in the deliberations of the convention that adopted the
general constitution. And it is this subject that has ever been
regarded with the deepest anxiety by all who are sincerely desirous
of the permanency of our union. The father of his country, in his last
affecting and solemn appeal to his fellow-citizens, deprecated, as
a most calamitous event, the geographical divisions which it might
produce. The convention wisely left to the several states the power
over the institution of slavery, as a power not necessary to the plan
of union which it devised, and as one with which the general government
could not be invested without planting the seeds of certain destruction.
There let it remain undisturbed by any unhallowed hand.
Sir, I am not in the habit of speaking lightly of the possibility of
dissolving this happy union. The senate knows that I have deprecated
allusions, on ordinary occasions, to that direful event. The country
will testify, that, if there be any thing in the history of my public
career worthy of recollection, it is the truth and sincerity of my
ardent devotion to its lasting preservation. But we should be false in
our allegiance to it, if we did not discriminate between the imaginary
and real dangers by which it may be assailed. Abolition should no
longer be regarded as an imaginary danger. The abolitionists, let me
suppose, succeed in their present aim of uniting the inhabitants of the
free states, as one man, against the inhabitants of the slave states.
Union on the one side will beget union on the other. And this process
of reciprocal consolidation will be attended with all the violent
prejudices, embittered passions, and implacable animosities, which
ever degraded or deformed human nature. A virtual dissolution of the
union will have taken place, whilst the forms of its existence remain.
The most valuable element of union, mutual kindness, the feelings of
sympathy, the fraternal bonds, which now happily unite us, will have
been extinguished for ever. One section will stand in menacing and
hostile array against the other. The collision of opinion will be
quickly followed by the clash of arms. I will not attempt to describe
scenes which now happily lie concealed from our view. Abolitionists
themselves would shrink back in dismay and horror at the contemplation
of desolated fields, conflagrated cities, murdered inhabitants, and
the overthrow of the fairest fabric of human government that ever rose
to animate the hopes of civilized man. Nor should these abolitionists
flatter themselves that, if they can succeed in their object of
uniting the people of the free states, they will enter the contest
with a numerical superiority that must insure victory. All history
and experience proves the hazard and uncertainty of war. And we are
admonished by holy writ, that the race is not to the swift, nor the
battle to the strong. But if they were to conquer, whom would they
conquer? A foreign foe; one who had insulted our flag, invaded our
shores, and laid our country waste? No, sir; no, sir. It would be a
conquest without laurels, without glory; a self, a suicidal conquest;
a conquest of brothers over brothers, achieved by one over another
portion of the descendants of common ancestors, who, nobly pledging
their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, had fought and
bled, side by side, in many a hard battle on land and ocean, severed
our country from the British crown, and established our national
independence.
The inhabitants of the slave states are sometimes accused by their
northern brethren with displaying too much rashness and sensibility to
the operations and proceedings of abolitionists. But, before they can
be rightly judged, there should be a reversal of conditions. Let me
suppose that the people of the slave states were to form societies,
subsidize presses, make large pecuniary contributions, send forth
numerous missionaries throughout all their own borders, and enter into
machinations to burn the beautiful capitals, destroy the productive
manufactories, and sink in the ocean the gallant ships of the northern
states. Would these incendiary proceedings be regarded as neighborly
and friendly, and consistent with the fraternal sentiments which should
ever be cherished by one portion of the union towards another? Would
they excite no emotion? occasion no manifestations of dissatisfaction,
nor lead to any acts of retaliatory violence? But the supposed case
falls far short of the actual one in a most essential circumstance. In
no contingency could these capitals, manufactories, and ships, rise in
rebellion, and massacre inhabitants of the northern states.
I am, Mr. President, no friend of slavery. The searcher of all hearts
knows that every pulsation of mine beats high and strong in the cause
of civil liberty. Wherever it is safe and practicable, I desire to see
every portion of the human family in the enjoyment of it. But I prefer
the liberty of my own country to that of any other people; and the
liberty of my own race to that of any other race. The liberty of the
descendants of Africa in the United States is incompatible with the
safety and liberty of the European descendants. There slavery forms
an exception――an exception resulting from a stern and inexorable
necessity――to the general liberty in the United States. We did not
originate, nor are we responsible for this necessity. Their liberty,
if it were possible, could only be established by violating the
incontestable powers of the states, and subverting the union. And
beneath the ruins of the union would be buried, sooner or later, the
liberty of both races.
But if one dark spot exists on our political horizon, is it not
obscured by the bright and effulgent and cheering light that beams
all around us? Was ever a people before so blessed as we are, if true
to ourselves? Did ever any other nation contain within its bosom so
many elements of prosperity, of greatness, and of glory? Our only real
danger lies ahead, conspicuous, elevated, and visible. It was clearly
discerned at the commencement, and distinctly seen throughout our
whole career. Shall we wantonly run upon it, and destroy all the
glorious anticipations of the high destiny that awaits us? I beseech
the abolitionists themselves, solemnly to pause in their mad and
fatal course. Amidst the infinite variety of objects of humanity and
benevolence which invite the employment of their energies, let them
select some one more harmless, that does not threaten to deluge our
country in blood. I call upon that small portion of the clergy, which
has lent itself to these wild and ruinous schemes, not to forget the
holy nature of the divine mission of the founder of our religion,
and to profit by his peaceful examples. I entreat that portion of
my country women who have given their countenance to abolition, to
remember, that they are ever most loved and honored when moving in
their own appropriate and delightful sphere; and to reflect that the
ink which they shed in subscribing with their fair hands abolition
petitions, may prove but the prelude to the shedding of the blood of
their brethren. I adjure all the inhabitants of the free states to
rebuke and discountenance, by their opinion and their example, measures
which must inevitably lead to the most calamitous consequences. And
let us all, as countrymen, as friends, and as brothers, cherish,
in unfading memory, the motto which bore our ancestors triumphantly
through all the trials of the revolution, as, if adhered to, it will
conduct their posterity through all that may, in the dispensations of
Providence, be reserved for them.