[IN March, 1836, a convention of forty-four delegates
assembled at the town of Washington, in Texas, and made a
formal declaration of independence and separation from the
republic of Mexico. A previous declaration had been made by a
few individuals in Texas, in December, 1835. On the twenty-first
of April, 1836, a decisive battle was fought on the banks of the
San Jacinto river, between the Texans and Mexicans, in which the
latter were defeated, and president Santa Ana taken prisoner. An
armistice was concluded in May, 1836, between Santa Ana and the
president of Texas, Mr. Burnet, by which the former was released
and sent home, and the Mexican troops evacuated the territory of
Texas; Santa Ana agreeing not to take up arms, nor to exercise
his influence against Texas during the war of independence.
Under these circumstances, a proposition was brought before
congress to acknowledge the independence of Texas, when Mr. Clay
expressed his sentiments as follows.
Mr. Preston made some remarks, in the course of which he stated,
that he had with difficulty restrained himself from offering an
amendment to recognise the independence of Texas immediately.
He gave a brief narrative of the events of the revolution in
Texas, and stated that he had this morning received authentic
information, in the form of a letter from Mr. Austin, which
confirms the statement that general Filasola had carried into
effect the armistice agreed on between the Texian government and
Santa Ana. This treaty Mr. Preston regarded as amounting to a
recognition, on the part of Mexico, of the independence of Texas.
The vice-president of Texas was about to proceed to Vera Cruz,
to enforce from the mouths of the Texian guns the conclusion of
a definitive treaty of peace between the two countries.
Mr. Preston continued, at some length, to expatiate on the
situation and achievements and claims of Texas, and adverted to
certain treaty stipulations with Mexico concerning the Indians
west of the Sabine, which stipulations it would only be in
the power of Texas now to carry into effect. He concluded
with offering to amend the resolution, by adding an expression
of the gratification which the senate felt on hearing of the
course taken by the president of the United States to obtain
information of the situation of Texas.
The report of the committee concluded with the following
resolution.
Resolved, that the independence of Texas ought to be
acknowledged by the United States, whenever satisfactory
information shall be received that it has in successful
operation a civil government, capable of performing the duties
and fulfilling the obligations of an independent power.]
MR. CLAY said, that the report of the committee on foreign relations
was so full, and the session was so near its termination, that he
had not thought it necessary to add one word to what that document
contained; and he should not now have risen but for the amendment
proposed by the senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Preston,) and what
had fallen from him.
With respect to that amendment, I have no objection to it, and wish
it to be adopted. The committee on foreign relations had reported
a resolution, ♦declaring that Texas ought to be recognised as an
independent power, as soon as satisfactory information is acquired,
that it has an established government in successful operation. The
president states, in a message received in the senate subsequent to the
report, that he has adopted measures to obtain that information. There
is, therefore, an entire consistency between the resolution of the
committee, the message of the president, and the proposed amendment,
and he hoped it would be agreed to.
The senator from South Carolina, actuated by very natural and
proper feelings, would be glad to propose a stronger measure, one of
immediate recognition, but feels restrained by the dictates of his
sober judgment. I, too, Mr. President, would be most happy, if the
state of our information, and the course of events, were such as to
warrant the adoption of that stronger measure. But I do not concur in
the opinion which has been expressed, that the actual independence of
Texas, by the overthrow or expulsion of the armies of Mexico, is the
only consideration which should guide us in deciding the question of
recognition. There is another, scarcely of less importance, and that is,
whether there is in Texas a civil government in successful operation,
competent to sustain the relations of an independent power. This is the
very point on which we want information, and that respecting which the
president is, we are given to understand, now endeavoring to obtain it.
And, surely, considering how recently Texas has adopted a constitution
of government, it is not unreasonable to wait a short time to see what
its operation will be.
But there are other considerations which ought not to be overlooked by
a wise and discreet government. We are told by the senator from South
Carolina, that the vice-president of Texas is on his way to La Vera
Cruz, to negotiate with the Mexican government a definitive treaty of
peace between the two powers, and, consequently, an acknowledgment of
the independence of Texas. This fact furnishes an additional motive on
the part of the United States for forbearing, at present, to proceed
to the formal acknowledgment of the independence of Texas. And how much
more glorious will it not be for Texas herself, by her own valor, to
force from her enemy the first acknowledgment of her independence?
We ought to discriminate between Santa Ana――the blood-thirsty
vain-boasting, military tyrant, who has met in his overthrow and
captivity a merited fate――and the eight millions of Mexicans, over
whom he was exercising military sway. We should not allow the feelings
of just indignation, which his conduct has excited, to transport us
against the perhaps unoffending people whom he has controlled. We
ought to recollect, that Mexico is our neighbor, having conterminous
territory; that as long as we both remain independent powers, we shall
stand in that relation to her, that we are carrying on, by sea and
by land, a commerce highly beneficial to both parties; and that it
is the interest of both to cultivate the most amicable and harmonious
intercourse. If we proceed precipitately, and prematurely, how will
our conduct be regarded by Mexico? May we not lay the foundations of
a lasting and injurious misunderstanding? If, indeed, Mexico delays
unreasonably the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas, and
resolves on the prosecution of the war, I should be far from thinking
that the United States ought to postpone, to any distant day, the
recognition of Texas, after the desired information is obtained.
The senator from South Carolina has supposed it to be necessary to
recognise Texas, in order to insure the execution of existing treaties
with Mexico. So far as they affect Texas, she is as much bound by
them, as if they had been negotiated under her express authority. For I
suppose it to be incontestable, that a nation remains bound by all the
treaties it has formed, however often it may think proper to change the
form of its government; and that all the parts of a common nation also
continue so bound, notwithstanding and after they shall have formed
themselves into separate and independent powers.
Then there are other considerations, which recommend us to act on full
information, and with due deliberation. It is undeniable, that many
citizens of the United States, impelled by a noble devotion to the
cause of liberty, have rushed to the succor of Texas, and contributed
to the achievement of her independence. This has been done without the
sanction or authority of this government; but it nevertheless exposes
us to unworthy imputations. It is known that European powers attribute
to our union unbounded ambition, and a desire of aggrandizing ourselves
at the expense of our neighbors. The extensive acquisition of territory
by the treaties of Louisiana and Florida, peaceful and upon a fair
consideration as it was, is appealed to as sustaining the unfounded
charge against us. Now, if, after Texas has declared her independence
not quite four months ago, we should hasten to acknowledge it,
considering the aid afforded by citizens of the United States, should
we not give countenance to those imputations? Does not a just regard
to our own character, as a wise, cautious, and dignified power, a
just regard to the opinion of the people of Mexico, and a just regard
to that of the impartial world, require that we should avoid all
appearance of haste and precipitation? And, when we have reason to
suppose, that not a single hostile bayonet remains in Texas, and when
the ceremony of recognition, performed now, or a few months hence, can
be of no material consequence to her, is it not better for all parties
that we should wait a little while longer.
The senator from South Carolina refers to the policy which has
constantly guided our councils in regard to the acknowledgment of new
powers, or new governments, and he has correctly stated it. But it
would not be at all difficult, if it were proper to detain the senate,
to show an essential difference between the present instance and the
cases of France, of Spanish America, and of Greece, to which he has
adverted. There is an obvious difference in the duration of the new
governments, and the degree of information which we possess about them.
The senate, without the coöperation of the executive in some way, is
incompetent to recognise Texas. The president tells us, in his message,
that he has adopted measures to acquire necessary information to guide
his judgment. We also want it. He cannot be justly accused of having
delayed unreasonably to act. There is ground to believe, not only
that Texas is independent, but that it has a government in practical
operation. I sincerely hope it has; and that it has laid, on deep
foundations, perfect securities for liberty, law, and order. In the
mean time, every prudential consideration seems to me to require, that
we should stop with the resolution and proposed amendment. Such appears
to be the deliberate judgment of the senator himself. I sincerely,
I most anxiously hope, that the desired information will be soon
obtained by the executive; and that the feelings and wishes for the
acknowledgment of the independence of Texas, which so generally prevail
among our constituents, may be speedily gratified.
[After some further debate, the resolution was agreed to by a
unanimous vote.]