IN THE SENATE, MARCH 1, 1833.

[THE bill for modifying the duties on imports, as passed by the

house of representatives, (in effect, Mr. Clay’s bill,) being

under consideration, and on its passage, a brief discussion took

place, between Messrs. Calhoun, Mangum, Frelinghuysen, Sprague,

and others, in favor of the bill, and Messrs. Webster, Dallas,

Robbins, and others, in opposition.]

MR. CLAY then said a few words in reference to this bill and the

enforcing bill, both of which he considered that it was necessary to

send forth, as well to show that the laws must be executed, as that

there is a disposition to make concessions. He stated, that on the

subject of the government’s being a compact, he principally agreed with

the senator from South Carolina, but with some difference as to the

character of the right conferred by that compact. He did not adopt the

opinion, that there had been any advance made in usurpation of powers

by the general government. He then went into a view of the history of

this system, to show, that twelve or thirteen years ago, there was no

opposition raised against the power of congress to protect domestic

industry. The opposition on constitutional grounds had subsequently

grown up. He then stated, that in his opinion no state could so

practically construe the constitution as to nullify the laws of the

United States, without plunging the country into all the miseries

of anarchy. He said that he adhered to the doctrines of that ablest,

wisest, and purest of American statesmen, James Madison, who still

lives, and resides in Virginia――the doctrines which were advanced by

him in 1799. The answer of that distinguished man to the resolutions

of the other states, and his address to the people, effected a sudden

revolution of public opinion. The people rallied around him; the alien

and sedition laws were repealed; and the usurpations of the general

government were arrested. He viewed the government as federative in its

origin, in its character, and in its operation, and under the clause

of the constitution which gives to congress power to pass all laws to

carry into effect the granted powers, they could pass all necessary

laws. He hoped that the effect of this bill would conciliate all

classes and all sections of the union.

He did not arrogate any merit for the passage of this bill. He had

cherished this system as a favorite child, and he still clung to it,

and should still cling to it. Why had he been reproached? He had come

to the child and found it in the hands of the Philistines, who were

desirous to destroy it. He wished to save and cherish it, and to find

for it better and safer nurses. He did not wish to employ the sword,

but to effect his object by concession and conciliation. He wished to

see the system placed on a securer basis, to plant it in the bosoms

and affections of the people. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, who had

learned his views of the system from the senator from South Carolina,

had spoken of him as the pilot who was directing the vessel. If it was

so, he would ask if she had been secured by a faithful crew? If all had

been faithful, he believed there would have been no danger in assailing

the system. He assailed no one; he merely defended himself against the

reproaches of others.

Another motive with him was to preserve the union. He feared he saw

hands uplifted to destroy the system; he saw the union endangered; and

in spite of all peril which might assail himself, he had determined to

stand forward and attempt the rescue.

He felt himself pained exceedingly in being obliged to separate

on the question, from valued friends, especially from his friend

from Massachusetts, whom he had always respected, and whom he still

respected. He then replied to the argument founded on the idea that

the protective principle had been abandoned by this bill. He admitted

that protection had been better secured by former bills, but there was

no surrender by this. He considered revenue as the first object and

protection as the second. As to the reduction of the revenue, he was

of opinion that there was an error in the calculations of gentlemen.

He thought that in the article of silks alone, there would be a

considerable reduction. The protection to the mechanic arts was only

reduced by the whole operation of the bill to twenty-six per centum,

and he did not know that there would be any just ground for complaint,

as some of the mechanic arts now enjoy only twenty-five per centum.

The argument of the senator from New York, (Mr. Wright,) was against

the bill, but he was happy to find his vote was to be for it. If his

argument brought other minds to the same conclusion to which it had

brought his, the bill would not be in any danger. He would say, save

the country; save the union; and save the American system.

A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq. · 第 146 / 250 题