Our distinguished guest, friend, and neighbor, HENRY CLAY.
With increased proofs of his worth, we delight to renew the
assurance of our confidence in his patriotism, talents, and
incorruptibility. May health and happiness attend him in
retirement, and a grateful nation do justice to his virtues.
AFTER the above, Mr. Clay rose and addressed the immense assemblage of
people present, as follows:
I fear, friends and fellow-citizens, that if I could find language
to express the feelings which now animate me, I could not be heard
throughout this vast assembly. My voice, once strong and powerful,
has had its vigor impaired by delicate health and advancing age. You
must have been separated, as I have been, for four years past, from
some of your best and dearest friends, with whom during the greater
part of your lives, you had associated in the most intimate friendly
intercourse; you must have been traduced, as I have been, after
exerting with zeal and fidelity the utmost of your powers to promote
the welfare of our country; and you must have returned among those
warm-hearted friends, and been greeted and welcomed and honored by
them, as I have recently been; before you could estimate the degree
of sensibility which I now feel, or conceive how utterly inadequate
all human language is to portray the grateful emotions of my heart.
I behold gathered here, as I have seen in other instances since my
return among you, sires far advanced in years, endeared to me by an
interchange of friendly office and sympathetic feeling, beginning
more than thirty years ago. Their sons, grown up during my absence
in the public councils, accompanying them; and all, prompted by
ardent attachment, affectionately surrounding and saluting me, as
if I belonged to their own household. Considering the multitude here
assembled, their standing and respectability, and the distance which
many have come personally to see me, and to testify their respect
and confidence, I consider this day and this occasion as the proudest
of my life. The tribute, thus rendered by my friends, neighbors,
and fellow-citizens, flows spontaneously from their hearts, as it
penetrates the inmost recesses of mine. Tendered in no servile spirit,
it does not aim to propitiate one in authority. Power could not buy or
coerce it. The offspring of enlightened and independent freemen, it is
addressed to a beloved fellow-citizen in private life, without office,
and who can present nothing in return, but his hearty thanks. I pray
all of you, gentlemen, to accept these. They are due to every one of
you for the sentiment just pronounced, and for the proceedings of this
day. And I owe a particular expression of them to that portion of my
friends, who, although I had the misfortune to differ from them in
the late contest, have honored me by their attendance here. I have no
reproaches to make them. Regrets I have; but I give, as I have received
from them, the hand of friendship as cordially as it is extended to
any of my friends. It is highly gratifying to me to know, that they,
and thousands of others who coöperated with them in producing the
late political change, were unaffected towards me by the prejudice
attempted to be excited against me. I entertain too high respect
for the inestimable privilege of freely exercising one’s independent
judgment on public affairs, to draw in question the right of any of my
fellow-citizens to form and to act upon their opinions in opposition
to mine. The best and wisest among us are, at best, but weak and
fallible human beings. And no man ought to set up his own judgment as
an unerring standard, by which the correctness of all others is to be
tested and tried.
It cannot be doubted that, with individual exceptions, the great body
of every political party that has hitherto appeared in this country,
has been honest in its intentions, and patriotic in its aims. Whole
parties may have been sometimes deceived and deluded, but without
being conscious of it; they no doubt sought to advance the welfare of
the country. Where such a contest has existed as that which we have
recently witnessed, there will be prejudices on the one side, and
predilections on the other. If, during its progress, we cannot calm
the passions, and permit truth and reason to have their undisturbed
sway, we ought, at least, after it has terminated, to own their empire.
Judging of public men and public measures in a spirit of candor, we
should strive to eradicate every bias, and to banish from our minds
every consideration not connected with the good of our country.
I do not pretend to be, more than other men, exempt from the influence
of prejudice and predilection. But I declare most sincerely, that I
have sought, in reference to the present administration, and shall
continue to strive, to discard all prejudices, and to judge its acts
and measures as they appear to me to affect the interests of our
country.
A large portion of my friends and fellow-citizens, from whom I differed
on the late occasion, did not disagree with me as to the foreign or
domestic policy of government. We only differed in the selection of
agents to carry that policy into effect. Experience can alone determine
who was right. If that policy continues to be pursued under the new
administration, it shall have as cordial support from me, as if its
care had been confided to agents of my choice. If, on the contrary, it
shall be neglected or abandoned, the friends to whom I now refer will
be bound by all the obligations of patriotism and consistency to adhere
to the policy.
We take a new commencement from the fourth of March last. After that
day, those who supported the election of the present chief magistrate
were left as free to judge of the conduct of his administration, as
those who opposed it. It will be no more inconsistent in them, if it
disappoint their expectations, to disapprove his administration, than
it will be to support it, if, disappointing ours, he should preserve
the established policy of the nation, and introduce no new principles
of alarming tendency.
They bestowed their suffrages upon the supposition that the government
would be well administered; that public pledges would be redeemed,
solemn professions be fulfilled, and the rights and liberties of the
people be protected and maintained. If they shall find themselves
deceived in any of these respects; should principles avowed during
the canvass be violated during the presidency, and new principles of
dangerous import, neither avowed to nor anticipated by them, be put
forth, they will have been betrayed; the distinguished individual for
whom they voted will have failed to preserve his identity, and they
will be urged by the most sacred of duties to apply the proper
corrective.
Government is a trust, and the officers of government are trustees;
and both the trust and the trustees are created for the benefit of the
people. Official incumbents are bound, therefore, to administer the
trust, not for their own private or individual benefits, but so as to
promote the prosperity of the people. This is the vital principle of
a republic. If a different principle prevail, and a government be so
administered as to gratify the passions or to promote the interests of
a particular individual, the forms of free institutions may remain, but
that government is essentially a monarchy. The great difference between
the two forms of government is, that in a republic all power and
authority and all public offices and honors emanate from the people,
and are exercised and held for their benefit. In a monarchy, all power
and authority, all offices and honors, proceed from the monarch. His
interests, his caprices and his passions, influence and control the
destinies of the kingdom. In a republic, the people are every thing,
and a particular individual nothing. In a monarchy, the monarch is
every thing, and the people nothing. And the true character of the
government is stamped, not by the forms of the appointment to office
alone, but by its practical operation. If in one, nominally free, the
chief magistrate, as soon as he is clothed with power, proceeds to
exercise it, so as to minister to his passions, and to gratify his
favorites, and systematically distributes his rewards and punishments,
in the application of the power of patronage, with which he is
invested for the good of the whole, upon the principle of devotion and
attachment to him, and not according to the ability and fidelity with
which the people are or may be served, that chief magistrate, for the
time being, and within the scope of his discretionary powers, is in
fact, if not in form, a monarch.
It was objected to the late administration, that it adopted and
enforced a system of proscription. During the whole period of it, not
a solitary officer of the government, from Maine to Louisiana, within
my knowledge, was dismissed on account of his political opinions. It
was well known to the late president, that many officers, who held
their places subject to the power of dismission, were opposed to his
reëlection, and were actively employed in behalf of his competitor. Yet
not one was discharged from that cause. In the commencement and early
part of his administration, appointments were promiscuously made from
all the parties in the previous canvass. And this course was pursued
until an opposition was organized, which denounced all appointments
from its ranks as being made for impure purposes.
I am aware that it may be urged, that a change was made in some of
the publishers of the laws. There are about eighty annually designated.
Of these, during the four years of the late administration, about
twelve or fifteen were changed. Some of the changes were made from
geographical or other local considerations. In several instances one
friend was substituted for another. In others, one opponent for another.
Several papers, among the most influential in the opposition,
but otherwise conducted with decorum, were retained. Of the entire
number of changes, not more than four or five were made because of
the scurrilous character of their papers, and not on account of the
political sentiments of the editors. It was deemed injurious to the
respect and moral influence, which the laws should always command, that
they should be promulgated in the columns of a public paper, parallel
with which were other columns, in the same paper, of the grossest abuse
of the government and its functionaries.
On this subject I can speak with certainty, and I embrace with
pleasure this opportunity for explanation. The duty of designating the
printers of the laws appertains to the office which I lately filled.
The selection is usually made at the commencement of every session
of congress. It was made by me, without any particular consultation
with the president, or any member of his cabinet. In making it, I felt
under no greater obligation to select the publisher of the laws of
the previous year, than an individual feels himself bound to insert
a succeeding advertisement in the same paper which published his last.
The law does not require it, but leaves the secretary of state at
liberty to make the selection according to his sense of propriety. A
publisher of the laws is not an officer of the government. It has been
judicially so decided. He holds no commission. The accuracy of the
statement, therefore, that no officer of the government was dismissed
by the late administration, in consequence of his political opinions,
is not impaired by the few changes of publishers of the laws which were
made.
But if they had been officers of government, who could have imagined
that those who objected to the removal, would so soon have themselves
put in practice a general and sweeping system of exclusion.
The president is invested with the tremendous power of dismission,
to be exercised for the public good, and not to gratify any private
passions or purposes. It was conferred to prevent the _public_ from
suffering through faithless or incompetent officers. It was made
summary because, if the slow progress of trial before a judicial
tribunal were resorted to, the public might be greatly injured during
the progress and prior to the decision of the case. But it never was in
the contemplation of congress, that the power would or could be applied
to the removal of competent, diligent, and faithful officers. Such an
application of it is an act of arbitrary power, and a great abuse.
I regret extremely that I feel constrained to notice the innovation
upon the principles and practice of our institutions now in progress.
I had most anxiously hoped, that I could heartily approve the acts
and measures of the new administration. And I yet hope that it will
pause, and hereafter pursue a course more in unison with the spirit of
a free government. I entreat my friends and fellow-citizens, here and
elsewhere, to be persuaded that I now perform a painful duty; and that
it is far from my wish to say one word that can inflict any wound upon
the feelings of any of them. I think, indeed, that it is the duty of
all of them to exercise their judgments freely and independently on
what is passing; and that none ought to feel themselves restrained, by
false pride, or by any part which they took in the late election, from
condemning what their hearts cannot approve.
Knowing the imputations to which I expose myself, I would remain
silent if I did not solemnly believe that there was serious cause
of alarm in the principle of removal, which has been recently acted
on. Hitherto, the uniform practice of the government has been, where
charges are preferred against public officers, foreign or domestic, to
transmit to them a copy of the charges, for the purpose of refutation
or explanation. This has been considered an equitable substitute to
the more tedious and formal trials before judicial tribunals. But
now, persons are dismissed, not only without trial of any sort, but
without charge. And, as if the intention were to defy public opinion,
and to give to the acts of power a higher degree of enormity, in
some instances the persons dismissed have carried with them, in their
pockets, the strongest testimonials to their ability and integrity,
furnished by the very instruments employed to execute the purposes
of oppression. If the new administration had found these discharged
officers wanting in a zealous coöperation to execute the laws, in
consequence of their preference at the preceding election, there
would have been ground for their removal. But this has not been
pretended; and to show that it formed no consideration, they have been
dismissed among its first acts, without affording them an opportunity
of manifesting that their sense of public duty was unaffected by the
choice which they had at the preceding election.
I will not dwell on the injustice and individual distress which are
the necessary consequences of these acts of authority. Men who accepted
public employments entered on them with the implied understanding, that
they would be retained as long as they continued to discharge their
duties to the public honestly, ably, and assiduously. All their private
arrangements are made accordingly. To be dismissed without fault, and
without trial; to be expelled, with their families, without the means
of support, and in some instances disqualified by age or by official
habits from the pursuit of any other business, and all this to be done
upon the will of one man, in a free government, was surely intolerable
oppression.
Our institutions proclaim, reason enjoins, and conscience requires,
that every freeman shall exercise the elective franchise freely and
independently; and that among the candidates for his suffrage, he
shall fearlessly bestow it upon him who will best advance the interests
of his country. The presumption is, that this is always done, unless
the contrary appears. But if the consequence of such a performance of
patriotic duty is to be punishment; if an honest and sincere preference
of A. to J. is to be treated as a crime, then our dearest privilege is
a mockery, and our institutions are snares.
During the reign of Bonaparte, upon one of those occasions in which he
affected to take the sense of the French people as to his being made
consul for life, or emperor, an order was sent to the French armies to
collect their suffrages. They were told in a public proclamation, that
they were authorized and requested to vote freely, according to the
dictates of their best judgments, and their honest convictions. But
a mandate was privately circulated among them, importing that if any
soldier voted against Bonaparte, he should be instantly shot.
Is there any other difference, except in the mode of punishment,
between that case and the arbitrary removal of men from their
public stations, for no other reasons, than that of an honest and
conscientious preference of one presidential candidate to another?
And can it be doubted, that the spirit which prompts these removals is
restrained from being extended to all, in private life, who manifested
a similar preference, only by barriers which it dare not yet break
down? But should public opinion sanction them, how long will these
barriers remain?
One of the worst consequences of the introduction of this tenure of
public office will be, should it be permanently adopted, to substitute
for a system of responsibility, founded upon the ability and integrity
with which public officers discharge their duties to the community, a
system of universal rapacity. Incumbents, feeling the instability of
their situations, and knowing their liability to periodical removals,
at short terms, without any regard to the manner in which they have
executed their trusts, will be disposed to make the most of their
uncertain offices while they hold them. And hence we may expect
innumerable cases of fraud, peculation, and corruption.
President Jackson commenced his official career on the fourth of March
last, with every motive which should operate on the human heart to
urge him to forget the prejudices and passions which had been exhibited
in the previous contest, and to practice dignified moderation and
forbearance. He had been the choice of a considerable majority of the
people, and was elected by a large majority of the electoral votes. He
had been elected mainly from the all-powerful influence of gratitude
for his brilliant military services, in spite of doubts and fears
entertained by many who contributed to his elevation. He was far
advanced in years, and if fame speak true, was suffering under the
joint infirmities of age and disease. He had recently been visited
by one of the severest afflictions of Providence, in the privation
of the partner of his bosom, whom he is represented to have tenderly
loved, and who warmly returned all his affection. He had no child on
whom to cast his honors. Under such circumstances, was ever man more
imperiously called upon to stifle all the vindictive passions of his
nature, to quell every rebellious feeling of his heart, and to dedicate
the short residue of his life to the God who had so long blessed and
spared him, and to the country which had so greatly honored him?
I sincerely hope that he will yet do this. I hope so for the sake of
human nature, and for the sake of his own reputation. Whether he has,
during the two months of his administration, so conducted himself, let
facts tell and history pronounce. Truth is mighty, and will prevail.
It was objected to Mr. Adams, that by appointing several members of
congress to public places, he endangered the purity of the body, and
established a precedent fraught with the most dangerous consequences.
And president Jackson, (no, he begged his pardon, it was candidate
Jackson,) was so much alarmed by these appointments, for the integrity
and permanency of our institutions, that in a solemn communication
which he made to the legislature of Tennessee, he declared his firm
conviction to be, that no member of congress ought to be appointed to
any office except a seat upon the bench. And he added, that he himself
would conform to that rule.
During the four years of Mr. Adams’s administration, the whole number
of appointments made by him from congress, did not exceed four or five.
In the first four weeks of that of his successor, more than double that
number have been appointed by him. In the first two months of president
Jackson’s administration, he has appointed more members of congress
to public office, than I believe were appointed by any one of his
predecessors during their whole period of four or eight years. And it
appears, that no office is too high or too low to be bestowed by him
on this favored class, from that of a head of a department, down to
an inconsiderable collectorship, or even a subordinate office under a
collector. If I have not been ♦misinformed, a representative from the
greatest commercial metropolis in the United States, has recently been
appointed to some inferior station, by the collector of the port of
New York.
Without meaning to assert as a general principle, that in no case
would it be proper that a resort should be had to the halls of congress,
to draw from them tried talents, and experienced public servants, to
aid in the executive or judicial departments, all must agree, that
such a resort should not be too often made and that there should be
some limit both as to the number and the nature of the appointments.
And I do sincerely think, that this limit has, in both particulars,
been transcended beyond all safe bounds, and so as to excite serious
apprehensions.
It is not, however, my opinion, but that of president Jackson, which
the public has now to consider. Having declared to the American people,
through the Tennessee legislature, the danger of the practice; having
deliberately committed himself to act in consonance with that declared
opinion, how can he now be justified in violating this solemn pledge,
and in entailing upon his country a perilous precedent, fraught with
the corrupting tendency which he described?
It is in vain to say, that the constitution, as it now stands, does
not forbid these appointments. It does not enjoin them. If there be
an inherent defect in the theoretical character of the instrument
president Jackson was bound to have redeemed his pledge, and employed
the whole influence and weight of his name to remedy the defect in
its practical operation. The constitution admitted of the service
of one man in the presidential office, during his life, if he could
secure successive elections. That great reformer, as president Jackson
describes him, whom he professes to imitate, did not wait for an
amendment of the constitution, to correct that defect; but after the
example of the father of his country, by declining to serve longer than
two terms, established a practical principle which is not likely to be
violated.
There was another class of citizens upon whom public offices had been
showered in the greatest profusion. I do not know the number of editors
of newspapers that have been recently appointed, but I have noticed
in the public prints, some fifteen or twenty. And they were generally
of those whose papers had manifested the greatest activity in the
late canvass, the most vulgar abuse of opponents, and the most fulsome
praise of their favorite candidate. Editors are as much entitled to be
appointed as any other class of the community; but if the number and
the quality of those promoted, be such as to render palpable the motive
of their appointment; if they are preferred, not on account of their
fair pretensions, and their ability and capacity to serve the public,
but because of their devotion to a particular individual, I ask if the
necessary consequence must not be to render the press venal, and in
time to destroy this hitherto justly cherished palladium of our liberty.
If the _principle_ of all these appointments, this monopoly of public
trusts by members of congress and particular editors, be exceptionable,
(and I would not have alluded to them but from my deliberate conviction
that they are essentially vicious,) their effects are truly alarming.
I will not impute to president Jackson any design to subvert our
liberties. I hope and believe, that he does not now entertain any
such design. But I must say, that if an ambitious president sought the
overthrow of our government, and ultimately to establish a different
form, he would, at the commencement of his administration, proclaim by
his official acts, that the greatest public virtue was ardent devotion
to him. That no matter what had been the character, the services,
or the sacrifices of incumbents or applicants for office, what their
experience or ability to serve the republic, if they did not bow down
and worship him, they possessed no claim to his patronage. Such an
ambitious president would say, as monarchs have said, ‘I am the state.’
He would dismiss all from public employment who did not belong to the
true faith. He would stamp upon the whole official corps of government
one homogeneous character, and infuse into it one uniform principle
of action. He would scatter, with an open and liberal hand, offices
among members of congress, giving the best to those who had spoken,
and written, and _franked_, most in his behalf. He would subsidize
the press. It would be his earnest and constant aim to secure the
two greatest engines of operation upon public opinion――congress and
the press. He would promulgate a new penal code, the rewards and
punishments of which, would be distributed and regulated exclusively
by devotion or opposition to him. And when all this powerful machinery
was put in operation, if he did not succeed in subverting the liberties
of his country, and in establishing himself upon a throne, it would be
because some new means or principle of resistance had been discovered,
which was unknown in other times or to other republics.
But if an administration, conducted in the manner just supposed, did
not aim at the destruction of public liberty, it would engender evils
of a magnitude so great as gradually to alienate the affections of
the people from their government, and finally to lead to its overthrow.
According to the principle now avowed and practiced, all offices,
vacant and filled, within the compass of the ♦Executive power, are to
be allotted among the partisans of the successful candidate. The people
and the service of the state are to be put aside, and every thing is
to be decided by the zeal, activity, and attachment, in the cause of
a particular candidate, which were manifested during the preceding
canvass. The consequence of these principles would be to convert the
nation into one perpetual theatre for political gladiators. There would
be one universal scramble for the public offices. The termination of
one presidential contest would be only the signal for the commencement
of another. And on the conclusion of each we should behold the victor
distributing the prizes and applying his punishments, like a military
commander, immediately after he had won a great victory. Congress
corrupted, and the press corrupted, general corruption would ensue,
until the substance of free government having disappeared, some
pretorian band would arise, and with the general concurrence of a
distracted people, put an end to useless forms.
I am aware that the late acts of administration on which it has been
my disagreeable duty to animadvert, (I hope without giving pain to
any of my fellow-citizens, as I most sincerely wish to give none,)
were sustained upon some vague notion or purpose of reform. And it was
remarkable that among the loudest trumpeters of reform were some who
had lately received appointments to lucrative offices. Now it must be
admitted that, as to them, a most substantial and valuable _reform_ had
taken place; but I trust that something more extensively beneficial to
the people at large was intended by that sweet sounding word. I know
that, at the commencement, and throughout nearly the whole progress of
the late administration, a reform in the constitution was talked of,
so as to exclude from public office members of congress, during the
periods for which they were elected, and a limited term beyond them.
The proposition appeared to be received with much favor, was discussed
in the house of representatives, session after session, at great length,
and with unusual eloquence and ability. A majority of that body seemed
disposed to accede to it, and I thought for some time, that there
was high probability of its passage, at least, through that house.
Its great champion (general Smyth, of Virginia,) pressed it with
resolute perseverance. But unfortunately, at the last session, after
the decision of the presidential question, it was manifest that the
kindness with which it had been originally received had greatly abated.
Its determined patron found it extremely difficult to engage the house
to consider it. When, at length, he prevailed by his frequent and
earnest appeals to get it taken up, new views appeared to have suddenly
struck the reformists. It was no longer an amendment in their eyes,
so indispensable to the purity of our constitution; and the majority
which had appeared to be so resolved to carry it, now, by a direct
or indirect vote, gave it the go-by. That majority, I believe, was
composed in part of members who, after the fourth of March last, gave
the best practical recantation of their opinions, by accepting from
the new president lucrative appointments, in direct opposition to the
principle of their own amendment. And now general Smyth would find
it even more impracticable to make amongst them proselytes to his
conservative alteration in the constitution, than he did to gain any
to his exposition of the Apocalypse.
Reform, such as alone could interest a whole people, can only take
place in the constitution, or laws, or policy of the government. Now
and then, under every administration, and at all times, a faithless or
incompetent officer may be discovered, who ought to be displaced. And
that, in all the departments of the government. But I presume that the
correction of such occasional abuses could hardly be expected to fulfil
the promise of reform which had been so solemnly made. I would then ask,
what was _the reform_ intended? What part of the constitution was to
be altered? what law repealed? what branch of the settled policy of the
country was to be changed? The people have a right to know what great
blessing was intended by their rulers for them, and to demand some
tangible practical good, in lieu of a general, vague, and undefined
assurance of reform.
I know that the recent removals from office are attempted to be
justified by a precedent drawn from Mr. Jefferson’s administration. But
there was not the most distant analogy between the two cases. Several
years prior to his election, the public offices of the country had been
almost exclusively bestowed upon the party to which that at the head
of which he stood was opposed. When he commenced his administration he
found a complete monopoly of them in the hands of the adverse party.
He dismissed a few incumbents for the purpose of introducing in their
places others of his own party, and thus doing equal justice to both
sects. But the number of removals was far short of those which are
now in progress. When president Jackson entered on his administration,
he found a far different state of things. There had been no previous
monopoly. Public offices were alike filled by his friends and opponents
in the late election. If the fact could be ascertained, I believe it
would be found that there was a larger number of officers under the
government attached than opposed to his late election.
Further, in the case of Mr. Jefferson’s election, it was the
consequence of the people having determined on a radical change of
system. There was a general belief among the majority who brought about
that event, that their opponents had violated the constitution in the
enactment of the alien and sedition laws; that they had committed other
great abuses, and that some of them contemplated an entire change in
the character of our government, so as to give it a monarchical cast.
I state the historical fact, without intending to revive the discussion,
or deeming it necessary to examine whether such a design existed or
not. But those who at that day did believe it, could hardly be expected
to acquiesce in the possession by their opponents, the minority of the
nation, of all the offices of a government to which some of them were
believed to be hostile in principle. The object of Mr. Jefferson was,
to break down a preëxisting monopoly in the hands of one party, and
to establish an equilibrium between the two great parties. The object
of president Jackson appears to be, to destroy an existing equilibrium
between the two parties to the late contest, and to establish a
monopoly. The object of president Jefferson was the republic, and not
himself. That of president Jackson is himself, and not the state.
It never was advanced under Mr. Jefferson’s administration, that
devotion and attachment to him were an indispensable qualification,
without which no one could hold or be appointed to office. The
contrast between the inaugural speech of that great man, and that of
his present successor, was remarkable in every respect. Mr. Jefferson’s
breathed a spirit of peace. It breathed a spirit of calm philosophy
and dignified moderation. It treated the nation as one family. ‘We are
all republicans, all federalists.’ It contained no denunciations; no
mysterious or ambiguous language; no reflections upon the conduct of
his great rival and immediate predecessor. What is the character of the
inaugural speech of the present chief magistrate, I shall not attempt
to sketch. Mr. Jefferson, upon the solemn occasion of his installation
into office, laid down his rule for appointment to office――‘is he
honest? is he capable? is he faithful to the constitution?’ But
capacity and integrity and fidelity, according to the modern rule,
appear to count for nothing, without the all-absorbing virtue of
fidelity to president Jackson.
I will not consume the time of my friends and fellow-citizens with
observations upon many of the late changes.
My object has been, to point your attention to the principle which
appears to have governed all of them, and to classes. I would not have
touched this unpleasant topic, but that it seems to me to furnish much
and just occasion for serious alarm. I hope that I have treated it
in a manner becoming me, without incurring the displeasure of any one
now present. I believe the times require all the calm heads and sound
hearts of the country. And I would not intentionally say one word to
excite the passions.
But there are a few cases of recent removal of such flagrant
impropriety, as I sincerely think, that I cannot forbear alluding
to them. Under no administration prior to the present, from the
commencement of the government, have our diplomatic representatives
been recalled from abroad, on account of the political opinions they
entertained in regard to a previous presidential election. Within my
recollection, at this time, there has been but one instance of recall
of a foreign minister under the present constitution, on account of
any dissatisfaction with him. But president Washington did not recall
colonel Monroe (the case referred to) from France, on his individual
account, but because he was not satisfied with the manner in which he
performed the duties of the mission. President Jackson has ordered home
two of our foreign ministers, one filling the most important European
mission, and the other the most important of our missions on this
continent. In both cases the sole ground of recall is, that they were
opposed to his election as president. And as if there should be no
possible controversy on this head, one of them was recalled before it
was known at Washington that he had reached Bogota, the place of his
destination; and consequently before he could have possibly disobeyed
any instruction, or violated any duty.
The pecuniary effect of these changes, is the certain expenditure, in
outfits, of eighteen thousand dollars, and perhaps more than triple
that sum in contingences. Now it does seem to me, that (and I put it to
your candid judgments whether) this is too large a sum for the public
to pay, because two gentlemen had made a mistake of the name which
they should have written on a little bit of paper thrown into the
ballot-boxes. Mistake! They had, in fact, made no practical mistake.
They had not voted at all, one being out of the United States, and
the other out of his own state at the time of the election. The money
is therefore to be paid because they made a mistake in the abstract
opinions which they held, and might possibly, if they had been at home,
have erroneously inscribed one name instead of another on their ballots.
There would be some consolation for this waste of public treasure, if
it were compensated by the superiority of qualification on the part of
the late appointments, in comparison with the previous. But I know all
four of the gentlemen perfectly well, and my firm conviction is, that
in neither change has the public gained any intellectual advantage.
In one of them, indeed, the victor of Tippecanoe and of Thames, of
whose gallantry many who are now here were witnesses, is replaced by
a gentleman who, if he possesses one single attainment to qualify him
for the office, I solemnly declare it has escaped my discernment.
There was another class of persons whose expulsion from office was
marked by peculiar hardship and injustice. Citizens of the District
of Columbia were deprived of all actual participation in the elections
of the United States. They are debarred from voting for a president,
or any member of congress. Their sentiments, therefore, in relation to
any election of those officers, are perfectly abstract. To punish them,
as in numerous instances has been done, by dismissing them from their
employments, not for what they _did_, but for what they _thought_, is
a cruel aggravation of their anomalous condition. I know well those
who have been discharged from the department of state, and I take great
pleasure in bearing testimony to their merits. Some of them would have
done honor to any bureau in any country.
We may worship God according to the dictates of our own consciences.
No man’s right, in that respect, can be called in question. The
constitution secures it. Public offices are happily, according to the
theory of our constitution, alike accessible to all, protestants and
catholics, and to every denomination of each. But if our homage is
not paid to a mortal, we are liable to a punishment which an erroneous
worship of God does not bring upon us. Those public officers, it seems,
who have failed to exhibit their devotion to that mortal, are to be
visited by all the punishment which he can inflict, in virtue of laws,
the execution of which was committed to his hands for the public good,
and not to subserve his private purposes.
At the most important port of the United States, the office of
collector was filled by Mr. Thompson, whose removal was often urged
upon the late administration by some of its friends, upon the ground
of his alleged attachment to general Jackson. But the late president
was immovable in his resolution to deprive no man of his office, in
consequence of his political opinions, or preferences. Mr. Thompson’s
removal was so often and so strongly pressed, for the reason just
stated, that an inquiry was made of the secretary of the treasury,
into the manner in which the duties of the office were discharged.
The secretary stated, that there was no better collector in the public
service; and that his returns and accounts were regularly and neatly
rendered, and all the duties of his office ably and honestly performed,
as far as he knew or believed. This meritorious officer has been
removed to provide a place for Mr. Swartwout, whose association with
colonel Burr is notorious throughout the United States. I put it to the
candor of all who are here, to say if _such_ a change can be justified
in the port of New York, the revenue collected at which amounts to
about ten millions of dollars, or more than one third of the whole
revenue of the United States.
I will detain the present assembly no longer, upon subjects connected
with the general government. I hope that I shall find, in the future
course of the new administration, less cause for public disapprobation.
I most anxiously hope, that when its measures come to be developed, at
the next and succeeding sessions of congress, they shall be perceived
to be such as are best adapted to promote the prosperity of the country.
I will say, with entire sincerity, that I shall be most happy to see
it sustaining the American system, including internal improvements, and
upholding the established policy of the government at home and abroad.
And I shall ever be as ready to render praise where praise is due, as
it is now painful to me, under existing circumstances, to participate
in the disapprobation which recent occurrences have produced.
No occasion can be more appropriate than the present, when surrounded
by my former constituents, to say a few words upon the unimportant
subject of myself. Prior to my return home I had stated, in answer
to all inquiries whether I should be again presented as a candidate
to represent my old district in the house of representatives, that
I should come to no absolute decision, until I had taken time for
reflection, and to ascertain what might be the feelings and wishes of
those who had so often honored me with their suffrages. The present
representative of the district has conducted himself towards me with
the greatest liberality, and I take pleasure now in making my public
acknowledgments, so justly due to him. He had promptly declined being
a candidate, if I would offer, and he warmly urged me to offer.
Since my return home, I have mixed freely as I could with my friends
and fellow-citizens of the district. They have met me with the greatest
cordiality. Many of them have expressed a wish that I would again
represent them. Some of the most prominent and respectable of those who
voted for the present chief magistrate, have also expressed a similar
wish. I have every reason to believe, that there would be no opposition
to me, from any quarter or any party, if I were to offer. But if I am
not greatly deceived in the prevailing feeling throughout the district,
it is one more delicate and respectful towards me, and I appreciate
it much higher, than if it had been manifested in loud calls upon me
to return to my old post. It referred the question to my own sober
judgment. My former constituents were generally ready to acquiesce
in any decision I might think proper to make. If I were to offer for
congress, they were prepared to support me with their accustomed zeal
and true-heartedness. I thank them all, from the very bottom of my
heart, whether they agreed or differed with me in the late contest,
for this generous confidence.
I have deliberated much on the question. My friends in other
parts of the union, are divided in opinion about the utility of any
services which I could render, at the present period, in the national
legislature. This state of things, at home and abroad, left me free
to follow the impulse of my own feelings, and the dictates of my own
judgment. These prompted me to remain in private life. In coming to
this resolution, I did not mean to impair the force of the obligation
under which every citizen, in my opinion, stood, to the last flickering
of human life, to dedicate his best exertions to the service of
the republic. I am ready to act in conformity with that obligation,
whenever it shall be the pleasure of the people; and such a probability
of usefulness shall exist as will justify my acceptance of any service
which they may choose to designate.
I have served my country now near thirty years. My constitution, never
very vigorous, requires repose. My health, always of late years very
delicate, demands care. My private affairs want my attention. Upon my
return home, I found my house out of repair; my farm not in order, the
fences down, the stock poor, the crop not set, and late in April the
corn-stalks of the year’s growth yet standing in the field――a sure sign
of slovenly cultivation.
Under all circumstances, I think that, without being liable to the
reproach of dereliction of any public duty to my country or to my
friends, I may continue at home for a season, if not during the
remainder of my life, among my friends and old constituents, cheering
and cheered by them, and interchanging all the kind and friendly
offices incident to private life. I wished to see them all; to
shake hands cordially with them; to inquire into the deaths, births,
marriages, and other interesting events among them; to identify myself
in fact, as I am in feeling, with them, and with the generation which
has sprung up whilst I have been from home, serving them. I wish to
put my private affairs to rights, and if I can, with the blessing
of Providence, to reëstablish a shattered constitution and enfeebled
health.
It has been proposed to me to offer for a seat in the legislature of
the state. I should be proud of the selection, if I believed I could
be useful at Frankfort. I see, I think, very clearly, the wants of
Kentucky. Its finances are out of order, but they could be easily
put straight, by a little moral courage, on the part of the general
assembly, and a small portion of candor and good will among the people.
Above all, we want an efficient system of internal improvements adopted
by the state. No Kentuckian who travelled in or out of it, could behold
the wretched condition of our roads, without the deepest mortification.
We are greatly in the rear of almost all the adjacent states, some
of which sprung into existence long after we were an established
commonwealth. Whilst they are obeying the spirit of the age, and nobly
marching forward in the improvement of their respective territories,
we are absolutely standing still, or rather going backwards. It is
scarcely credible, but nevertheless true, that it took my family, in
the month of April, nearly four days to travel, through mud and mire,
a distance of only sixty-four miles, over one of the most frequented
roads in the state.
And yet our wants, on this subject, are perfectly within the compass
of our means, judiciously applied. An artificial road from Maysville
to the Tennessee line, one branch in the direction of Nashville, and
a second to strike the mouth of Cumberland or Tennessee river; an
artificial road extending from Louisville to intersect the other,
somewhere about Bowling Green; one passing by Shelbyville and Frankfort,
to the Cumberland gap; and an artificial road extending from Frankfort
to the mouth of Big Sandy; compose all the leading roads which at
present need the resources of the state. These might be constructed,
partly upon the McAdams method, and partly by simply graduating and
bridging them, which latter mode can be performed at an expense less
than one thousand dollars per mile. Other lateral connecting these main
roads, might be left to the public spirit of the local authorities and
of private companies.
Congress, without doubt, would aid the state, if we did not call upon
Hercules without putting our shoulders to the wheel. But without that
aid we could ourselves accomplish all the works which I have described.
It would not be practicable to complete them in a period of less than
seven or eight years, and of course not necessary to raise the whole
sum requisite to the object in one year. Funds drawn from executed
parts of the system might be applied to the completion of those that
remained. This auxiliary source, combined with the ample means of the
state, properly developed, and faithfully appropriated, would enable us
to construct all the roads which I have sketched, without burdening the
people.
But, solicitous as I feel on this interesting subject, I regret that
I have not yet seen sufficient demonstrations of the public will,
to assure me that the judgment of the people had carried them to the
same or similar conclusions to which my mind has conducted me. We have
been, for years past, unhappily greatly distracted and divided. These
dissensions have drawn us off from a view of greater to less important
concerns. They have excited bitter feelings and animosities, and
created strong prejudices and jealousies. I fear that from these
causes the public is not yet prepared dispassionately to consider and
adopt a comprehensive, I think the only practical, system of internal
improvements, in this state. A premature effort might retard, instead
of accelerating, the object. And I must add, that I fear extraneous
causes would bias and influence the judgment of the legislature.
Upon the whole, I must decline acceding to the wishes of those
who desired to see me in the legislature. Retirement, unqualified
retirement, from all public employment, is what I unaffectedly desire.
I would hereafter, if my life and health are preserved, be ready at
all times to act on the principles I have avowed, and whenever, at a
more auspicious period, there shall appear to be a probability of my
usefulness to the union or to the state, I will promptly obey any call
which the people may be pleased to make.
And now, my friends and fellow-citizens, I cannot part from you, on
possibly this last occasion of my ever publicly addressing you, without
reiterating the expression of my thanks from a heart overflowing with
gratitude. I came among you, now more than thirty years ago, an orphan
boy, pennyless, stranger to you all, without friends, without the favor
of the great. You took me up, cherished me, caressed me, protected
me, honored me. You have constantly poured upon me a bold and unabated
stream of innumerable favors. Time, which wears out every thing,
has increased and strengthened your affection for me. When I seem
deserted by almost the whole world, and assailed by almost every
tongue, and pen, and press, you have fearlessly and manfully stood by
me, with unsurpassed zeal and undiminished friendship. When I felt as
if I should sink beneath the storm of abuse and detraction, which was
violently raging around me, I have found myself upheld and sustained
by your encouraging voices, and your approving smiles. I have doubtless
committed many faults and indiscretions, over which you have thrown the
broad mantle of your charity. But I can say, and in the presence of my
God and of this assembled multitude, I will say, that I have honestly
and faithfully served my country; that I have never wronged it; and
that, however unprepared I lament that I am to appear in the Divine
presence on other accounts, I invoke the stern justice of his judgment
on my public conduct, without the smallest apprehension of his
displeasure.
Mr. Clay concluded by proposing the following toast:
THE STATE OF KENTUCKY. A cordial union of all parties in favor
of an efficient system of internal improvements, adapted to the
wants of the state.