[AT this period of the session of the sixteenth congress, only
five days before its close, after which he temporarily retired,
in November following, by resigning as speaker, Mr. Clay had
the gratification of witnessing the triumphant result of his
oft-repeated efforts in the cause of South American independence.
The resolution on the subject which he had offered on the third
of April, was supported on this occasion by the following speech,
and adopted by the house by a vote of eighty to seventy-five. It
was understood that the measure was carried against the wishes
and influence of the administration.
The wisdom of the policy proposed and advocated by Mr. Clay,
from 1818, or even an earlier period, until finally adopted
by the congress of the United States, namely, in recognising
the independence of the infant republics of South America,
was proved by the course of the British government, in being
the first of the great European powers to follow the example.
In June, 1824, the cabinet of George the Fourth determined
on the recognition of Mexico, Colombia, and Buenos Ayres,
as independent states; and in 1826, that great statesman,
Mr. CANNING, in a speech in the house of commons, alluding to
the occupation of Spain by a French army, about that time, used
the following memorable words: “I admit that the entry of a
French army into Spain was a disparagement to Great Britain.
Do you think, that for the disparagement to England we have not
been compensated? I looked, sir, at Spain by another name than
Spain. I looked upon that power as ‘_Spain_ and the _Indies_.’
_I looked at the Indies, and there I have called a new world
into existence_, and thus redressed the balance of power.” A
comparison of dates will show how much the American statesman
was in advance of the British minister, in ‘calling this new
world into existence.’]
THE house being in committee of the whole, on the state of the union,
and a motion being made to that effect, the committee resolved to
proceed to the consideration of the following resolutions:
_Resolved_, That it is expedient to provide by law a suitable
outfit and salary for such minister or ministers as the president,
by and with the advice and consent of the senate, may send to any
of the governments of South America, which have established, and are
maintaining, their independence on Spain:
_Resolved_, That provision ought to be made for requesting the
president of the United States to cause to be presented to the general,
the most worthy and distinguished, in his opinion, in the service of
any of the independent governments of South America, the sword which
was given by the viceroy of Lima to captain Biddle of the Ontario,
during her late cruise in the Pacific, and which is now in the office
of the department of state, with the expression of the wish of the
congress of the United States, that it may be employed in the support
and preservation of the liberties and independence of his country:
When Mr. Clay arose and said: It is my intention, Mr. Chairman,
to withdraw the latter resolution. Since I offered it, this house
(by the passage of the bill to prevent, under suitable penalties, in
future, the acceptance of presents, forbidden by the constitution,
to prohibit the carrying of foreigners in the public vessels, and
to limit to the case of our own citizens, and to regulate, in that
case, the transportation of money in them,) has, perhaps, sufficiently
animadverted on the violation of the constitution, which produced that
resolution. I confess, that when I heard of captain Biddle receiving
from the deputy of a king the sword in question, I felt greatly
mortified. I could not help contrasting his conduct with that of the
surgeon on board an American man-of-war, in the bay of Naples, (I
regret that I do not recollect his name, as I should like to record,
with the testimony which I with pleasure hear to his high-minded
conduct,) who, having performed an operation on one of the suite of
the emperor of Austria, and being offered fifteen hundred pistoles
or dollars for his skilful service, returned the purse, and said,
that what he had done was in the cause of humanity, and that the
constitution of his country forbade his acceptance of the proffered
boon. There was not an American heart that did not swell with pride
on hearing of his noble disinterestedness. It did appear to me, also,
that the _time_ of captain Biddle’s interposition was unfortunate to
produce an agreement between the viceroy of Lima and Chili, to exchange
their respective prisoners, however desirable the accomplishment of
such a humane object might be. The viceroy had constantly refused to
consent to any such exchange. And it is an incontestable fact, that the
barbarities which have characterized the civil war in Spanish America
have uniformly originated with the royalists. After the memorable
battle of Maipu, decisive of the independence of Chili, and fatal to
the arms of the viceroy, this interposition, if I am not mistaken,
took place. The transportation of money, upon freight, from the port
of Callao to that of Rio Janeiro, for royalists, appeared to me also
highly improper. If we wish to preserve, unsullied, the illustrious
character, which our navy justly sustains, we should repress the very
first instances of irregularity. But I am willing to believe that
captain Biddle’s conduct has been inadvertent. He is a gallant officer,
and belongs to a respectable and patriotic family. His errors, I am
persuaded, will not be repeated by him or imitated by others. And I
trust that there is no man more unwilling than I am, unnecessarily
to press reprehension. It is thought, moreover, by some, that the
president might feel an embarrassment in executing the duty required
of him by the resolution, which it was far from my purpose to cause him.
I withdraw it.
There is no connection intended, or in fact, between that resolution
and the one I now propose briefly to discuss. The proposition, to
recognise the independent governments of South America, offers a
subject of as great importance as any which could claim the deliberate
consideration of this house.
Mr. Clay then went on to say, that it appeared to him the object
of this government, heretofore, had been, so to manage its affairs,
in regard to South America, as to produce an effect on its existing
negotiations with the parent country. The house were now apprized, by
the message from the president, that this policy had totally failed;
it had failed, because our country would not dishonor itself by
surrendering one of the most important rights incidental to sovereignty.
Although we had observed a course toward the patriots, as Mr. Gallatin
said, in his communication read yesterday, greatly exceeding in rigor
the course pursued towards them either by France or England; although,
also, as was remarked by the secretary of state, we had observed a
neutrality so strict that blood had been spilt in enforcing it; still,
Spanish honor was not satisfied, and fresh sacrifices were demanded of
us. If they were resisted in form, they were substantially yielded by
our course as to South America. We will not stipulate with Spain not to
recognise the independence of the south; but we nevertheless grant her
all she demands.
Mr. Clay said, it had been his intention to have gone into a general
view of the course of policy which has characterized the general
government; but on account of the lateness of the session, and the
desire for an early adjournment, he should waive, for that purpose,
and, in the observations he had to make, confine himself pretty much to
events subsequent to the period at which he had submitted to the house
a proposition having nearly the same object as this.
After the return of our commissioners from South America; after they
had all agreed in attesting the fact of independent sovereignty being
exercised by the government of Buenos Ayres; the whole nation looked
forward to the recognition of the independence of that country, as
the policy which the government ought to pursue. He appealed to every
member to say, whether there was not a general opinion, in case the
report of that mission should turn out as it did, that the recognition
of the independence of that government would follow, as a matter
of course. The surprise at a different course being pursued by the
executive at the last session, was proportionally great. On this
subject, so strong was the message of the president at the commencement
of the present session, that some of the presses took it for granted,
that the recognition would follow of course, and a paper in this
neighborhood has said that there was, in regard to that question, a
race of popularity between the president of the United States and the
humble individual who now addressed the house. Yet, faithless Ferdinand
refuses to ratify his own treaty, on the pretext of violations of
our neutrality; but, in fact, because we will not basely surrender an
important attribute of sovereignty. Two years ago, he said, would, in
his opinion, have been the proper time for recognising the independence
of the south. Then the struggle was somewhat doubtful, and a kind
office on the part of this government would have had a salutary
effect. Since that period, what had occurred? Any thing to prevent
a recognition of their independence, or to make it less expedient?
No; every occurrence tended to prove the capacity of that country to
maintain its independence. He then successively adverted to the battles
of Maipu, and Bojaca, their great brilliancy, and their important
consequences. Adverting to the union of Venezuela and New Grenada in
one republic, he said one of their first acts was, to appoint one of
their most distinguished citizens, the vice president Zea, a minister
to this country. There was a time, he said, when impressions are made
on individuals and nations, by kindness towards them, which lasts for
ever, when they are surrounded with enemies, and embarrassments present
themselves. Ages and ages may pass away, said he, before we forget the
help we received in our day of peril, from the hands of France. Her
injustice, the tyranny of her despot, may alienate us for a time; but,
the moment it ceases, we relapse into a good feeling towards her. Do
you mean to wait, said he, until these republics are recognised by the
whole world, and then step in and extend your hand to them, when it
can no longer be withheld? If we are to believe general Vives, we have
gone about among foreign powers, and consulted with lord Castlereagh
and count Nesselrode, to seek some aid in recognising the independence
of these powers. What! after the president has told us that the
recognition of the independence of nations is an incontestable right of
sovereignty, shall we lag behind till the European powers think proper
to advance? The president has assigned, as a reason for abstaining
from the recognition, that the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle might
take offence at it. So far from such an usurped interference being a
reason for stopping, he would have exerted the right the sooner for it.
But, the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle had refused to interfere, and on
that point the president was mistaken. Spain, it was true, had gone
about begging the nations of Europe not to interfere in behalf of
the South Americans; but the wishes of the whole unbiassed world must
be in their favor. And while we had gone on, passing neutrality bill
after neutrality bill, and bills to punish piracy――with respect to
unquestioned piracy, no one was more in favor of punishing it than he;
but he had no idea of imputing piracy to men fighting under the flag of
a people at war for independence――whilst we pursued this course, even
in advance of the legitimates of Europe, what, he asked, had been the
course of England herself on this head? Here he quoted a few passages
from the work of Abbé de Pradt, recently translated by one of our
citizens, which, he said, though the author was not very popular
among crowned heads, no man could read without being enlightened and
instructed. These passages dwelt on the importance of the commerce of
South America, when freed from its present restraints, and so forth.
What would I give, exclaimed he, could we appreciate the advantages
which may be realized by pursuing the course which I propose! It is in
our power to create a system of which we shall be the centre, and in
which all South America will act with us. In respect to commerce, we
shall be most benefited; this country would become the place of deposit
of the commerce of the world. Our citizens engaged in foreign trade
at present were disheartened by the condition of that trade; they must
take new channels for it, and none so advantageous could be found, as
those which the trade with South America would afford. Mr. Clay took
a prospective view of the growth of wealth, and increase of population
of this country and South America. That country had now a population
of upwards of eighteen millions. The same activity in the principle
of population would exist in that country as here. Twenty-five years
hence it might be estimated at thirty-six millions; fifty years hence,
at seventy-two millions. We now have a population of ten millions.
From the character of our population, we must always take the lead in
the prosecution of commerce and manufactures. Imagine the vast power
of the two countries, and the value of the intercourse between them,
when we shall have a population of forty millions, and they of seventy
millions! In relation to South America, the people of the United States
will occupy the same position as the people of New England do to the
rest of the United States. Our enterprise, industry, and habits of
economy, will give us the advantage in any competition which South
America may sustain with us, and so forth.
But, however important our early recognition of the independence of
the south might be to us, as respects our commercial and manufacturing
interests, was there not another view of the subject, infinitely
more gratifying? We should become the centre of a system which
would constitute the rallying point of human freedom against all the
despotism of the old world. Did any man doubt the feelings of the
south towards us? In spite of our coldness towards them, of the rigor
of our laws, and the conduct of our officers, their hearts still turned
towards us, as to their brethren; and he had no earthly doubt, if
our government would take the lead and recognise them, they would
become yet more anxious to imitate our institutions, and to secure to
themselves and to their posterity the same freedom which we enjoy.
On a subject of this sort, he asked, was it possible we could be
content to remain, as we now were, looking anxiously to Europe,
watching the eyes of lord Castlereagh, and getting scraps of letters
doubtfully indicative of his wishes; and sending to the czar of Russia
and getting another scrap from count Nesselrode? Why not proceed
to act on our own responsibility, and recognise these governments
as independent, instead of taking the lead of the holy alliance
in a course which jeopardizes the happiness of unborn millions. He
deprecated this deference for foreign powers. If lord Castlereagh says
we may recognise, we do; if not, we do not. A single expression of the
British minister to the present secretary of state, then our minister
abroad, he was ashamed to say, had moulded the policy of our government
towards South America. Our institutions now make us free; but how long
shall we continue so, if we mould our opinions on those of Europe?
Let us break these commercial and political fetters; let us no longer
watch the nod of any European politician; let us become real and true
Americans, and place ourselves at the head of the American system.
Gentlemen all said, they were all anxious to see the independence of
the South established. If sympathy for them was enough, the patriots
would have reason to be satisfied with the abundant expressions of it.
But something more was wanting. Some gentlemen had intimated, that the
people of the south were unfit for freedom. Will gentlemen contend,
said Mr. Clay, because those people are not like us in all particulars,
they are therefore unfit for freedom? In some particulars, he ventured
to say, that the people of South America were in advance of us. On
the point which had been so much discussed on this floor, during the
present session, they were greatly in advance of us. Grenada, Venezuela,
and Buenos Ayres, had all emancipated their slaves. He did not say that
we ought to do so, or that they ought to have done so, under different
circumstances; but he rejoiced that the circumstances were such as to
permit them to do it.
Two questions only, he argued, were necessarily preliminary to the
recognition of the independence of the people of the south, first, as
to the fact of their independence; and, secondly, as to the capacity
for self-government. On the first point, not a doubt existed. On the
second, there was every evidence in their favor. They had fostered
schools with great care, there were more newspapers in the single town
of Buenos Ayres (at the time he was speaking) than in the whole kingdom
of Spain. He never saw a question discussed with more ability than that
in a newspaper of Buenos Ayres, whether a federative or consolidated
form of government was best.
But, though every argument in favor of the recognition should be
admitted to be just, it would be said, that another revolution had
occurred in Spain, and we ought, therefore, to delay. On the contrary,
said he, every consideration recommended us to act now. If Spain
succeeded in establishing her freedom, the colonies must also be free.
The first desire of a government itself free, must be to give liberty
to its dependencies. On the other hand, if Spain should not succeed in
gaining her freedom, no man can doubt that Spain, in her reduced state,
would no longer have power to carry on the contest. So many millions
of men could not be subjugated by the enervated arm and exhausted means
of aged Spain. In ten years of war, the most unimportant province of
South America had not been subdued by all the wealth and the resources
of Spain. The certainty of the successful resistance of the attempts
of Spain to reduce them, would be found in the great extent of the
provinces of South America――of larger extent than all the empire of
Russia. The relation of the colonies and mother country could not exist,
from the nature of things, under whatever aspect the government of
Spain might assume. The condition of Spain was no reason for neglecting
now to do what we ought to have done long ago. Every thing, on the
contrary, tended to prove that this, this was the accepted time.
With regard to the form of his proposition, all he wanted was, to
obtain an expression of the opinion of the house on this subject; and
whether a minister should be authorized to one or the other of these
governments, or whether he should be of one grade or of another, he
cared not. This republic, with the exception of the people of South
America, constituted the sole depository of political and religious
freedom; and can it be possible, said he, that we can remain passive
spectators of the struggle of those people to break the same chains
which once bound us? The opinions of the friends of freedom in Europe
is, that our policy has been cold, heartless, and indifferent, towards
the greatest cause which could possibly engage our affections and
enlist our feelings in its behalf.
Mr. Clay concluded by saying that, whatever might be the decision of
this house on this question, proposing shortly to go into retirement
from public life, he should there have the consolation of knowing
that he had used _his_ best exertions in favor of a people inhabiting
a territory calculated to contain as many souls as the whole of
christendom besides, whose happiness was at stake, and which it was
in the power of this government to do so much towards securing.