[ON the fifth of February, 1816, Mr. Cyrus King, of
Massachusetts, presented for consideration a resolution,
instructing the committee on foreign relations to inquire
into the expediency of excluding from the ports of the United
States all foreign vessels, owned in, coming from, bound to,
or touching at any of his Britannic majesty’s possessions in
the West Indies, and in the continent of North America, from
which the vessels of the United States are excluded; and of
prohibiting or increasing the duties on the importation in
foreign vessels, of any articles, the growth, produce, or
manufacture of such possessions. This resolution underwent
much discussion, but was finally laid upon the table, and the
subject not again introduced during the same session. But on the
twenty-seventh of January, 1817, there was introduced ‘a bill
to prohibit all commercial intercourse with ports or places,
into or with which, the vessels of the United States are not
ordinarily permitted to enter or trade.’ On the thirtieth of
January, this bill was called up and debated in committee of
the whole. Among the speakers on the subject, were Messrs. Cyrus
King, of Massachusetts, Smith, of Maryland, Wilde, of Georgia,
Randolph, of Virginia, Lowndes, of South Carolina, Hopkinson, of
Pennsylvania, and Clay (speaker).
The whole subject was finally again laid on the table. The
following are Mr. Clay’s remarks in this debate.]
MR. CLAY (speaker) said, that in one sentiment expressed by the
gentleman from Georgia he most heartily concurred; that the measure
contemplated by the bill, or by the proposed substitute, was the most
important, as respected at least our foreign relations, that had come
before congress at this session, or would probably be brought before it
for some years; a measure, which, whatever fate attended it, ought to
attract the attention of honorable members of this house, and to which,
he hoped, before the final question on it, they would give the most
mature consideration.
The importance of the question by no means depended simply on the value
of the trade between this country and the colonies of Great Britain.
But considering the question as it related merely to that trade, when
the fact was stated, that it consisted of six millions of dollars
imports, and of course a like amount of exports, it must be admitted,
the question was one of deep import, compared to any which at present
presented itself to the attention of congress. But, as was stated in
the president’s message, it was not solely important on account of the
effect of the colonial system on that trade, but the fact was, that the
exclusion from a participation in that navigation, essentially affected
the trade between this country and the British European possessions,
and, by the operation of the system, deprived us, in a great measure,
of the benefits of the convention of commerce with Great Britain, which
provided for the establishment of a perfect reciprocity of commerce
between the United States and the British European possessions. Even
if gentlemen were not disposed to do something to obtain for the
navigation of this country a participation in the colonial trade, they
ought to go so far as to place them on an equal footing as regarded
the European trade. Some measure ought to be devised, by which the
navigation of Great Britain should be prevented from enjoying peculiar
advantages over us, in a trade wherein reciprocity had been solemnly
promised by the convention, to which he had alluded.
Let us, then, inquire into the character of the evil proposed to
be remedied, and of the remedy that is offered. What is the evil?
Great Britain says, that the whole commerce between her colonies and
the United States shall be carried on in British ships, absolutely
excluding American ships from any participation in it. The most natural
course of the exchange of commodities between nations might be thus
defined; that each nation should carry its own products to market;
that we should carry of our produce what we do not want, but they do,
to British ports; and that they should bring what they do not want,
but we do, to our ports. With this course, however, Great Britain was
not satisfied. The next and perhaps the most equal and best mode of
providing for the free and fair interchange of commodities, was, to
open the trade equally and reciprocally to both parties, to let each
carry the commodities of both countries, in a fair competition. Great
Britain was not, however, disposed to do this. She not only prohibited
the carriage of her colonial commodities in our vessels; not only
entirely engrossed the export trade from her colonies, but refused to
allow us any participation, by conventional regulation or otherwise,
in the trade to the colonies. The effect was, to deprive us of the
advantages, in the augmentation of our commerce and increase of our
seamen, which would result from the carriage of our own produce, to
the amount of six millions of dollars annually.
With regard to the importance of encouraging our navigation, he said,
he need not resort to argument. The question of the importance of a
navy, to maintain and defend our rights, which had been some years
ago a question of a theoretical nature, was no longer so; it was now
a question of practical experience. All felt its importance, and all
acknowledged the expediency of cherishing, by all means in our power,
that important branch of national defence.
Gentlemen alarmed themselves by the apprehension, that the other party
would view as inimical any regulations countervailing her colonial
policy, and that the issue of this conflict of commercial regulations
would be war. He believed in no such result. If an exclusion of the
navigation and shipping of Great Britain from our ports be a measure
of a hostile character, said Mr. Clay, Great Britain has set us the
example; for she excludes our navigation and shipping from an extensive
range of her ports. He considered this rather as a diplomatic than a
hostile measure; but, if it were otherwise, she had set the example,
which she could not complain if we followed.
But, said he, let us look to the fact. What would be the light in
which Great Britain would view any such regulations as are proposed
by the bill? The convention of London contains an express stipulation
on the subject; and I will observe to gentlemen, that the clause which
exempts the colonial trade from the second article of the convention,
was introduced with the express view of retaining in our hands the
right to countervail the British regulations in this respect. It was
so understood by the framers of that convention. But we have later
evidence than that which is furnished by the terms of the convention.
The president, in his message at the opening of the session, says,
that it is ascertained, ‘that the British government declines all
negotiation on this subject; _with a disavowal_, however, of any
disposition to view in an unfriendly light, whatever _countervailing
regulations_ the United States may oppose to the regulations of which
they complain.’ Thus, then, we have evidence, both from the nature of
the case, and from the express declarations of the British government,
that it will not, because it cannot, view in an unfriendly light any
regulations which this government may find it expedient to adopt, to
countervail their policy. Mr. Clay said, he did not think that the
adoption of this policy on the part of Great Britain, ought to excite
any hostile feeling towards her. She was not singular in this respect.
Every country that has colonies in the West Indies, and which is not
too weak to defend them, endeavored, he said, to appropriate to itself
all the advantages of the trade with those colonies; and it would be
found that the relaxation of the rigor of that system by one nation or
another, was precisely graduated by the degree of ability to maintain
their colonies in peace, and defend them in war. There was nothing in
the regulations of Great Britain, which could be offensive, or possibly
lead to war. They might be complained of as selfish or unfriendly,
they certainly were the former. But Great Britain had a perfect right
to set the example before us; and the question was, whether the total
exclusion of our ships from the colonial ports of Britain, was such a
measure as we ought to fold our arms and submit to, without an effort
to obtain some part of the trade which she had attempted to appropriate
exclusively to herself?
Gentlemen had properly said, that this was a question which ought to
be well weighed before decided. Whatever we do, it ought to be with
a determination to adhere firmly to it. For, depend upon it, Great
Britain will never lightly relax her policy.
The policy of Great Britain was deeply laid in selfish considerations;
a policy which she had never relaxed, except in periods of war, when
it became her interest to do so, from the commencement of her colonies
to this time. The measure which we address to her interest, to induce
her to relax from the rigor of her colonial policy, should be a measure
framed with ample deliberation, which, when we adopt with resolution,
we will maintain with fortitude. For, the first conclusion of the
British government would undoubtedly be, that the American government
would be incapable of maintaining its regulations for any length of
time; and that government, in the expectation of a retraction of the
measure, would persevere in its policy as long as it could.
The question which presents itself, then, is, whether we will adopt
measures to induce a relaxation so desirable to our interest?
What ought to be done, if any thing is? There were two propositions
before the house, and the question now was, on substituting high
duties for the prohibitory system. He preferred the prohibition; and
if any gentleman would candidly compare the merits of the two proposed
remedies, he would find that the whole value of the remedy, by the
imposition of duties, was derived from its approximation to prohibition.
Suppose the measure of prohibition be adopted, what would be its
effect? In the opinion of Mr. Clay, a mere change in the direction
of the trade. St. Domingo would be opened to us, St. Thomas, Vera
Cruz, and possibly St. Bartholomews, and other islands and ports.
But, if not one port should be open, the necessity Great Britain
would be under, to obtain supplies for her colonies, would dictate the
expediency of opening some port at which an interchange of commodities
could take place. If this operation took place, all that is proposed
to be effected by the bill is accomplished, by the participation of
our navigation in the transportation of the articles thus exchanged.
Our ships will have obtained an employment, in carrying our products
to that entrepot, and bringing return cargoes, of the same amount they
would have now, if American, instead of British ships, wholly engrossed
the trade. There might, in the case supposed, be some little increase
in the cost of the articles, but so inconsiderable, as not to amount to
any offset to the great advantages accruing to this country, from the
employment of its tonnage.
The present moment Mr. Clay considered as particularly propitious to
the adoption of this regulation; because, as regarded the great direct
trade between the United States and British ports in Europe, that
was regulated and unalterable for nearly three years. It stood on the
footing of convention; and we should not, by any regulation adopted in
regard to the colonial trade, put to hazard the advantages in the other,
at least until that convention expired.
Regarding this regulation in another view, he anticipated beneficial
effects from it. In consequence of the weakness of some of the powers
of Europe in their maritime force, they had found it convenient to
open ports to us, which were formerly shut, and we could thence draw
our supplies, thus effecting a mere change in the channel of supply
with the advantage of the employment of our own navigation, as already
stated. South America, besides, would be open to us, and we could
there obtain a large portion of the commodities we import from the
West Indies, except, perhaps, the article of rum. Whether that could
be obtained there or not, he did not know. Sugar might be obtained, in
quantity, from Louisiana, where the product of that article increased
every year. Georgia, and a portion of South Carolina, too, had turned
their attention to that object; and the effect of this measure would
be, to encourage the cultivation of that article. With respect to the
article of spirits, if its importation were totally cut off, he thought
it would be a benefit. He believed, he said, that America was the only
country that imported as great a quantity of spirituous liquors; every
other country he was acquainted with, used more of its own manufacture.
I think that the suffering of the navigating interest, to which the
attention of congress is attracted, is one which calls loudly on this
body to do something to alleviate it. It is attributable greatly to the
colonial system of Great Britain, though no doubt also greatly to the
state of peace, and the consequent resumption of their navigation by
the powers of Europe, who, during war, suspended a great proportion
of it. Taking care of the interests of the nation, and guarding our
commerce against the effect of foreign regulations, it becomes us to
act on this subject. He should, he said, cheerfully give his assent,
therefore, to the bill before the house; and should vote for it, but
with reluctance, if the amendment proposed by Mr. Forsyth should
succeed.
The great question was, the _modus operandi_ of this bill, to use
a favorite expression of a member of another body. Operating on the
sympathy as well as the direct interest of the parent country, it would
induce her to relax her system. Great Britain would find a greater
interest in securing the amount of six millions of trade, necessary
to support and cherish her colonies, than she would gain merely on the
transportation of the articles of which that trade consists. That was
the question on which the British people would be called on to decide;
and he believed the effect of this measure would be such as to induce
them to decide in favor of admitting us, on a footing of reciprocity,
into the West India trade. If the British government did not take this
course, it would have to wink at the formation of entrepots, by which
the object proposed by the bill would be substantially accomplished.