the subject before the house. To this he was prompted by his own
feelings, and also by the belief that the dignity and honor of the
body over which he presided, demanded that a complete investigation
should be instituted, of those gross charges which had caused such
disreputable imputations to rest upon his character. In accordance,
therefore, with his request, a committee was appointed on the fifth of
February, 1825, consisting of many leading members in the house, all
of whom were his political opponents. Probably the matter had now gone
farther than Mr. Kremer wished or expected it to go, as he began to
manifest considerable uneasiness respecting the result, notwithstanding
he had but a day or two previous arisen in his place and substantially
reiterated the contents of the communication he had acknowledged,
stating that ‘if, upon an investigation being instituted, it should
appear that he had not sufficient reason to justify the statements he
had made, he trusted he should receive the marked reprobation which
had been suggested by the speaker. _Let it fall where it might, he
was willing to meet the inquiry and abide the result._’ And yet, when
it was proposed to adopt a course which would establish the truth or
falsehood of his statements, which would test this willingness ‘_to
meet the inquiry_,’ he shrank back and shuffled under a mean subterfuge.
The committee, in their report, declared that Mr. Kremer refused
to appear before, or communicate to them any facts of which he had
virtually admitted himself to be in possession, and protested against
acting either as an accuser or a witness, although strongly urged
thereto by them, and not feeling authorized to use compulsion in
procuring evidence, they suffered the subject to drop. While it was
in the hands of the house, he was heard to remark to Messrs. Brent and
Little, one of whom was a warm friend of general Jackson, that he never
intended to charge Mr. Clay with corruption; that he had transferred
or could transfer the votes or interests of his friend; and that he was
among the last men in the nation to make such a charge against Mr. Clay.
To this declaration both these gentlemen certified. Although Mr. Kremer
was weak enough to allow himself to be made the organ of the abominable
conspirators, and, as it appears, a little contrary to his convictions
of truth and honor, he could not stifle the compunctious visitations of
_conscience_, which he experienced on account of the abusive treatment
which, through him, had fallen on an unoffending individual, and that
individual one of the main pillars of the republic. He often expressed
his intention of apologizing to Mr. Clay, and even went so far as
to prepare an apology, containing a minute explanation of all the
circumstances connected with the whole affair, from its inception to
its completion, and which fully exonerated Mr. Clay from every charge
brought against him in the letter. Information of his repentings and
intended reparation soon came to the ears of the grand instigators,
which carried panic to their cowardly hearts, and caused them to quake,
lest their party-colored covering, composed of the very quintessence
of meanness, baseness, and falsehood, should be stripped from them,
and their nakedness exposed to the view and the derision of the world.
To prevent such dreaded consequences, they began instantly to bestir
themselves, at what expense of principle or integrity, they stopped
not to consider. Their first efforts were very naturally directed
towards the instrument of their machinations, who was seized, the
apology taken from, and a muzzle fastened upon him, to prevent the
slightest utterance of his repentant emotions. They then drew up a
labored statement in his name, and laid it before the house, reeking
with duplicity, and infecting the very atmosphere with its nauseating
effluvia. Who can contemplate the loathsome picture of depravity,
worthy of the arch fiend himself, which those evidently instigated
by him, painted and attempted to suspend on the walls of the
nation’s dwelling-place――the holy home of Liberty――in desecrating and
contaminating proximity to the canvass emblazoning the form and the
features of the ‘father of his country,’ and the glorious scenes of his
revolutionary valor, without mingled feelings of disgust, indignation,
and regret?――what patriotic heart, what lover of liberty and political
virtue, in view of the fountain of immaculate purity, on the one hand,
whose streams went forth incessantly, to fertilize, and gladden, and
bless a mighty nation, and their diabolical attempts, on the other,
to pollute and blot it from existence, without sending up the fervent
ejaculation, ‘_Heaven save my country from falling into such hands_’?
After the dust and fog created by their unnatural endeavors had
passed away, the object of their malice appeared in his proper place,
as unmoved and serene as though the clangor of their strife had not
saluted his ears, and as unaffected by the showers of their envenomed
arrows, as though he had been sitting in his native forests amid
the rain-like fall of autumnal leaves. Their loud and discordant
clamors did not for a moment interrupt his meditations concerning
that important, that solemn duty, which had devolved upon him, in
the performance of which he had resolved that no arts of wheedling or
coercion should influence him; that no man nor set of men should act as
his casuist; and that he would not select from the numerous casuistical
proposals, which party zeal had placed before him, _one_ that should
determine the _mode_ of its discharge. No! he chose to settle _that_
question at a tribunal from which there was _no appeal_――at the
tribunal of _Nature_, which Nature’s God had erected in his own bosom.
To _that_ he resorted; indeed, it was one of his most favorite resorts;
and spreading out this momentous question before her bar, we hear
him exclaim, ‘_My position in relation to the presidential contest is
highly critical_, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move
without censure. I have pursued in regard to it the rule which I always
observe in the discharge of my public duty. _I have interrogated my
conscience_ as to what I ought to do, and that faithful guide tells
me that I ought to vote for Mr. Adams. I shall fulfil its injunctions.
Mr. Crawford’s state of health, and the circumstances under which
he presents himself to the house, appear to me to be conclusive
against him. As a friend to liberty, and to the permanence of our
institutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of their existence,
by contributing to the election of a military chieftain, to give
the strongest guarantee that this republic will march in the fatal
road which has conducted every other republic to ruin. I am, and
shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which partisan zeal,
malignity and rivalry can invent. I shall view without emotion these
effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a
public man worth, if he will not expose himself, on fit occasions, for
the good of his country?’ Yes! he _did_ act according to the response
which that ‘_faithful guide_’ gave to his sincere interrogation, and
had the anathemas of the world been thundered in his ears, they would
not have driven him from thus acting. He deemed _her_ will paramount
to that of his constituents, who had desired him to vote for general
Jackson. They afterwards, however, not only justified, but highly
approved――as must every good man――his decision. It would be an act of
superfluity to specify minutely the grounds of Mr. Clay’s preference.
He had obtained occular evidence of Mr. Crawford’s inability to sustain
the responsibilities and perform the arduous duties of the chief
magistracy. He ascertained it to be a fact, but one carefully concealed
from the community, that Mr. Crawford had become almost entirely
debilitated by paralysis, both physically and mentally, which itself,
aside from the knowledge which he possessed, that his influence could
not elect him, was sufficient to induce his rejection. Between general
Jackson and Mr. Adams, it cannot be supposed that Mr. Clay would
long hesitate to choose. His determination had been taken a long time
previous to his knowing the result of the election by the people. He
had repeatedly given utterance to that determination to friends and
foes, at home and at Washington, in public and in private, declaring
that no _supposable contingency_ could arise to constrain him to
vote for general Jackson, and even went so far as to say, that if,
in consequence of his well known and often promulged opinion of
the character, acquirements, and abilities, of that individual, he
_should_ sustain him, he would subject himself to the just contempt and
reprobation of all parties. Neither did he nor his friends look for Mr.
Clay’s support, and said that if he did give it, he would be _guilty of
duplicity_. It is very natural to suppose, that a consultation of his
experience would be sufficient to cause Mr. Clay to prefer Mr. Adams.
He had been associated with the latter in many situations of trust and
responsibility, requiring the most consummate skill and statesmanship,
and he had invariably found him more than sufficient for them all.
He had always found him prepared for any emergency or exigency,
however suddenly or unexpectedly it might arise. But in reference
to the military chieftain, its consultation elicited evidence just
the reverse; he searched in vain for a page recording his diplomatic
wisdom, sound expositions of governmental policy, and accurate
estimates of presidential qualifications; it was wanting. But on many
he found indelibly written, acts of unwarrantable and unjustifiable
usurpation, evincing a disposition to trample on law, humanity, and
the constitution itself. But general Jackson’s supposed hostility
to internal improvements and protection to domestic manufactures,
had these enumerated deficiences and defects in his character been
wanting, would have been sufficient to exclude him from receiving
Mr. Clay’s suffrage. These cherished systems, which he regarded as of
no subordinate importance to the nation, and to establish which he had
expended the prime of his life, he knew, found a firm supporter in Mr.
Adams. This fact furnished the _fundamental reason_ (if any _one_ may
be thus denominated) which determined his choice. Mr. Clay therefore
gave Mr. Adams his vote, who was elected president. He immediately
tendered the former the office of secretary of state, which was
accepted with that promptitude and decision which he always manifested
in entering upon the discharge of those duties to which he believed
his country called him. By this act he proved himself consistent with
his advocacy of the claims of Mr. Adams to the presidency, under whom
he believed that he could render more efficient service, than in his
present position in the house. There can be no other reason assigned,
which carries with it even the shadow of validity, inducing him to
accept a place in the cabinet of the president. The same place had been
tendered him by Messrs. Madison and Monroe, and had been declined, on
the ground of his belief that he could make himself more serviceable
to the nation, by continuing where he was. The great measures of
national policy which were suspended upon his shoulders, at the time
they desired to transfer him from that body to their cabinets, he
had disposed of, and had also happily removed most of the serious
impediments and obstructions which then greatly retarded the wheels
of legislation, so that there was a fair prospect that they would roll
on smoothly, without requiring his immediate aid. He could, therefore,
seek with safety another sphere, and one where he could exert a more
extended and salutary influence.
In relation to his having bargained for the office of secretary of
state, Mr. Adams speaks, in reply to an address from a committee of
gentlemen, expressing their confidence in his purity and patriotism,
and a hope that the evening of his days would be passed in that
tranquillity which is only the lot of the good. He said that upon
Mr. Clay, ‘the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known and
appreciated, as successively a member of both houses of your national
legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, and at the same time, most
efficient leader of debates in both of them, as an able and successful
negotiator for your interests in war and in peace with foreign powers,
and as a powerful candidate for the highest of your trusts. The
department of state itself was a station, which, by its bestowal, could
confer neither profit nor honor upon him, _but upon which he has shed
unfading honor by the manner in which he has discharged its duties_.
Prejudice and passion have charged him with obtaining that office
by bargain and corruption. _Before you, my fellow citizens, in the
presence of our country, and of heaven, I pronounce that charge totally
unfounded._ This tribute of justice is due from me to him, and I
seize with pleasure the opportunity, offered me by your letter, of
discharging the obligation.
‘As to my _motives_ for tendering to him the department of state when I
did, let that man who questions them come forward. Let him look around
among statesmen and legislators of this nation, and of that day. Let
him then select and name the man, whom, by his preëminent talents, by
his splendid services, by his ardent patriotism, by his all-embracing
public spirit, by his fervid eloquence in behalf of the rights and
liberties of mankind, by his long experience in the affairs of the
union, foreign and domestic, a president of the United States, intent
only upon the honor and welfare of his country, ought to have preferred
to Henry Clay. Let him name the man, and then judge you, my fellow
citizens, of my motives.’
Five years subsequent to his election, in a letter to a friend,
Mr. Adams referred to the above testimonial of Mr. Clay’s talents and
character, as one from which he could deduct nothing, but to which he
could add much. He also said, that such was his opinion of Mr. Clay’s
abilities, that he had expressed to him his candid intention, at
the time he resigned the speakership, in 1820, if a vacancy should
occur in the mission to Great Britain, he should deem it his duty to
recommend the nomination of him to that office. He also speaks of the
great despatch and facility, with which Mr. Clay transacted business,
notwithstanding the feebleness of his health during the whole time.
Indeed, he regarded him as a _perfect model_ of fitness for the office
to which he called him, and as having honored and adorned it with the
intellectual wealth of his fertile mind. No station in which he was
placed, suffered, either through remissness, or deficiency. The fact
that his entrance to office was always hailed with general joy, and
his departure witnessed with regret, furnished the highest possible
compliment to his ability and eminence. Had we space, and felt disposed,
we could multiply individual complimentary expressions to almost any
extent, but this is not necessary, for his fame and praise are in the
mouth of the world. The period of Mr. Clay’s speakership may be adduced
as one of the most brilliant of his public life. He illustrated it
by all the lofty attainments of one profoundly versed in the arts of
government, under the guidance of patriotism, that subordinated every
thing to its ardor and devotion. During his occupancy of the chair,
from 1811 to 1825, except two years of voluntary absence, his decisions,
though prompt, were rarely reversed. Though a warm partisan, he never
allowed his own particular views to influence them in the least, and
both friends and foes unite in declaring, that their rendition was far
removed from all suspicion of party or venal considerations, in short;
that on them all was stamped _impartiality_, in everduring characters.
But Mr. Clay, besides rendering himself conspicuous for the correctness
of his decisions, won also the regard and confidence of the house
for the courteously stern manner in which he governed and guided its
deliberations. He combined, in a preëminent degree, the _suaviter in
modo_ with the _fortiter in re_. There was an indescribable something
in his look, gesture, and tone of voice, added to his dignity and
self-possession, that always restrained and conciliated the turbulent
and inimical, and bound to him, with the silken ligaments of love, the
peaceable and friendly. At no period of our political history, were
subjects so momentous and dangerous in their nature, and so difficult
to adjust, brought before congress, as during that of which we are
speaking. The political heavens had never been so black, nor the
political ocean heaved his surges so high, before, and had not _he_
been there to spread the bow of serenity upon the one, and calm
the wild fury of the other, it is hardly too much to say, that our
liberties, our institutions, and our every thing nationally valuable,
would have been swept by the besom of their rage into the tomb of chaos,
if not into oblivion. But _he was there_, ruling, tempering, guiding,
and blessing. He seemed to act as though he were conscious that his
country stood at his side, with her piercing eyes fixed full upon
him, reading the secrets of his heart,――as though he heard her voice
sounding in his ears, imploring and beseeching him to guard and watch
over, faithfully, those interests which she had so unreservedly placed
in his hands, and whenever he lifted his arm, or opened his mouth,
it seemed to be for the single purpose of executing her _revealed
will_. No wonder that in view of such unparalleled patriotism and
disinterestedness, applause should be extorted from the mouth of
enmity itself. No wonder that it should be heard saying, ‘_Mr. Clay
accomplished what no other man could have performed_.’
Many incidents occurred during his speakership, highly illustrative of
his playfulness, wit, and readiness, of which the following may serve
as a specimen.
On one occasion, the late general Alexander Smyth, of Virginia, a
gentleman of unusual ability and erudition, had been speaking a long
time, fatiguing and vexing the house with the length and number of his
quotations, and citations of authorities, and justified his unbearable
prolixity by saying to Mr. Clay, who was seated near him, ‘_you_, sir,
speak for the present generation, but _I_ speak for posterity.’ ‘Yes,’
he immediately replied, ‘and you seem resolved to speak until the
arrival of _your_ audience!’
On another, the house was harangued by the late governor Lincoln, of
Maine, in his usual eloquent, but verbose and declamatory manner. He
was considering the revolutionary pension bill, and replying to an
argument which opposed it on the ground that those to whom it proposed
to extend pecuniary aid, might perhaps live a long time, and thus
cause heavy drafts to be made upon the treasury. In one of his elevated
flights of patriotic enthusiasm, he burst out with the exclamation,
‘_soldiers of the revolution, live forever!_’ Mr. Clay succeeded him,
in favor also of the humane provision, but did not respond to his
desire relative to the length of the lives of those worthies for whose
benefit it was devised, and when he closed, turned suddenly towards
Mr. Lincoln, and, with a smile upon his countenance, observed, ‘I hope
my worthy friend will not insist upon the very great duration of these
pensions which he has suggested. Will he not consent, by way of a
compromise, to a term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years, instead of
eternity?’
We have seen, that the contest which resulted in placing Mr. Adams
at the head of the nation, was one of unusual violence, and in waging
which, the most unscrupulous means were employed; and that one of its
most unredeeming features was the unmitigated calumny and abuse, which
they heaped upon Mr. Clay. But soon after the combatants had retired
from the field of conflict, and resumed their various avocations,
the jarring elements of political faction became quiescent, the blood
of the ambitious demagogue fell from its fever heat to its ordinary
temperature, and the foul slanderer, fearing exposure, had slunk away
to his dark retreat, to deplore his discomfiture, and concoct new
materials. Every thing gave omen that a season of peace and grateful
repose would be enjoyed. It was thought that no lover of these and
of good order, much less a patriot, could be found, who would be base
and foolhardy enough to stir up the expiring embers of strife, and add
fresh fuel to their flames. Those who entertained this belief, however,
found themselves mistaken. They saw one coming forth, one who boasted
long and loud of patriotism and devotion to country, and, stooping from
his supposed lofty eminence of political virtue, pick up the relaxed
bow of slander, and discharge the most envenomed arrows of malice and
detraction, at one of the fairest ornaments of that very country, to
whose interests he professed himself so strongly attached. To their
utter astonishment, they beheld, in that individual, thus anomalously
engaged, no less a personage than that of ‘_the hero of New Orleans_.’
General Jackson had _the distinguished honor of reviving the thousand
times refuted report_ of ‘bargain and corruption,’ in relation to Mr.
Clay’s acceptance of the department of state. A letter, dated March
eighth, 1825, went the rounds of the newspapers, pretending to give the
substance of a conversation which passed between the writer and general
Jackson, to the effect that Mr. Clay’s friends in congress had proposed
to _his_ friends, that if they would agree that Mr. Adams should not
be retained in the department of state, that then their (Mr. Clay
and his supporters) influence should be immediately used to elect
general Jackson, who, it affirmed, rejected the proposal with becoming
indignation. Soon after the appearance of this communication, the
author, Mr. Carter ♦Beverley, addressed general Jackson, requesting
him to confirm it, who replied, June fifth, 1827, by a letter directly
charging the friends of Mr. Clay with having proposed to him, through
a member of congress, to give him their support in case he (general
Jackson) would pledge himself not to retain Mr. Adams as aforesaid, and
who intimated that the proposition originated with Mr. Clay; and, to
give the last finishing stroke, and one which should ensure it credence,
he went so far in that reply as to state, _that immediately after the
rejection of the proposition, Mr. Clay came out openly for Mr. Adams_.
He also declared, that, in reply to this proposition, he stated, that
before he would reach the presidential chair by such ignoble means, ‘he
would see the earth open and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends, and
himself with them!’ The name of the member of congress was demanded by
Mr. Clay, and that of Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was given, a warm
personal friend of general Jackson’s. His version of the matter proved
the assertion of the latter a barefaced falsehood, unsupported by even
the semblance of truth. Mr. Buchanan flatly and promptly denied, that
such a proposition had been made through him as had been alleged, and
entirely exonerated Mr. Clay and his adherents from all connection with
it. He stated, that, during the month of December, 1824, hearing it
currently reported in Washington, that general Jackson, in case he was
elected president, designed to continue Mr. Adams as secretary of state,
and thinking that such a report, if not properly contradicted, would
operate detrimentally to his interests, he called on him, and expressed
his opinion in relation thereto, and that the general declared, that
he entertained a high opinion of Mr. Adams, but had never said any
thing in relation to retaining or rejecting him as secretary of state,
and that he (Mr. Buchanan) was authorized to state, that such was the
result of the interview. Mr. Buchanan also declared his honest and
sincere conviction, that ‘general Jackson did not believe or entertain
the most distant idea that he came on behalf of Mr. Clay or of his
friends, until the publication of the letter making that accusation.’
Thus the burden of proof of the vile calumny, which had been placed
upon the shoulders of the calumniator himself, remained unmoved. The
united efforts of himself and friends, instead of disengaging it, only
rendered its magnitude more visible, and its deformity more gross. The
eyes of the nation have been directed to it, and many pure patriots, of
all parties, in view of it, with saddened hearts, have exclaimed, ‘alas,
alas, for the all-absorbing prevalence of party spirit――for the frailty
of human nature!’
Though no substantiating evidence was, or could be, produced, by those
who sought to produce it, a mass of refuting testimony was obtained
by Mr. Clay and his friends, perfectly overwhelming. A circular letter
was addressed to the western delegation of 1825, who were the principal
individuals implicated in the charges against Mr. Clay, soliciting
their views respecting them, who _unhesitatingly pronounced them false_;
and many stated, that their determination to vote for Mr. Adams was
formed _previous to knowing Mr. Clay’s intention_. This testimony
Mr. Clay embodied in a pamphlet, which he published in January, 1828,
containing evidence more than sufficient to convince any unprejudiced
mind, that he had repeatedly and unambiguously declared his intention
to vote for Mr. Adams, long before the alleged proposition was said to
have been made. In this he says, ‘I make no appeal to public sympathy.
I invoke only stern justice. If truth has not lost its force, reason
its sway, and the fountains of justice their purity, the decision must
be auspicious. With a firm reliance upon the enlightened judgment of
the public, and conscious of the zeal and uprightness with which I have
executed every trust committed to my care, I await the event without
alarm or apprehension. Whatever it may be, my anxious hopes will
continue for the success of the great cause of human liberty, and of
_those high interests of national policy_, to the promotion of which,
the best exertions of my life have been faithfully dedicated. And my
humble, but earnest prayers will be unremitted, that all danger may
be averted from our common country, and especially that our union, our
liberty, and our institutions, may long survive, a cheering exception
from the operations of that fatal decree, which the voice of all
history has hitherto uniformly proclaimed.’
Though utterly abortive were all the attempts of the enemies of Mr.
Clay, to injure him in the estimation of the unprejudiced and the good,
still, they managed to make political capital out of the charges of
bargain and corruption. Notwithstanding this final appeal to the people,
embraced, substantially, the numerous evidences of their falsehood,
evidences that had been repeated again and again, still, there were
found thousands who believed these charges, and many servile partisan
presses to circulate them, and carefully suppress the proofs of their
untruth. These labored unremittingly, to make the community believe,
that general Jackson was absolutely cheated out of his election by
Mr. Clay, and multitudes settled down on this belief, and clung to it
with an obstinacy, that would not have been moved, had he _sealed his
protestation of their falsehood with his blood_. This belief was so
congenial to the feelings of many, as to cause them to turn a deaf ear
to any statement calculated to weaken it. A specimen of this class of
individuals fell under the personal observation of Mr. Clay, while, in
1828, he was travelling in Virginia, accompanied by some friends. ‘We
halted,’ said he, ‘at night, at a tavern kept by an aged gentleman,
who, after supper, sat down by me, and, without hearing my name, but
understanding that I was from Kentucky, remarked, that he had four sons
in that state, and that he was very sorry they were divided in politics,
two being for Adams, and two for Jackson. He wished they were all for
Jackson. Why? I asked him. Because, he said, that fellow _Clay, and
Adams, had cheated Jackson out of the presidency_. Have you ever seen
any evidence, my old friend, said I, of that? No, he replied, _none,
and he wanted to see none_. But, I observed, looking him directly and
steadily in the face, suppose Mr. Clay were to come here and assure you,
upon his honor, that it was all a vile calumny, and not a word of truth
in it, would you believe him? No, replied the old man, promptly and
emphatically. I said to him, in conclusion, will you be good enough to
show me to bed, and bade him good night. The next morning, having in
the interval learnt my name, he came to me full of apologies, but I at
once put him at his ease, by assuring him that I did not feel, in the
slightest degree, hurt or offended with him.’
These calumnious allegations have expended their strength, and are now
remembered and denominated only as the vilest fabrication of the most
unscrupulous political malice, to destroy the most exalted patriotism
and unsullied political virtue, that ever adorned this or any other
country. The individual against whom they were directed, not merely
outlived them, but also secured the civic wreath of honor, in which
flashes, in everduring brilliancy, many a gem of public favor. It was
a sublime sight, for a mighty nation to see her most distinguished
son, single-handed, holding on his patriotic course, now breasting
the ungovernable waves of faction, and now making his way through the
serried ranks of vindictive assailants, casting their weapons from
him as the lion shakes the dewdrops from his mane, or, seated in the
unmoved majesty of his integrity, regarding them as the ocean rock
looks down and laughs at the impotency of surge and storm, breaking
harmlessly against his feet. Through all, he passed to the chair of
state, unshorn of a lock of his might. The duties of that arduous
station he discharged with a zeal and fidelity, which may be equalled,
but not surpassed. These had become greatly multiplied when Mr. Clay
entered upon it, in consequence of the extension of our foreign
relations, which required the preparation of many documents that
devolved upon it. It would be impracticable to give even a list of
these. His health was so feeble, that he intimated to the president his
intention of resigning his office in 1828, but, through the persuasion
of his friends, consented to remain. It is surprising, that, under
such circumstances, the official records, during his term of service,
show a greater amount of labor performed than was accomplished by any
of his predecessors, who enjoyed those collateral aids which it was
impracticable for him to obtain. In the single article of treaties,
his incumbency was illustrious. The number negotiated and concluded
by him, at Washington, is greater than that of all which had ever been
previously concluded there, from the first adoption of the constitution.
These relate chiefly to commerce, navigation, and neutral rights, and
were entered into between the United States, Central America, Prussia,
Denmark and the Hanseatic Republic, and Austria, though he vacated his
office previous to the ensealing of the treaty with the latter. With
foreign ministers at Washington, he was a great favorite, and on terms
of salutary intimacy, which enabled him to consult most advantageously
the best interests of his country, in negotiating with them. In
devising and framing these instruments, Mr. Clay not only found ample
scope for the exercise of his mental faculties, but also for those
amiable qualities of his character which enhanced the pleasure of his
personal intercourse, and which contributed not a little in obtaining
liberal terms for his country. He laid the foundation of an arrangement
with Russia, for the settlement of certain claims of American citizens.
These treaties furnish a full refutation of the charge often preferred
against him, of being indifferent to, and unmindful of our foreign
commercial interests, and as being willing to sacrifice them in
fostering domestic trade and manufactures. A perusal of these is
sufficient to convince the most skeptical, that our foreign commercial
interests lay as near his heart as any other subject of diplomatic
action. He abrogated in them a clause introduced into the London
treaty of 1815, by which English and American vessels were restricted,
in their commercial intercourse with one another, to articles of
the growth or manufacture of each, and inserted one in its place,
permitting them to enter their ports, without any regard being had to
the place of growth and manufacture of their cargoes. This removed what
experience had proved to be a most serious impediment to our navigation,
and seemed so just and proper in Mr. Clay’s estimation, that, in
speaking of it, he says, ‘its reciprocity is perfect; and when it comes
to be adopted by all nations, we can scarcely see any thing beyond it,
in the way of improvement to the freedom and interests of their mutual
navigation. The devices of maritime nations have been various, to
augment their marine, at the expense of other powers. When there has
been a passive acquiescence in the operation of these devices, without
any resort to countervailing regulations, their success has sometimes
been very great. But nations are now too enlightened to submit quietly
to the selfish efforts of any one power to engross, by its own separate
legislation, a disproportionate share of navigation in their mutual
intercourse. These efforts are now met by opposite efforts, restriction
begets restriction, until the discovery is at last made, after a long
train of vexatious and irritating acts and manœuvres on both sides,
that the course of selfish legislation, ultimately, does not effect the
distribution of maritime power, whilst it is attended with the certain
evil of putting nations into an ill humor with each other. Experience
at last teaches, that, in every view, it is better to begin and
continue in the career of liberality.’
This restriction, however, Great Britain would not abandon, when urged
thereto by Mr. Gallatin, whom Mr. Adams had empowered to treat with
that nation, in relation to the trade between the United States and
her colonial dependencies. He was particularly instructed by Mr. Clay
to make the subject of the West India trade a matter of special
negotiation. Unsuccessful efforts to effect a mutually advantageous
arrangement, had been made several years previous, and Mr. Gallatin
was despatched to resume them, at the request of the British minister
at Washington. The former was told, immediately after presenting his
credentials, that the British government would not treat concerning the
West India trade, and also that she would not admit the United States
to participate in it, because they had not complied with the provision
of a certain act of parliament relating to it, of which act they were
in utter ignorance. Its passage had never been officially announced
to them, at London or at Washington. The act itself was vague, and
when the British minister was questioned by Mr. Clay respecting its
application, the former was unable to explain its ambiguity, or to
say whether it was intended to apply to the United States or not, as
there was nothing in his instructions relating to it. In connection
with refusing to negotiate with Mr. Gallatin, Great Britain insulted
the United States through him, by declaring that _they were bound to
know and take notice of the acts of parliament_! We doubt whether the
diplomacy of any other nation ever presented such a flagrant assertion,
so arrogantly assumptive, and so palpably unjust. The result, of course,
was inevitable; direct intercourse between the United States and the
West India ports of Great Britain, in British or American vessels, was
mutually prohibited. Mr. Clay’s official correspondence, in relation to
this question, is replete with argument and sound reasoning.
The expansiveness of Mr. Clay’s love of freedom, again exhibited
itself soon after entering upon the duties of his office. Although
they were such as to keep him continually and exhaustingly engaged,
he nevertheless found time to extend his commiseration and his aid to
those nations, the recognition of whose independence, by his country,
he had endeavored to procure some time previous. His situation was now
such as to give him an opportunity of accomplishing this. From time
to time he spread the subject before the executive, and so eloquently
pleaded their cause, that a minister was despatched by our government
to Greece, which resulted in the recognition of her independence by it.
In this the United States was first, and through the influence of Mr.
Clay did she make this benevolent movement. As he had anticipated, it
infused new strength into the hearts of the struggling Greeks, who had
begun to sink beneath the Turkish scimetar.
Mr. Clay’s official letter to Mr. Middleton, our minister at Russia,
dated May tenth, 1825, is a paper of great polish and skill. Mr. Clay
had witnessed, for seventeen years, the devastating wars which had
raged between Spain and her South American colonies, and fervently
desired to see them terminated. For this purpose, he projected and
prepared the document aforesaid, independent of all suggestion or aid,
from any public functionary. He had familiarized himself with the facts
connected with these wars, which, in the most striking and beautiful
manner, he spread out before the emperor, and urged him to use his
influence in bringing about an event which he so ardently desired.
This communication was so skilfully and ingeniously framed, as to
direct the attention of Alexander to the struggling Greeks, and enlist
his influence in their behalf, which was precisely what the writer
wished, though he did not say so in so many words. Mr. Clay’s efforts
were triumphantly successful. The emperor instructed his minister at
the Spanish court, to use every proper exertion to terminate these
sanguinary conflicts, which eventuated in the acknowledgement of
South American independence, by the parent country. The emperor also
took sides with the Greeks, made certain proposals, relative to them,
to the grand sultan, and, on their being rejected, instantly set about
making preparations to march against him. Before their completion he
deceased, but his successor took them up, and struck a blow so decisive
as to put an instant period to his barbarities. Thus Mr. Clay’s
influence, through this instrument, set in motion means that moved both
hemispheres, and accomplished results, the sum of whose benefits and
blessings, never has been, and never can be, ascertained.
If we were to single out one from the multitude of official papers
prepared by Mr. Clay during his secretaryship, as evincing the most
ability and skill, it would be the letter of instructions to Messrs.
John Sergeant and Richard C. Anderson, delegates from the United States
to the congress at Panama, convened at the request of the republics of
Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, whose representatives were also
present. The object of this congress was not very definitely stated
in the request for it, and, before appointing delegates, Mr. Clay
endeavored to ascertain the nature and extent of the subjects upon
which they would deliberate, and the powers with which it would be
proper to clothe them. This object, though not precisely ascertained,
was presumed to be honorable; indeed, the convention was believed to
have been suggested by the declaration of president Monroe, that, in
case of any interference of any of the allied powers, in the contest
between Spain and her former colonies, the United States would not
remain an indifferent spectator. This declaration very naturally
led the republics before mentioned, towards whom the Holy Alliance
maintained a hostile attitude, to seek the cultivation of those
amicable relations with the United States, which would secure their
aid, in case it should be desired. In Mr. Clay’s letter of instructions,
the delegates were authorized to treat of peace, friendship, commerce,
navigation, maritime law, neutral and belligerent rights, and other
subjects of mutual interest. Subjoined, is an extract from this able
document.
Speaking of the regulation respecting private property, which
ought to exist on the ocean in time of war, he said: ‘although, in
the arrangement of things, security against oppression should be
the greatest where it is most likely to be often practiced, it is
nevertheless remarkable, that the progress of enlightened civilization
has been much more advanced on the land than on the ocean. And,
accordingly, personal rights, and especially those of property, have
both a safety and protection on the former, which they do not enjoy
on the latter element. Scarcely any circumstance would now tend more
to exalt the character of America, than that of uniting its endeavors
to bring up the arrears of civilization as applied to the ocean, to
the same forward point which it has attained on the land, and, thus
rendering men and their property secure against all human injustice
and violence, leave them exposed only to the action of those storms
and disasters, sufficiently perilous, which are comprehended in
the dispensations of providence. It is under the influence of these
and similar considerations, that you will bring forward, at the
contemplated congress, the proposition to abolish war against private
property and non-combatants on the ocean. Private property of an enemy
is protected, when on land, from seizure and confiscation. Those who do
not bear arms there, are not disturbed in their vocations. Why should
not the same humane exemption be extended to the sea?’
Respecting religious toleration, he remarks, ‘you will avail yourselves
of all suitable occasions to press upon the minister of the other
American states, the propriety of a free toleration of religion, within
their respective limits. In the United States, we experience no
inconvenience from the absence of any religious establishment, and the
universal toleration which happily prevails. We believe that none would
be felt by other nations who should allow equal religious freedom. It
would be deemed rash to assert, that civil liberty and an established
church cannot exist together in the same state; but it may be safely
affirmed, that history affords no example of their union, where the
religion of the state has not only been established, but exclusive. If
any of the American powers think proper to introduce into their systems
an established religion, although we should regret such a determination,
we would have no right to make a formal complaint, unless it should
be _exclusive_. As the citizens of any of the American nations have a
right, when here, without hindrance, to worship the Deity according to
the dictates of their own consciences, our citizens ought to be allowed
the same privilege, when, prompted by business or inclination, they
visit any of the American states. You are accordingly authorized to
propose a joint declaration, to be subscribed by the ministers of all
or any of the powers represented, that, within their limits, there
shall be free toleration of religious worship. The declaration on this
subject in which you are authorized to unite, as well as that directed
against European colonization within the territorial limits of any
of the American nations herein before mentioned, does no more than
announce, in respect to the United States, the existing state of their
institutions and laws.’
These instructions reflect the highest honor on Mr. Clay, and when, in
March, 1829, their publication was called for, in connection with other
documents relating to the Panama mission, it was rancorously opposed by
his enemies, who foresaw clearly that it would increase his popularity
and add to his celebrity, as well as refute their assertion, that
the object of the administration, in sending delegates to the Panama
congress, was to carry into effect objects utterly at variance with the
interests and true policy of the United States.
Mr.Clay’s method of preparing state papers, was, to make himself
perfectly master of the subjects to be considered, by perusing all the
papers on file relating to them, and afterwards draw up the documents
in a form that seemed to him correct, and then submit them to the
inspection of the president, who, it is understood, seldom found it
necessary to suggest the slightest alteration.
During his term of service, Mr. Clay was under the painful necessity
of reproving a foreign minister. Our _chargé d’affaires_ at the court
of Brazil, had, by his intimidating manner, rendered himself very
unpopular, and brought our affairs into great embarrassment at Rio de
Janeiro. He frequently indulged in harsh and disrespectful language
toward officers of the Brazilian government. Mr. Clay conveyed to him
the rebuke of the United States, for these misdemeanors, which, though
severe, was couched in language calculated to give the least possible
pain.
The confidence of Mr. Adams was liberally and voluntarily given to
Mr. Clay, nor could it have been better bestowed. With all the acts of
the latter, he expressed himself entirely satisfied――except his affair
of honor with Mr. Randolph. Of this he disapproved, most heartily
and unequivocally; and Mr. Clay himself greatly regretted it. Many
evidences are on record of Mr. Adams’s regard for Mr. Clay, both of a
public and private character. The following is an interesting one.
Says a correspondent of the Newark Daily Advertiser, ‘I have frequently
observed ladies’ albums circulating through the house and senate
chamber, with the view of collecting the autographs of the members.
I saw one this morning which contained a page of well written poetry,
dated twenty-third July, 1842, in the tremulous hand-writing of John
Q. Adams, descriptive of the wild chaos at present spread over our
political affairs, and anticipated coming events, which would bring
order out of disorder. The closing verse was as follows:
‘Say, for whose brow this laurel crown?
For whom this web of life is spinning?
Turn this, thy album, upside down,
And take the end for the beginning.’
The meaning of this was somewhat mystical, but, by turning to the back
of the book, and inverting it, on its last page a piece was found with
the signature of ‘H. CLAY!’
Seldom, perhaps, has an administration been assailed with more
violence, or with less cause, than that of Mr. Adams. Perhaps the
hostility manifested towards it, was occasioned, to a considerable
extent, by Mr. Clay’s connection with it, and from the fact that the
views of the president, in relation to the great measures of national
policy, harmonized perfectly with his own. This gave to the opposition,
of the ultra advocates of state rights, its bitterest venom, which was
profusely lavished upon it. As soon as Mr. Clay left the house, his
old eccentric foe, Mr. Randolph, cast off all restraint, and spoke and
acted as though law and order were not for him; suffering no occasion
to pass unimproved in abusing Mr. Clay, and often travelling out of
his way to seek one. The subject of the Panama mission furnished him
rich materials for exercising his peculiar genius, which he employed in
the most insulting manner towards him. He characterized that unison of
sentiment to which we have alluded, which existed between the president
and Mr. Clay, as a ‘coalition of Blifil and Black George――a combination
of the Puritan with the black-leg’――and charged Mr. Clay with ‘stealing
a leaf from the curse book of PANDEMONIUM.’ Such language would be
disgraceful under any circumstances, but especially on the floor of
the senate chamber. Mr. Randolph seemed determined to bring about a
personal conflict with Mr. Clay, from what motives it is difficult
to determine, for the latter gave him no cause of abuse, carefully
avoiding him as he did. But the former went on, day after day,
unprovoked, adding injury to injury, heaping insult upon insult upon
the latter, until further forbearance became exceedingly difficult,
to say the least, especially as Mr. Clay was surrounded by his
family. Says an individual intimately acquainted with the parties,
‘Mr. Randolph knew that his every word, whether spoken in his sober
or inebriated moments, was pregnant with death, to the pride and
the happiness of the innocent and the lovely.’ Although he himself
had no family; although he was an individual in reference to whom
a distinguished friend of ours once thanked God in congress, that
monsters could not perpetuate their species; still he must have known,
from hearsay, that the feelings of a wife and a daughter are keenly
sensitive. Had Mr. Clay held a seat in the senate, Mr. Randolph,
dark as were his designs, and much as he longed for a quarrel, would
not have dared to use the language of open outrage. There was ever
something in Mr. Clay’s eye, before which his spirit quailed and
blinked, like a frighted thing. Mr. Clay, however, was absent, and
every day of his forbearance added bitterness to the insults that were
heaped on him. What could he do? Undoubtedly, that religion, whose
kingdom is not of this world, required him to endure patiently unto the
end. It is a matter of regret that he did not, but who shall censure
him harshly, for having, in a moment of uncontrollable exasperation,
turned upon his pursuer and dared him to single combat!
Of the duel, itself, it is not necessary to say much. Mr. Randolph, in
defiance of established usage, went upon the field in a huge morning
gown; and the seconds, had not Mr. Clay interfered, would have made
this singular conduct the occasion of a quarrel. In due time the
parties fired, and luckily for both of them, or at least for Mr. Clay,
Mr. Randolph’s life was saved by his gown. The unseemly garment
constituted such a vast circumference, that the locality of ‘the thin
and swarthy senator’ was at least a matter of very vague conjecture. Mr.
Clay might as well have fired into the outspread top of an oak, in the
hope of hitting a bird that he supposed to be snugly perched somewhere
among the branches. His ball hit the centre of the visible object, but
_Randolph was not there_! and of course the shot did no harm and no
good. After the first discharge, Mr. Randolph, by firing into the air,
showed his disinclination to continue the fight. He immediately walked
up to Mr. Clay, who was still standing in his place, and, parting the
folds of his gown, pointed to the hole where the bullet of the former
had pierced his coat, and, in the shrillest tones of his squeaking
voice, exclaimed, ‘_Mr. Clay, you owe me a COAT, you owe me a COAT_!’
to which he replied, in a voice of slow and solemn emphasis, at the
same time pointing directly to Mr. Randolph’s heart, ‘MR. RANDOLPH,
_I thank God that I am no DEEPER in your debt!_’
We are no apologist for the duelist; we regard the practice of duelling
with the deepest detestation and abhorrence, and believe it unjustified,
under any circumstances; still, we unhesitatingly say, that those which
surrounded Mr. Clay, were approximated as nearly to a justification,
as any possibly could. He had resorted to all honorable means to avoid
a duel with Mr. Randolph; calling upon and desiring him to explain
or retract his insulting language, but he flatly refused. It may not
be amiss to state, in this connection, that Mr. Clay reprobated the
practice of duelling, himself. This appears from his avowed sentiment
relative thereto. ‘I owe it,’ said he, ‘to the community, to say, that
whatever, heretofore, I may have done, or by inevitable circumstances
may be forced to do, no man in it holds in deeper abhorrence than
I do, the pernicious practice of duelling. Condemned as it must be,
by the judgment and philosophy, to say nothing of the religion, of
every thinking man, it is an affair of feeling, about which we cannot,
although we should, reason. The true corrective will be found, when all
shall unite, as all ought to unite, in its unqualified proscription.’
The hostile meeting between Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clay, occurred April
eighth, 1826. Their last interview took place in March, 1833, a short
time previous to the decease of the former. He was on his way to
Philadelphia, where he died. Being unable to walk or stand without
assistance, he was borne into the senate chamber, to which he was
about to pay his last visit. The senate was in session by candlelight.
Mr. Clay had risen to make some remarks on the compromise act. ‘Help
me up,’ said Mr. Randolph, sitting in a chair, and speaking to his
half-brother, Mr. Tucker, ‘help me up; _I have come to hear that voice
once more_.’ When Mr. Clay concluded, he approached, and shook Mr.
Randolph cordially by the hand, and thus terminated their intercourse
forever.
Mr. Clay’s efforts, during his secretaryship, contributed
much in making Mr. Adams’s administration peculiarly American.
They afforded material aid in cherishing and strengthening those
principles, which would render the United States independent of foreign
nations――principles for which he contended with a zeal that nothing
could dampen, and which would not allow any compromise. In giving
Mr. Adams his vote, he was not mistaken in supposing that he would be
their able supporter too. In their adherence to these, they went hand
in hand. This was a source of most vexatious uneasiness to the enemies
of those principles. Hence the cause of their excessive hostility
towards the administration of Mr. Adams, for they believed it was
materially shaped by Mr. Clay. They little expected, and less designed,
that their opposition should thus pay him the highest possible
compliment――that of wielding a power scarcely inferior to that of the
executive himself. The enemies of Mr. Clay, therefore, became the
enemies of Mr. Adams, whose administration they determined to prostrate,
let the expense be what it might. ‘_It must be put DOWN_,’ said one of
general Jackson’s most prominent supporters, ‘_though as pure as the
angels at the right hand of God_.’ The foulest charges were preferred
against Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, the mildest of which was, CORRUPTION.
Of the latter, in consequence of his having made some transfers,
in publishing the laws, from one printing establishment to another,
it was alleged, that he attempted to corrupt the press, which, with
a great outcry, was bruited from one end of the land to the other.
He was charged with having made the transfer from interested party
considerations, and an attempt was made to cause him to communicate to
congress what changes he had made, with his reasons. It failed, however,
on the ground that the house had no jurisdiction over the matter.
At the very time (or nearly) that his enemies in the house were thus
engaged in subjecting him to this gross charge, their coadjutors
in the senate, led on by Mr. Van Buren, were endeavoring to deprive
the National Intelligencer of the printing of that body. _Notable
consistency!_ Not an act of Mr. Adams, or Mr. Clay, which was not made
to pass through the traducing ordeal of their enemies’ malice, and
pronounced corrupt and ruinous in their tendency. The same acts might
be submitted to the examination of any impartial tribunal, who would
rise up from it, and declare them as nearly faultless as any human ones
could be; indeed, that of posterity, whose decisions are never reversed,
is fast rendering such a verdict. Many an eye now dims with tears, and
many a heart heaves with regret, at the recollection of Mr. Adams’s
administration. The political degeneracy and pollution of the present
day, were far from it. Economy, dignity, and liberality, were written
all over it, in such indelible characters, that the most intemperate
flood of opposition could not expunge them. It can be said of Mr. Adams,
that he never dismissed a public functionary solely on the ground
of party considerations, and in selecting these, he did not permit
himself to be governed by them. But, unexceptionable as was the course
pursued by him, detraction and calumny performed their utmost to
bring him into disrepute, and with too much success. Party prejudice
and sectional feelings were aroused and inflamed in all parts of
the country. The wants of each were catered for, without stint or
measure; coalitions, combinations, caucusses, and all the unnamed and
undescribed pharaphernalia of party manœuvring, were organized, drilled,
arrayed, and brought out, to be used by strong and willing hands, in
the most ignoble and base employment in which they could be engaged――in
crushing an administration without any regard to its merit or demerit.
The prime movers of the whole heterogeneous mass had decreed, that it
‘_must_ be put down,’ and its loud _ergo_ pealed up, ‘_it ought to be
put down_.’ Contradictory and paradoxical reasoning was employed, with
success equal to that of true, in different parts of the country. Their
creed was comprehensive enough to embrace all, how various soever their
names or tenets. From such an army political virtue and honesty fled
away and hid themselves, which, like the devouring locusts of Egypt,
passed over the whole land, blighting and destroying every green thing
in its political enclosures. Sometime previous to the close of the
administration, the opposition gained the ascendency in congress, which
greatly facilitated their operations, which resulted in the election
of their candidate, Andrew Jackson, to the presidential chair, in the
autumn of 1828.
The prevalence of truth is sure. It may be temporarily suppressed,
error may triumph over it, and it may seem to be lost, but its
disenthralment is just as certain, as the release of the earth by solar
heat from the mists that press upon its bosom. Error gravitates――its
nature is downwards; but truth soars――its own intrinsic buoyant power
bears it, sooner or later, to the surface of human observation. It
cannot perish; it is the ally of immortality, and will survive all
sublunary things, and be seen and admired ages after falsehood and all
his base companions shall have gone down to their dark dwelling-place.
This attribute of truth seems to have been overlooked or disregarded,
by those who, with a blind zeal and misguided patriotism, sought the
overthrow of an administration too good to escape the shafts of envy,
and dispensing more benefits than could be enumerated or appreciated by
them when thus engaged. Those who were most active in elevating general
Jackson to the presidency, displayed great skill in party tactics, and
a most liberal education in the schools of intrigue and detraction.
Experience had taught them, that a public functionary was most
vulnerable through the minds of his constituents; that if the lodgment
of a certain principle could be effected _there_, their work was done,
his ruin was accomplished. This was precisely the mode of warfare
pursued by the opponents of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. All their efforts
were directed to the single end, of instilling into the minds of the
people the belief, that these eminent statesmen, these great and good
men, _were vampyres upon their pockets_, shaping their measures so as
to drain them of their contents. The cry of extravagance drowned every
other, and that of economy, retrenchment, and reform, was iterated
and reiterated so often, that the truth of the first, and imperious
necessity of the others, soon became their permanent belief. It is
not surprising, that under the influence of this, they should rise,
and pluck them from their places, without stopping to inquire, whether
those who excited them to the committal of this act, did not do it for
the express purpose of thrusting their hands still deeper into their
pockets. The sequel seemed to furnish good grounds for such an opinion.
From the purses of the people, general Jackson’s administration
took about two dollars to Mr. Adams’s one, and Mr. Van Buren’s
about three. The necessity for diminishing the public expenditures,
suddenly ceased, upon their becoming safely installed in their places,
and their sympathy for the ‘_dear people_,’ in view of their pretended
robbery, which seemed to be so expansive before, immediately returned
to the narrow limits of their own bosoms. But truth, whose voice was
completely stifled in reference to the administration of Mr. Adams,
and the herculean labors of Mr. Clay, as connected with it, in the
political _melée_ of 1828, is fast justifying its measures, and causing
many to regret, who zealously sought, its overthrow, and fervently pray
for its return.
A few days after general Jackson’s inauguration into the presidential
chair, Mr. Clay prepared to return to the retirement and the social
delights of his home; where, at his leisure, he could review his public
acts, and devise new measures for benefiting his country. About the
time of his departure from Washington, his friends residing in that
city, as a testimonial of their regard for his private and public
character, gave him a dinner. In a speech, on that occasion, he alluded
to his public career, and the duties of citizenship, in the following
beautiful language. ‘Whether I shall ever hereafter take any part
in the public councils or not, depends upon circumstances beyond my
control. Holding the principle that a citizen, as long as a single
pulsation remains, is under an obligation to exert his utmost energies
in the service of his country, if necessary, whether in a public or
private station, my friends here and every where may rest assured, that,
in either condition, I shall stand erect, with a spirit unconquered,
whilst life endures ready to second their exertions in the cause of
liberty, the union, and the national prosperity.’
Of general Jackson he remarked, ‘that citizen has done me much
injustice. It was inflicted, as I must ever believe, for the double
purpose of gratifying private resentment, and promoting personal
ambition. When, during the late canvass, he came forward in the
public prints, under his proper name, with his charge against me, and
summoned before the public tribunal his friend and his _only_ witness,
(Mr. Buchanan,) to establish it, the anxious attention of the whole
American people was directed to the testimony which that witness might
render. He promptly obeyed the call, and testified to what he knew. He
_could_ say nothing, and he _said nothing_ which cast the ♦slightest
shade upon my honor or integrity. What he _did_ say was the reverse
of any implication of _me_. Then all just and impartial men, and all
who had faith in the magnanimity of my accuser, believed that he would
make a public acknowledgement of his error. How far this reasonable
expectation has been fulfilled, let his persevering and stubborn
silence attest. But my relations to that citizen, by a recent event,
are now changed. He is the chief magistrate of my country, invested
with large and extensive powers, the administration of which may
conduce to its prosperity, or occasion its adversity. Patriotism
enjoins as a duty, that while he is in that exalted station he should
be treated with decorum, and his official acts be judged of in a spirit
of candor.’
The rancor of his enemies had pursued Mr. Clay as though he had been
a devastating monster, laying waste the fair and fertile fields of his
country, instead of enriching them by his toils. It overstepped, not
only the bounds of prudence, but of propriety and decency. It followed
him to the sanctuary of his home, and violated that. In a letter
written in May, 1828, he thus speaks of their attempts to destroy
his pecuniary credit. ‘The variety in their modes of attack, and the
industry of my enemies, are remarkable, if not always commendable.
I observe that some of them about Lexington, have carefully searched
the records of Fayette, and extracted from them a formidable list of
mortgages, which are paraded as evidence of my bankruptcy. The fairness
of this proceeding, in my absence on arduous public service, and
without inquiry into the fact whether the mortgages be extinguished or
not, is submitted to my fellow citizens of Fayette. I do not consider,
that a man who honestly fulfils his pecuniary engagements, is entitled
to any special praise, or I would not observe, that I can confidently
appeal to all with whom I ever had pecuniary transactions, to bear
testimony to the fidelity with which I have discharged mine. I invite
the severest scrutiny into my conduct in that respect, and request a
comparison of it with that of any one of those who now assail me. I
never was sued in my life, for an uncontested debt; indeed, I have no
recollection at this time of having ever been sued for any ascertained
debt, contested or uncontested, and whether I was principal or endorser.
I am not free absolutely from debt. I am not rich. I never coveted
riches. But my estate would even now be estimated at not much less
than one hundred thousand dollars. Whatever it may be worth, it is a
gratification to me to know, that it is the produce of my own honest
labor, no part of it being hereditary, except one slave, who would
oblige me very much if he would accept his freedom. It is sufficient,
after paying all my debts, to leave my family above want, if I should
be separated from them. It is a matter, also, of consolation to me,
to know that this wanton exposure of my private affairs can do me no
pecuniary prejudice. My few creditors will not allow their confidence
in me to be shaken by it. It has, indeed, led to one incident, which
was at the same time a source of pleasure and pain. A friend lately
called on me, at the instance of another friend, and informed me that
they were apprehensive that my private affairs were embarrassed, and
that I allowed their embarrassment to prey upon my mind. He came,
therefore, with their authority, to tell me that they would contribute
any sum that I might want, to relieve me. The emotions which such a
proposition excited, can be conceived by honorable men. I felt most
happy to be able to undeceive them, and to decline their benevolent
proposition.’
Though Mr. Clay’s enemies were greatly gratified at his ejectment from
office, they were more disappointed and chagrined at the fortitude, and
humor, even, with which he bore it. They had prepared a rich feast of
enjoyment over his anticipated sorrow, on the occurrence of that event,
which was spoiled by him, in not complying with the conditions that
_would make it palatable_. Instead of being sad, he was merry. At the
time of his departure from Washington for Kentucky, the roads were
very bad, which induced him to send his private conveyance in advance,
and resort to the stage-coach. On one occasion, the roughness of them
caused him to take a seat beside the driver, which he occupied on
entering Uniontown, in Pennsylvania, at which his friends in that place
expressed great surprise, to which he replied, ‘gentlemen, although
I am with the OUTS, yet I can assure you that the INS behind me, have
much the worst of it.’ His health, which had become much enfeebled
by his arduous duties, improved rapidly during his journey home, and
the flow of his exuberant spirits more than kept pace with it. The
most kindly receptions greeted him at every stage of it; indeed, in
the expressions of regard for his character and services, there was
scarcely any cessation, from the time he left the seat of government
until he reached his home, to which he was welcomed by one of those
warm, spontaneous, and eloquent outbursts of Kentuckian feeling,
which, to be known, must be witnessed, for no description can do it
justice. Hardly had he disrobed himself of his travelling garments,
and become seated in his residence at Ashland, before he was importuned
to exchange it for one in congress, or in the legislature of Kentucky;
but ill health, and a desire for temporal repose, caused him to
decline. Scarcely a day passed away which did not bring to his abode
testimonials of regard and affection, from his friends in all parts
of the country. He was urged repeatedly to participate in their
hospitality, which had he complied with to the extent in which it was
proffered, the strength of a thousand men would have been requisite
to carry him uninjured through it. These invitations were prompted
by a consciousness of his worth, and a desire to gather his opinions
and sentiments, in relation to national policy. This desire was always
gratified, at those which he accepted. In May, 1829, he was honored
by a public dinner, served up at Fowler’s garden, at which about three
thousand sat down. His presence called forth the following toast:
‘our distinguished guest, friend, and neighbor, HENRY CLAY――with
increased proofs of his worth, we delight to renew the assurance of
our confidence in his patriotism, talents, and incorruptibility――may
health and happiness attend him in retirement, and a grateful nation do
justice to his virtues.’ After its announcement, he spoke for the space
of one hour and a half, with more than his usual eloquence and energy.
He reviewed somewhat minutely his public career, the administration of
Mr. Adams, and spoke in terms of deserved censure of the means resorted
to, by his enemies, to put him down. He animadverted severely upon
the course pursued by general Jackson, in removing faithful public
officers, and considered his conduct, in that respect, unjustifiable,
and as calculated to establish a dangerous precedent. His sentiments
concerning the principles which ought to govern public servants, are
worthy of all acceptance, and should be inscribed in letters of gold
on the phylacteries of all office-holders and office-seekers. He closed
by saying, ‘in the presence of my God, and of this assembled multitude,
I can and I will say, that I have honestly and faithfully served my
country, that I have never wronged it, and that, however unprepared I
lament that I am, to appear in the Divine presence on other accounts, I
invoke the stern justice of His judgment on my public conduct, without
the smallest apprehension of His displeasure.’
Mr. Clay never attempted concealment either of his sentiments or his
actions in relation to public matters; on the contrary, he invited
the most searching scrutiny, conscious that in the maintenance of the
former, and the performance of the latter, he was actuated by upright
motives.
In 1829–30 he visited various parts of Kentucky, loaded with favors
wherever he came; upholding those measures which were truly national,
and denouncing, without any reserve, those that were of an opposite
character. Of this description he found many connected with the
administration of general Jackson, neither did he allow himself to be
deterred from expressing his views freely in relation to them, from any
motives of a personal consideration. Mr. Clay was not the man to shrink
from the duty of directing the attention of the country to measures
whose tendency he believed was detrimental to its interests. He would
not hesitate to lift his warning voice, though it would be at the
expense of his hard-earned fame, when he saw means employing to jeopard
its safety. He visited New Orleans at the commencement of 1830, where,
if possible, the attentions bestowed upon him exceeded those which he
received from his own constituents. Although his visit was occasioned
by business of a private character, he was continually thronged by
the people, of all parties, tendering him the mede of honor due his
distinguished eminence. It was with difficulty he could resist their
warm importunity to accept a public dinner. He left for Natchez,
Mississippi, on the ninth of March, amid an immense concourse of people,
assembled to witness his departure. The levee, tops of steamboats, and
houses, were completely covered by them, who rent the air with their
enthusiastic cheering. As the steamer that bore him moved from the
pier, they were almost deafening, which, with the waving of banners
and handkerchiefs, and firing of cannon, made it appear more like the
departure of a mighty conqueror, than of a private citizen. At Natchez,
his arrival was anticipated, by the congregating of individuals from
all parts of Mississippi, comprising the elite of her distinguished
men, irrespective of partisanship, who thronged the wharf, waiting to
receive him. On the arrival of the boat, the rush into it was so great
as to excite alarm, and the multitude environing it was so large and
dense, that some time was consumed in making an opening through it.
Mr. Clay found it easier to accept an invitation to a public dinner,
than to resist the importunity with which it was tendered. The guests
were numerous. Says one who witnessed the assembly, ‘it was no partisan
gathering. The warmest political opponents, sat down face to face with
each other, united in one subject at least――the desire to do honor to
their distinguished guest――to one whose patriotic motives none of them
could doubt, however much they might differ from his principles. In
his remarks, he was interrupted more than once by the deep, involuntary
murmurs of applause, which burst forth around him. Every word which he
uttered, went down and rested upon the hearts of his auditors, like the
kind tones of some blessed visitant. It was a proud moment for Henry
Clay. The dark elements of faction sank down into quietude before him.
Men who had been arrayed for years in political contention, who had
hitherto met each other with the compressed lip and knitted brow of
hatred, gave back, on this occasion, the smiles of one another.
‘Mr. Clay commenced by an acknowledgment of his gratitude for the
honors bestowed upon him. “There is nothing in life,” said he, “half so
delightful to the heart, as to know that, notwithstanding the conflicts
that arise among men――the whirlwind and madness of party feeling――there
yet are times, as on the present occasion, when passion and prejudice
slumber――moments, when old differences cease from troubling, and when
all that is turbulent, and all that is distrustful, are sacrificed to
the generous and social dictates of humanity.”
‘He spoke of general Jackson. He spoke of his great battle. Darkly as
he had been traduced, deeply as he had been injured by that man, he yet
hesitated not to bestow upon him his full measure of patriotic encomium.
His feelings rose with the subject. His eye kindled. There was a moral
grandeur in his look; and all who saw it felt that it was the visible
manifestation of the triumph of his nobler feelings over the dark sense
of wrong.
‘At that moment I would have given my right hand, to have seen general
Jackson confronted before his magnanimous opponent――face to face with
the man whom he had so foully injured. Had he been there――under the
eye of that noble-hearted speaker――every word of commendation, every
generous acknowledgment of his services, would have fallen upon his
head like a rain of fire.’ In every town which he visited, the citizens
gathered round him, and wherever he turned, a hundred hands were
extended to clasp his own. Public feeling flowed after him as the tides
of the ocean follow the moving moon. Passing through Donaldsonville,
where the legislature of Louisiana was in session, he unexpectedly
entered the hall of the house of representatives, when that body,
including speaker, and members of both parties, simultaneously rose to
receive him. In the summer of 1830, business called him to Columbus,
the capital of Ohio. At the time, a celebration was had by the
mechanics of the place and vicinity, at which the following honorary
toast was given: ‘our inestimable guest, Henry Clay. An efficient
laborer in support of the industry of the country. _Farmers and
mechanics know how to appreciate his services_’――to which he responded,
in a speech which embraced allusions to his favorite theme, internal
improvements, in connection with the hostility of general Jackson to
them, as evinced in his veto of acts passed by congress, expressive of
its views of that system, and the established policy of the nation. He
vindicated their action, and proved its accordance with the provisions
of the constitution. The operation of the tariff he also considered,
and showed it salutary. In his concluding remarks he adverted to
his own circumstances. ‘Why,’ said he, ‘were the fires of unabated
persecution kindled around him? Why was the artillery of the press
incessantly levelled upon _him_? What had he done? The history of
his past life was before the people. If he had erred in any of his
endeavors to subserve the best interests of the public, he regretted it.
His conscience, at least, did not reproach him. And what was he _doing_
to draw upon him the maledictions of his countrymen? He was a private
citizen. He could exercise authority over none, nor had he any engine
of governmental patronage, to pervert and make subservient to purposes
of personal aggrandizement.’
At this meeting he exposed the turpitude of the odious doctrines of
nullification, which had begun to be agitated at the south.
On the seventeenth of December, 1829, Mr. Clay delivered an address
before the Colonization Society, of Kentucky, at Frankfort, in which
the principles and objects of that humane institution were ably and
eloquently supported. In it, he alluded pointedly to the subject of
slavery, surveyed the numerous train of evils consequent upon it, and
expressed his hearty desire to coöperate with any society which would
mitigate, lessen, or remove them. He lingered, with peculiar pleasure,
upon the success which had unexpectedly crowned the efforts of the
American Colonization Society, and declared his sincere conviction,
that it had most abundant encouragement to persevere and endeavor to
redouble its exertions. ‘We may boldly challenge the annals of human
nature,’ said he, ‘for the record of any human plan for the melioration
of the condition or the advancement of our race, which promises
more unmixed good, in comprehensive benevolence, than that of the
Colonization Society, if carried into full operation. Its benevolent
purposes are not confined to the limits of one continent――not to the
prosperity of a solitary race. They embrace the largest two portions of
the earth, with the peace and happiness of both descriptions of their
present inhabitants, and the countless millions of their posterity. The
colonists, reared in the bosom of this republic, with a knowledge of
the blessings which liberty imparts, although now unable to share them,
will carry a recollection of them to benighted Africa, and light up, in
time, her immense territory. And may we not indulge the hope, that, in
a period of time not surpassing in duration that of our own colonial
and national existence, we shall behold a confederation of republican
states on the western shores of Africa, with their congress, and their
annual legislatures, thundering forth in behalf of the rights of man,
and causing tyrants to tremble on their thrones!’
Mr. Clay regarded the society, if judiciously managed, competent to
diffuse the light and blessings of civilization and christianity, under
the guidance of Providence, through the entire vast regions of Africa;
saying, that it proposed ‘to send, not one or two pious members of
christianity, into a foreign land, among a different and perhaps a
suspicious race, of another complexion, but to transport annually, for
an indefinite number of years, thousands of efficient missionaries, of
the descendants of Africa itself, with the same interests, sympathies,
and constitutions of the natives, to communicate the benefits of our
holy religion, and of the arts of civilization. And this colony of
missionaries is to operate, not alone by preaching the words of truth
and revelation, which, however delightful to the ears of the faithful
and intelligent, are not always comprehended by untutored savages, but
also by works of occular demonstration. It will open the great forest,
it will build up cities, erect temples for christian worship, and thus
practically exhibit to the native sons of Africa, the beautiful moral
spectacle, and the superior advantages, of our religious and social
systems. In this unexaggerated view of the subject, the African colony,
compared with other missionary plans, presents the force and grandeur
of the noble steamer majestically ascending, and with ease subduing the
current of the Mississippi, in comparison with the feeble and tottering
canoe, moving slowly among the reeds which fringe its shores. It holds
up the image of the resistless power of the Mississippi itself, rushing
down from the summit of the Rocky mountains, and making its deep and
broad and rapid course through the heart of this continent, thousands
of miles, to the gulf of Mexico, in comparison with that of an obscure
rivulet, winding its undiscernable way through dark and dense forests
or luxuriant prairies, where it is quickly and forever lost.
‘Confiding in the approving judgment of Divine Providence, and
conscious of the purity and benevolence of our intentions, we may
fearlessly advance in our great work. And when we shall, as soon we
must, be translated from this into another existence, is the hope
presumptuous, that we shall then behold the common Father of the white
and the black, the Ruler of the universe, cast his all-seeing eye upon
civilized and regenerated Africa, its cultivated fields, its coasts
studded with numerous cities, and adorned with temples dedicated to
the religion of his redeeming Son, its far-famed Niger, and all its
great rivers, lined with flourishing villages, and navigated by that
wonderful power which American genius first applied; and that, after
dwelling with satisfaction upon the glorious spectacle, he will deign
to look with approbation upon us, his humble instruments, who have
contributed to produce it.’
Mr. Clay believed that the association would eventually abolish
_slavery_, whose existence how deeply he deplored, may be gathered from
the following language. ‘If I could be instrumental in eradicating this
deepest stain upon the character of our country, and removing all cause
of reproach on account of it, by foreign nations; if I could only be
instrumental in ridding of this foul blot that revered state that gave
me birth, or that not less beloved state which kindly adopted me as her
son, _I would not exchange the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy,
for the honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the most successful
conqueror_.’
Mr. Clay was elected to the United States senate, by the legislature
of Kentucky, in the autumn of 1831. About the same time, in a national
convention, at Baltimore, he was nominated to the presidency, in
opposition to general Jackson.
Soon after taking his seat in the senate, the subject of the tariff
came up for consideration, to which he gave his most efficient aid.
The president avowed his hostility to protective measures, and in
consequence of his great influence in congress, there was great danger
that they would be frittered away, so as to impair very materially
their utility, or be entirely destroyed. The south began to murmur
their enmity towards them, which they believed operated against their
interests. They were violently opposed to the policy of imposing duties
on cotton fabrics, which were imported into the United States from
Great Britain, the principal consumer of her staple production. From
the attitude which she began to assume, in relation to the protective
system, just ground of alarm for its safety was apprehended, and
furnished an occasion sufficiently critical to call forth one of
Mr. Clay’s mightiest efforts. He endeavored to conciliate the south,
and cause, if possible, their views to harmonize with the north. On
the ninth of January, 1832, he introduced a resolution, providing that
the existing duties upon articles imported from foreign countries, and
not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced in
the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties
on wines and silks, and that they ought to be reduced, and that the
committee on finance be instructed to report a bill accordingly. In
defence of this resolution, he made a speech, powerfully illustrating
the importance to the whole country of protective enactments. He was
followed by Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, in reply. The discussion
was continued several days, during which, Mr. Clay made his brilliant
speech, in which he signally sustained the American system against
the British colonial system. Its delivery occupied several days, and
when he ceased, this masterly production of sound and argumentative
reasoning, logical deduction, and legitimate inference, presented to
the delighted view of the friends of that system, a mighty monument,
destined to perpetuate its practical utility, in connection with the
fame of the founder, while, to the enemies of that system, it presented
the impregnable bulwark of its defence. Mr. Clay’s speech, on this
occasion, may be justly regarded as a complete text-book, where every
thing requisite for the defence of protection and internal improvement
may be found.
On the thirteenth of March, Mr. Dickerson, from the committee
on manufactures, reported a bill, framed in accordance with the
suggestions of Mr. Clay’s resolution. This was opposed, on the ground
that it did not embrace the whole subject of the tariff, because the
duties on articles which were protected, were not reduced. Upon this
bill a sharp debate followed, which resulted in its being laid upon
the table. After being amended, and variously altered, it passed both
houses, and became a law in July, 1832.