He had scarcely ceased from his efficien_A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq.

adoption of the bill before mentioned, when another opportunity

presented itself for the exercise of that expansive patriotism for

which his every public act is distinguished, and one which he embraced

with his characteristic eagerness and promptitude. There was strong

prospect that the United States would be dismembered of a portion of

her territory――the large and fertile district included between the

Mississippi and Perdido Rivers, being the present states of Mississippi

and Alabama, and the territory of West Florida, or the greater part of

it. To prevent this, Mr. Clay came boldly forth, triumphing over all

opposition, and clearly vindicated her right to it. The United States

became possessed of it in 1803, when it was ceded to her by France,

with every thing appertaining just as she had received it from Spain,

who formally acquiesced in the cession in 1804. The United States, from

conciliatory motives partly, and partly in consequence of events which

they could not control, suffered it to remain in the possession of

Spain, who temporarily exercised authority over it. But her authority

was now being subverted, a large portion of the inhabitants of the

province refusing to submit to it. Reports also were rife that agents

despatched by the king of England, were actively engaged in endeavoring

to induce the people to come under British government. In this

emergency, president Madison, thinking that longer delay in taking

possession of it would expose the country to ulterior events which

might affect the rights and welfare of the Union, contravening, perhaps,

the views of both parties, endangering the tranquillity and security

of the adjoining territories, and afford fresh facilities to violations

of our revenue and commercial laws, issued his proclamation, directing

that immediate possession should be taken of the said territory.

Mr. Claiborne, governor of Orleans territory, was instructed to take

immediately the requisite steps for annexing it to that over which he

presided, and to see that the laws of the United States were rigidly

enforced, to which he yielded prompt obedience. At this conjuncture

the cry that came up from the party opposing his administration was

loud and long. They attempted to prove that this measure was not

only impolitic and uncalled for, but extremely unjust toward Spain,

intended to involve us in a war with England, who, as her ally, would

take umbrage on account of it, and that it was also unconstitutional.

The federalists, through the press, and in legislative assemblies,

represented the country as already surrounded in circumstances of

great peril in consequence of this procedure. A warm debate ensued in

congress on a bill reported by a committee to whom the proclamation was

referred, which declared that the laws then in force in the territory

of Orleans, extended and had full force to the river Perdido. Mr. Pope,

one of the committee, in a speech made at the time, explained the

grounds which induced them to make the report, and was followed by Mr.

Horsey, a senator from Delaware, in opposition. He pronounced the title

of the United States invalid, thought it inexpedient to take possession

of the territory by force, and questioned the right of the president to

issue his proclamation to that effect. He declared that document both

_war and legislation_, inasmuch as it authorized occupancy by military

force, and invested a governor with all the authorities and functions

in regard to the province in question, that he legitimately possessed

in presiding over his own. His sympathies seemed to be strongly

enlisted in behalf of the king of Spain, whose prospective loss he

deplored in language of deep commiseration. His speech was in many

respects able, but it had been much more appropriately delivered in

Madrid at the foot of the Spanish monarch’s throne, and in the presence

of his court, than at Washington, beneath the ægis of liberty, and

surrounded by patriotic and intelligent freemen. Mr. Clay regarded

with feelings of deep regret as well as surprise, this anti-republican

effort, this unnatural attempt by a son of Freedom to support the

unfounded pretensions of a foreign prince to a portion of her own

blood-bought soil,――that soil from which he drew his sustenance, and on

which were reared those institutions that constitute it an appropriate

asylum for the down-trodden of every other nation beneath the canopy of

heaven. Although laboring under a severe indisposition, he could not,

while he possessed the power of utterance, sit tamely still and listen

to such sentiments promulgated in the very temple of liberty. He rose

to reply in that graceful, dignified manner, so peculiar to himself.

As he drew up his tall form into that commanding attitude which he

was accustomed to assume as preliminary to a mighty parliamentary

effort, it could be easily discovered in his countenance, what was

the nature of his feelings, and how deep the fountain of eloquence

had been stirred within him, whose effusions, directed with unerring

precision, were soon to bear his auditory away on their resistless

tide, to the goal on which his keen eye was fixed. This speech of

Mr. Clay may justly be regarded as one of the most finished specimens

of argumentative eloquence, profound investigation, purity of diction,

and logical reasoning, that the records of any legislative body can

furnish. It evinced by its demonstrative and inferential character,

the most thorough and patient examination of the subject, in all its

minute details, and indicated most clearly his main design to be, not

a brilliant and striking display, calculated to please and captivate

the fancy, but to array before the senate a formidable front of facts,

to hem in the whole house with a wall of adamantine argument, which

could be neither scaled nor sapped; and he was completely successful.

He commenced by a brief exordium of the most caustic irony, which fell

like molten lead upon the heads of his opponents. He expressed his

admiration at the more than Aristidean justice which prompted certain

gentlemen, in a question of territorial title between the United States

and a foreign nation, to espouse the cause of the foreign, presuming

that Spain in any future negotiations, would be magnanimous enough

not to avail herself of these voluntary concessions in her favor in

the senate of the United States. He said he would leave the honorable

gentleman from Delaware to bewail the fallen fortunes of the king of

Spain, without stopping to inquire whether their loss was occasioned

by treachery or not, or whether it could be traced to any agency of

the American government. He confessed that he had little sympathy for

princes, but that it was reserved for _the people_, the great mass

of mankind, and did not hesitate to declare that the people of Spain

had it most unreservedly and most sincerely. He went into a minute

and circumstantial history of the territory in dispute, and proved by

a chain of reasoning the most clear and satisfactory, that its title

was in the United States. In doing this he adopted that mode which the

nature of the subject suggested, by a critical examination of all the

title papers, transfers, and all other documents in any way relating

or appertaining to it. He examined the patent granted by Louis the

XIV to Crozat in 1712, which patent covered the province in question,

and declared that it was at that time designated by the name of

the Province of Louisiana, and was bounded on the west by old and

new Mexico, and on the east by Carolina. This document he regarded

as settling the question beyond all doubt, that the country under

consideration was embraced within the limits of Louisiana. He proved

that it originally belonged to France, who claimed it by virtue of

certain discoveries made by La Solle and others during the seventeenth

century; that she ceded it to Spain in 1762, who retroceded it to

France in 1800, by the treaty of St. Ildefonso, and that it belonged

to the United States by purchase from her as a portion of Louisiana

in 1803. After the most thorough investigation, considering all the

ambiguous expressions unintentionally incorporated with the treaties

relating to the territory, and applying to them the most impartial

and rigid rules of construction, he presented the title of the United

States to it as most indefeasible, and as standing on a basis which

all the sophistry, and ingenuity, and ill-directed sympathy of the

opposition could not shake. He then proceeded to inquire if the

proclamation directing the occupation of property thus acquired by

solemn treaty was an unauthorized measure of war and legislation. In

this, his vindication of the course pursued by Mr. Madison was most

triumphant. He proved by citing acts of congress passed in 1803–4, that

the president was fully empowered to authorize the occupation of the

territory. He maintained that these laws furnished ♦‘a legislative

construction of the treaty correspondent with that given by the

executive, and they vest in this branch of the government indisputably

a power to take possession of the country whenever it might be

proper in his discretion; so far, therefore, from having violated the

constitution in the action he had taken and caused to be taken, he

had hardly carried out its provisions, one of which expressly enjoined

it upon him to see that the laws of the United States were faithfully

and impartially executed, in every district of country over which she

could rightfully exercise jurisdiction. After settling the questions

of title and constitutional action of the president, he proceeded to

notice some of the arguments of the opposition against taking forcible

possession, which attempted to show that war would result. ‘We are

told,’ said he, ‘of the vengeance of resuscitated Spain. If Spain,

under any modification of her government, choose to make war upon us

for the act under consideration, the nation, I have no doubt, will be

willing to meet war. But the gentleman’ (Mr. Horsey) ‘reminds us that

Great Britain, the ally of Spain, may be obliged by her connection with

Spain to take part with her against us, and to consider this measure

of the president as justifying an appeal to arms. Sir, is the time

never to arrive when we may manage our own affairs without the fear

of insulting his Britannic majesty? Is the rod of British power to

be for ever suspended over our heads? Does congress put on an embargo

to shelter our rightful commerce against the piratical depredations

committed upon it on the ocean? we are immediately warned of the

indignation of offended England. Is a law of non-intercourse proposed?

the whole navy of the haughty mistress of the seas is made to thunder

in our ears. Does the president refuse to continue a correspondence

with a minister who violates the decorum belonging to his diplomatic

character, by giving and deliberately repeating an affront to the whole

nation? we are instantly menaced with the chastisement which English

pride will not fail to inflict. Whether we assert our rights by sea

or attempt their maintenance by land――whithersoever we turn ourselves,

this phantom incessantly pursues us. Already has it had too much

influence on the councils of the nation. It contributed to the repeal

of the embargo――that dishonorable repeal which has so much tarnished

the character of our government. Mr. president, I have before said

on this floor, and now take occasion again to remark, that I most

sincerely desire peace and amity with England; that I even prefer

an adjustment of all differences with her, before one with any other

nation. But if she persist in a denial of justice to us, or if she

avails herself of the occupation of West Florida to commence war upon

us, I trust and hope that all hearts will unite in a bold and vigorous

vindication of our rights.’ The effect produced by Mr. Clay’s speech

was most obvious, inducing many of the most strenuous opposers of the

course pursued by the president, who were firmly resolved on recording

their votes in disapproval of it, to come frankly forward and candidly

to acknowledge their error, and express their determination to sustain

him in this measure. They were true to their declaration, and thus the

approval of the proclamation was secured. But ‘had there been at that

time in the senate no democratic champion like Mr. Clay――one who could

stand up among the tall and fierce spirits of faction to vindicate the

rights of our country, and utter a solemn warning in the ears of those

who would wantonly throw the key of her strength into the hands of an

enemy――it is difficult to say how imminently dangerous might have been

the present condition of the republic.’

Mr. Clay’s labors during the remainder of the session were arduous

and unremitted, as well as most valuable, to particular individuals as

well as to the nation. The discharge of his duty towards his country,

he seems ever to have considered of the most pressing importance,

and it is gladdening to the heart of every true American to witness

the disinterested, the noble and generous manner with which it was

performed. In whatever relations, and however circumstanced we find him,

we see him presenting, in this respect, one unvaried aspect. He took an

active part in all the discussions of consequence, where any important

and essential principle was involved. He was several times appointed

one of a committee, to whom matters of interest were referred. Here

he displayed accurate discrimination, soundness of judgment, and great

ability, in immediately discerning and seizing the strong points of

a subject, calculated to render conspicuous its merits or expose its

defects. He acted as chairman of a committee, to whom was recommitted a

bill, granting a right of preëmption to purchasers of public lands, in

certain cases, and reported it with amendments, which were read. After

receiving some alterations, it was again recommitted, reported, and

finally passed the senate. The cause of the poor settler and the hardy

pioneer could not have been committed to better hands――to one who would

more studiously and feelingly consult their best interests. Experience

had made him acquainted with the privations, wants, and toils, which

they were compelled to encounter, in causing the forest to recede

before their slow, fatiguing march, and this opened a wide avenue to

the fountain of his sympathetic feelings, which gushed spontaneously

forth whenever he contemplated the evils and the difficulties which

beset their path. This he exerted himself to render as smooth as

possible. Hence he early and continually advocated a most liberal

policy towards that class of his country’s yeomanry, maintaining that

she should extend to them every facility in her power, consistent with

wisdom and justice. Mr. Clay has always watched the movements of the

emigrant with feelings of almost paternal solicitude, and wherever

he has pitched his temporary tent, or made his permanent abode,

there he has exerted himself to induce his country to extend her

beneficial legislation, and to lay at his door as many of the benefits

of civilized life as possible, with their ameliorating influences. How

illiberal then, how unjust the attempts of those inimical to him, to

convert his noble benevolence into a weapon of hostility against him,

by endeavoring to procure credence for those senseless reports, which

represented him as unfriendly to the interests of the emigrant, and as

endeavoring to aggrandize himself at their expense. But time is fast

dispelling the cloud of error, which was thus raised and caused to

brood over the public mind, and the sun-light of truth is pouring in

its irradiating beams, most clearly revealing the justice and wisdom

of his advocacy, in relation to the public domain.

His attention was engrossed by other and correlative subjects soon

after――that of the protection of the hardy back-woods men and frontier

inhabitants against Indian depredations, and the regulating of

intercourse between them. He reported a bill supplementary to an act

entitled ‘an act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian

tribes, and to preserve peace on the frontier.’ This was placed

before a committee, of which he was chairman; and by his philanthropic

exertions and diligent labors, the whole west were laid under deep

obligations to him, for those wise measures adopted in reference to

them, whereby their interests and lives were shielded against the

predatory attack of the aborigines.

He warmly espoused the cause of the people of Orleans Territory, who

were desirous of forming a constitution and government. Accordingly,

on the twentieth of April of the same session, he succeeded in causing

such action to be taken relative to the subject, as to secure an

amendment of a bill before the senate, so as to require the laws,

records and legislative proceedings of the state, to be in the English

language. A few days subsequent, leave of absence was granted him

during the remainder of the session.

On the third day of December, 1810, the commencement of the third

session of the eleventh congress, Mr. Clay was found in his place

in the senate. A subject that had been much agitated in private many

months previous, and up to that time, was now brought forward for

public discussion――that of re-chartering the United States bank. This

was the all absorbing topic of the session, and called into exercise

Mr. Clay’s most vigorous powers. His instructions from the legislature

of Kentucky required him to oppose the re-charter of that institution,

and these were in coincidence with his own views relative to it. It

had been his design to limit his opposition to merely recording his

vote against the renewal of its charter, without entering into the

discussion which would probably ensue, but the virulent and menacing

character of the proceedings of those advocating its re-charter,

unsealed his lips, and caused him to apply the lash of his eloquence

to their backs with most tremendous effect. These embraced the whole

body of the federal, and many of the democratic party――an array of

members and strength which might have deterred any ordinary man from

confronting. Against this, he stood almost alone, deserted even by

Mr. Pope, his colleague: yet he stood firm; and, from the effect that

followed his exertions, proved himself more deserving the title of

‘Macedonian Phalanx,’ than the federal party to whom he had applied it.

The attack was provoked by that party, and it was made in the spirit

of conscious might, which not only meets opposition with the utmost

certainty of overthrowing, but which seeks it. He alluded to that

deep-seated prejudice in the public mind, against the bank, and the

foundation of that prejudice. It did not escape his notice that the

bank was created by the federal party――its warmest and most devoted

friends, then resorting to every expedient and means to prolong its

existence. He was also well aware of the aid rendered that party, by

Mr. Crawford and others, who had in this measure left the democratic

ranks and gone over to it. He referred, also, to the astounding fact,

that the institution was in reality in the hands of foreigners, since

foreign capitalists were more deeply interested in its continuance than

our own, who owned a moiety only of its stock; neither did he fail to

suggest, that perhaps the violent struggle then going on to keep it in

existence, was instigated and maintained, to no inconsiderable extent,

by foreign influence. In no equivocal manner he depicted the absurdity,

to say nothing of the danger, of permitting Great Britain to acquire

such an influence as she evidently could acquire, by having her

monetary interests, to so great an extent, identified with the United

States bank――an influence which would place facilities in her hands,

that, in case she felt disposed, she could use to our most serious

detriment. These and many other considerations, he brought forward as

furnishing good and valid ground of alarm, and legitimately calculated

to awaken patriotic opposition. But his greatest fundamental objection

was one which he derived from the constitution itself, and one which he

urged with a vehemence sure to prevail. He maintained that no specific

provision was found in that instrument, authorizing or permitting

the charter of the bank, neither could it be so construed as to imply

the power to that effect. In opposing, therefore, the renewal of its

charter, his remarks were principally confined to the objectionable

feature of its unconstitutionality; and they furnish one of the

strongest arguments against a national bank ever made, and one that

is often referred to as authority of a high order. It may be well to

insert a portion of his speech, illustrative of their pertinence and

beauty.

‘This vagrant power to erect a bank, after having wandered throughout

the whole constitution in quest of some congenial spot to fasten upon,

has been at length located, by the gentleman from Georgia, on that

provision which authorized congress to lay and collect taxes. In 1791

the power is referred to one part of the instrument, and in 1811 to

another. Sometimes it is alleged to be deducible from the power to

regulate commerce. Hard pressed here, it disappears, and shows itself

under the grant to coin money.

‘What is the nature of the government? It is emphatically federal,

vested with an aggregate of specific powers for general purposes,

conceded by existing sovereignties, who have themselves retained what

is not so conceded. It is said that there are cases in which it must

act on implied powers. This is not controverted, but the implication

must be necessary, and obviously flow from the enumerated power with

which it is allied. The power to charter companies is not specified

in the grant, and I contend is of a nature not transferable by mere

implication. It is one of the most exalted acts of sovereignty. In

the exercise of this gigantic power we have seen an East India Company

erected, which has carried dismay, desolation and death, throughout

one of the largest portions of the habitable world――a company which is

in itself a sovereignty, which has subverted empires, and set up new

dynasties, and has not only made war, but war against its legitimate

sovereign. Under the influence of this power we have seen arise a South

Sea Company, and a Mississippi Company, that distracted and convulsed

all Europe, and menaced a total overthrow of all credit and confidence,

and universal bankruptcy. Is it to be imagined that a power so vast

would have been left by the constitution to doubtful inference? It

has been alleged that there are many instances in the constitution,

where powers in their nature incidental, and which would necessarily

have been vested along with the principal, are nevertheless expressly

enumerated, and the power to make rules and regulations for the

government of the land and naval forces, which it is said is incidental

to the power to raise armies and provide a navy, is given as an example.

What does this prove? How extremely cautious the convention were

to leave as little as possible to implication. In all cases where

incidental powers are acted on, the principal and incidental ought

to be congenial with each other, and partake of a common nature. The

incidental power ought to be strictly subordinate, and limited to the

end proposed to be attained by the specific power. In other words,

under the name of accomplishing one object which is specified, the

power implied ought not to be made to embrace other objects which are

not specified in the constitution. If then, as is contended, you could

establish a bank to collect and distribute the revenue, it ought to be

expressly restricted to the purpose of such collection and distribution.

It is mockery worse than usurpation, to establish it for a lawful

object, and then to extend it to other objects which are not lawful. In

deducing the power to create corporations, such as I have described it,

from the power to collect taxes, the relation of principal and incident

are prostrated and destroyed. The accessory is exalted above the

principal. As well might it be said that the great luminary of day is

an accessory, a satellite to the humblest star that twinkles forth its

feeble light in the firmament of heaven.

‘Suppose the constitution had been silent as to an individual

department of the government, could you, under the power to lay and

collect taxes, establish a judiciary? I presume not; but if you could

derive the power by mere implication, could you vest it with any other

authority than to enforce the collection of the revenue? A bank is made

for the ostensible purpose of aiding in the collection of the revenue,

and whilst it is engaged in this, the most inferior and subordinate

of all its functions, it is made to diffuse itself throughout society,

and to influence all the great operations of credit, circulation, and

commerce. Like the Virginia justice, you tell the man whose turkey

had been stolen, that your books of precedents furnish no form for his

case, but then you will grant him a precept to search for a cow, and

when looking for that he may possibly find his turkey! You say to this

corporation, we cannot authorize you to discount――to emit paper――to

regulate commerce――no! our book has no precedents of that kind. But

then we can authorize you to collect the revenue, and whilst occupied

with that, you may do whatever else you please.

‘What is a corporation, such as the bill contemplates? It is a splendid

association of favored individuals, taken from the mass of society, and

invested with exemptions, and surrounded by immunities and privileges.

The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts has said that the original

law establishing the bank was justly liable to the objection of

vesting in that institution an exclusive privilege,――the faith of

the government being pledged that no other bank should be authorized

during its existence. This objection, he supposes, is obviated by

the bill under consideration; but all corporations enjoy exclusive

privileges――that is, the corporators have privileges which no others

possess; if you create fifty corporations instead of one, you have only

fifty privileged bodies instead of one. I contend that the states have

the exclusive power to regulate contracts, to declare the capacities

and incapacities to contract, and to provide as to the extent of the

responsibility of debtors to their creditors. If congress have the

power to create an artificial body and say it shall be endowed with the

attributes of an individual, if you can bestow on this object of your

own creation the ability to contract, may you not in contravention

of state rights confer upon slaves, infants, and _femes covert_,

the ability to contract? And if you have the power to say that an

association of individuals shall be responsible for their debts only in

a certain limited degree, what is to prevent an extension of a similar

exemption to individuals? Where is the limitation upon this power to

set up corporations? You establish one in the heart of a state, the

basis of whose capital is money. You may erect others, whose capital

shall consist of land, slaves, and personal estate, and thus the whole

property within the jurisdiction of a state might be absorbed by those

political bodies. The existing bank contends that it is beyond the

power of a state to tax it, and if this pretension be well founded, it

is in the power of congress by chartering companies to dry up all the

sources of state revenue. This government has the power to lay taxes,

to raise armies, provide munitions, make war, regulate commerce, coin

money, etc., etc. It would not be difficult to show as intimate a

connection between a corporation established for any purpose whatever,

and some one or other of those great powers, as there is between the

revenue and the bank of the United States.’

Mr. Clay noticed the danger to which the United States were exposed

from the fact that the capital of the bank was principally subject to

foreign control, in the following glowing language.

‘The power of a nation is said to consist in the sword and the purse.

Perhaps at last all power is resolvable into that of the purse, for

with it you may command almost every thing else. The specie circulation

of the United States is estimated by some calculators at ten millions

of dollars; and if it be no more, one moiety is in the vaults of this

bank. May not the time arrive when the concentration of such a vast

portion of the circulating medium of the country in the hands of any

corporation will be dangerous to our liberties? By whom is this immense

power wielded? By a body who, in derogation of the great principle of

all our institutions, responsibility to the people, is amenable only

to a few stockholders, and they chiefly foreigners. Suppose an attempt

to subvert this government――would not the traitor first aim, by force

or corruption, to acquire the treasure of this company? Look at it

in another aspect. Seven tenths of its capital are in the hands of

foreigners, chiefly English subjects. We are possibly on the eve of a

rupture with that nation. Should such an event occur, do you apprehend

that the English premier would experience any difficulty in obtaining

the entire control of the institution. Republics, above all other

governments, ought most seriously to guard against foreign influence.

All history proves that the internal dissensions excited by foreign

intrigue, have produced the downfall of almost every free government

that has hitherto existed; and yet gentlemen contend that we are

benefited by the possession of this foreign capital!’

His powerful arguments and convincing reasoning prevailed――resulting

in a most signal victory over those opposed to him, who entered on

the discussion with sanguine expectations of success. The charter

was not then renewed. Many more subjects of interest came before the

senate during the session of 1810–11, in the consideration of which he

displayed his usual zeal and solicitude in behalf of the interests of

the commonwealth, which were now with favor generally recognized. Mr.

Clay had produced an impression of his eloquent powers and brilliant

talents, that was not confined to his associates and those witnessing

their every day exercise, but it was as extensive as his country. His

reputation as a debater, orator, and sound logical reasoner, was now

immovably established. The star of his fame, which first appeared

in the political horizon, under circumstances of doubt and gloom,

struggling through dense clouds of indigence and obscurity, emitting

what political animosity termed an _ignis fatuus_ glare around the

cabins of the emigrant and the hunter in western forests, was now in

the _ascendant_, illuminating and vivifying, not only the woody homes,

the rural hamlets, and sylvan abodes of his own forest land, but

mingling its bright beams most beautifully with those that streamed

from Liberty’s altar. Henceforth it will be our delightful duty to

mark it steadily careering its glorious way upwards, higher and higher,

making its blessed influences to be felt in every nook and corner of

our extensive country, penetrating the kingly court, flashing amid

the diadems of crowned heads, and introducing hope and peace into

the tenement of the oppressed on distant shores. It was obvious to

the least penetrative vision that it was then rapidly and steadfastly

approaching the zenith, when its effulgence would illumine the world.

At the close of his second term of service, which was for two years,

he returned to Kentucky, but his fame had preceded him――the eyes of

Kentuckians had been fixed gratefully on him during his senatorial

services, and they were prepared to return him speedily to the halls

of congress, to adorn which, he had given such abundant proof of his

capability. According to the proclamation of the president, congress

convened on the fourth day of November, 1811, and on the first ballot

for speaker to the house of representatives, Mr. Clay was elected

by a majority of thirty-one over the opposing candidates. When it is

recollected that this was his first appearance in that body, it must

be regarded as a remarkable occurrence, and entirely aside from the

ordinary course of events; indeed, as an instance of early and strong

confidence reposed in one, to which a parallel cannot be found in the

history of any individual. There were many circumstances, however,

explanatory of this hasty, unreserved reliance. He was known to have

acted in that capacity in the legislature of Kentucky, and to have

discharged its duties with singular ability and acceptance; also of his

conspicuity in the senate they were not ignorant, and perhaps a desire

to see Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, restrained in his gross violations

of order and decorum, for which he was noted, whom it was imagined

Mr. Clay could curb, induced several members to vote for him, who

otherwise had not supported him for the office. That confidence so

generously, spontaneously, and by him so unexpectedly yielded, he very

appropriately noticed, in a pertinent speech made by him on assuming

the responsible station, and he proved by his faithfulness, zeal, and

decision, with which he discharged its onerous duties, that it was most

judiciously confided. He showed himself equal to the task of curbing

Mr. John Randolph, or any other turbulent spirit in the assembly

over which he presided. He was subsequently chosen several times to

fill the same important post, and never did he betray his trust, or

disappoint the just expectations of his friends. The manner in which he

exercised his authority may be considered as somewhat stern, slightly

approximating to arbitrariness, evincing great decision and firmness of

character, and a disposition not to tolerate the slightest disrespect

or indignity towards the house. During the long period in which he

discharged the functions of speaker, including many sessions of great

turbulence and strife, not one of his decisions was ever reversed on an

appeal from the chair. This fact speaks volumes in his praise.

At the time when he was inducted into his office, the affairs of the

republic were in an exceedingly critical condition. Those who had been

sustaining themselves with the cherished expectations that England

would repeal her orders in council, since the revocation of the edicts

of France had removed the causes inducing their passage, now utterly

abandoned them, on beholding her, instead of relaxing, enforcing them

more rigorously than ever. To every unbiassed mind, the time seemed to

have arrived when it was necessary to rise and put a stop to the long

series of unprovoked depredations and outrages, committed against our

commerce, by both that and the French nation. Such was the juncture

of affairs as to make it obvious that if the American nation would

preserve the semblance of freedom even, and command national respect,

she must resort to more efficient measures than she had hitherto

employed; that she must retrieve her tarnished honor, and vindicate

boldly her rights. France manifested some disposition to be influenced

by the remonstrances of the United States against her spoliations,

by rescinding the opprobious Berlin and Milan decrees of Napoleon,

which she had so construed as to make them sanction the seizure and

confiscation of our property. Not so, however, with Great Britain;

she refused to recognize their repeal, and even pretended to deny that

they had been revoked. She still persisted in obstructing the commerce

of America, declaring all the ports of France in a state of blockade,

seizing our merchantmen bound to them, and confiscating their cargoes,

in direct violation of the law of nations, permitting any neutral power

to trade to any foreign port, when the blockade is not maintained by

the actual presence of an adequate force. But England, by proclamation,

blockaded every French port, from the Elbe to Brest, interdicting all

vessels from entering them which did not carry on their trade through

her, and seized such as made the attempt, while at the same time she

neglected to keep a naval force on the coast of France sufficient to

legalize the blockade. Her cruisers pursued our trading vessels to the

very mouths of our own rivers and harbors, and seized, condemned, and

confiscated them for violating this _pseudo_ blockade. It seemed, by

the number and enormity of the illegalities practiced towards us by

Great Britain, as though she had commenced an organized, systematic

crusade against our commerce, which aimed at nothing less than its

utter extinction. But her barbarous system of impressment capped the

climax of her cruelties. Under the assumed right of searching our

ships, thousands of our seamen had been forced into her service on

suspicion that they were British subjects. This execrable custom had

carried seven thousand American freemen into captivity, as appeared

from official reports made during that session, and the number was

constantly augmenting; scarcely a breeze came across the Atlantic

without wafting to our shores intelligence of some fresh enormity.

To submit quietly to such unheard of oppression, would be an anomaly

in the history of civilized nations. To expect redress by mild

measures was out of the question. These had long been tried and found

ineffectual. Madison, Pinckney, and Monroe, in their correspondence

with the British government, had remonstrated again and again, but

to no other purpose than to embolden the aggressor in his nefarious

proceedings. There seemed, therefore, no alternative left the United

States but to put themselves strongly on the defensive, and by force of

arms, put a stop to these accumulating injuries. Every thing lovely in

liberty, every thing sacred and hallowed in the memory of those by whom

it was won, protested against further forbearance, and forbade further

delay in unsheathing the sword of retributive justice. In short, the

conviction had become deep and settled that nothing short of _war_

could preserve an inch of canvass on an American vessel, on the face

of the ocean.

Thus circumstanced, the United States seemed to be shut up to forcible

resistance. The eyes of the whole country were turned towards congress,

looking for measures of relief. It had been convened earlier than usual,

that the subject of a declaration of war might come speedily before

them. It is needless to remark that Mr. Clay’s views were favorable to

war. An individual like him, jealous of his country’s honor almost to a

fault, who could never contemplate oppression but with feelings of the

deepest detestation, nor without experiencing the instantaneous desire

to punish it; would grasp the weapons of defence instinctively, and if

necessary, pour out his blood like water, rather than bow submissively

beneath the galling yoke. With him, then, there was no equivocation

nor hesitation, in advocating prompt warlike action, although he was

compelled to do it in the face of formidable opposition. There was

a strong party in the United States at that time, friendly to Great

Britain, and disposed, rather than array themselves against her in a

sanguinary conflict, to submit quietly to her rapacious attacks upon

our liberties and lives. This party was well represented in congress.

Many members of talent and influence were found in its ranks, in both

houses, and they did not hesitate to employ them detrimentally to the

interests of their country. But happily these found in him a giant

champion――one who was well able to guard them, and willing to spend

his last energy in their support. Lowndes, Calhoun, and other powerful

coadjutors also stood with him, who labored hard to inspire the same

ardent flame of patriotism in the breasts of others, that burned so

intensely in their own.

In the message of the president, the causes of complaint against Great

Britain were stated, and also a concise summary of the abuses we had

received, and were then receiving at her hands. It recommended the

adoption of efficient and immediate measures of redress, by providing

the means of prosecuting vigorously a war of defence and offence. This

document was referred to a committee, which was selected by him. He

was extremely solicitous that the subject of our foreign relations

should receive that consideration which their exceedingly interesting

character demanded; and to secure this, he was careful to choose those

whose views, in reference to them, coincided with his own. Peter B.

Porter, of New York, was the chairman of the committee. He presented

their report to the house on the 29th of November. It stated succinctly

and in a patriotic tone, the injuries we had received at the hands of

both England and France, denominating them as ‘so daring in character,

and so disgraceful in execution, that it would be impossible for the

people of the United States to remain indifferent. We must now tamely

and quietly submit, or we must resist by those means which God has

placed within our reach. Your committee would not cast a slander over

the American name, by the expression of a doubt which branch of this

alternative will be embraced. The occasion is now presented when the

national character, misrepresented and traduced for a time, by foreign

and domestic enemies, should be vindicated.

‘If we have not rushed to the field of battle like the nations who

are led by the mad ambition of a single chief, or the avarice of a

corrupted court, it has not proceeded from a fear of war, but from

our love of justice and humanity. That proud spirit of liberty and

independence, which sustained our fathers in the successful assertion

of their rights against foreign aggression, is not yet sunk. The

patriotic fire of the revolution still burns in the American breast,

with a holy and inextinguishable flame, and will conduct this nation

to those high destinies which are not less the reward of dignified

moderation than of exalted virtue.

‘But we have borne with injury until forbearance has ceased to be a

virtue. The sovereignty and independence of these states, purchased

and sanctified by the blood of our fathers, from whom we received them,

not for ourselves only, but as the inheritance of our posterity, are

deliberately and systematically violated. And the period has arrived,

when, in the opinion of your committee, it is the sacred duty of

congress to call forth the patriotism and resources of the country. By

the aid of these, and with the blessing of God, we confidently trust we

shall be enabled to procure that redress which has been sought for by

justice, by remonstrance and forbearance, in vain.’

They introduced into the report suitable resolutions for accomplishing

the object which it proposed, which received the deliberate and careful

consideration of the house.

Mr. Clay, being in the chair, had little opportunity to engage in the

stirring debate that followed, yet he seemed to infuse a portion of his

own glowing spirit into the friends of the measure, which caused others

to approach it in the most determined resolution of sustaining any

feasible and just course calculated to sustain the dignity and honor

of the nation. The doctrines of the report were soon known throughout

the country, and were hailed by the great mass of the people with every

demonstration of approbation, and the echoes of their loud rejoicings

rang back through the halls of congress like the tones of the ‘storm

stirred deep,’ with most thrilling effect on the hearts of their

representatives. The whole nation was kindled into a blaze by that

document; it was what the people had been expecting, and impatiently

waiting for. This applied the last bundle of fagots to the flame of

patriotism that burned in the hearts of millions remote from the

neighborhood of the outrages complained of, the extent and enormity

of which, vague rumor only had conveyed to them. But this instrument

made them acquainted, not only with their number, but also with their

turpitude and murderous design. It showed them, on the one hand,

the haughty, menacing attitude of England, and on the other, our own

crouching, succumbing posture at her feet. It placed in bold relief

before them, the ♦barbaric depredations of the former on the ocean, her

inhuman treatment of our seamen, and the huge paw of her lion tearing

and lacerating our commercial interests whenever it could be placed

upon them. The exhibition was viewed with feelings of surprise and

indignation, causing them to stand aghast, and with difficulty to

credit the evidence of their senses――to believe the picture accurately

drawn. But the period of their stupified amazement was brief, and then

the loud yell of vengeance which succeeded, was such as freemen only

can send up when the iron heel of oppression is on their necks, and

their precious heritage in his ravenous jaws. Like the earthquake, it

shook the whole land, and its burden, repeated from every hill-top and

valley, was _war_, _vindictive war_. For this there was great unanimity

among the populace, who could not rest, now that the knowledge of the

long-inflicted wrongs was brought to their dwellings; but there was

not a corresponding unanimity in congress. It was painful to Mr. Clay

to witness, in some members, a manifestation of awe and reverence

even towards Great Britain, and in others, feelings of favor. By the

revelations that had been made, his soul was wrought up to the highest

point of manly and bold resistance, and he could not conceive it

possible, that free legislators, similarly circumstanced with himself,

could be affected otherwise. In many he witnessed a disposition to

believe that the country was not in a suitable condition to commence

and carry successfully on a war with so formidable a power as England.

Our small and badly equipped army, our depressed navy, exhausted

treasury, heavy indebtedness, and general lack of the requisite means,

were pleaded by those opposed to the rupture. But Mr. Clay, in the

towering majesty and strength of an intellectual giant, took all the

obstacles and objections which their combined force could bring forward,

in his powerful grasp, and compressed them into a nut-shell, entirely

divested of their intimidating power. Among those opposed to war was

Mr. Randolph. ‘Mr. Randolph’s intellect was then in its vigor, and the

effort which he made in opposition to the report of the committee was

perhaps the greatest in his whole congressional life. The extensive

resources of his mind, the stately march of his eloquent periods,

the startling flashes of his indignation, and the sneering devil that

lurked in his tone and look, rendered him an opponent at that day, whom

it was by no means safe to encounter. Mr. Clay was the only man in the

house, who could dash aside, with unerring certainty, the weapons of

this Ishmael.’

On the sixth of December the house resolved itself into a committee of

the whole, and took up the report. After a brief speech from Mr. Porter,

elucidating and maintaining its positions and resolutions, it was

adopted. It furnished ground of discussion in the house for several

days, warmly and vigorously sustained by its friends, and violently

opposed by its enemies. Among the latter, Mr. Randolph rendered himself

the most conspicuous, both by his anti-republican and eccentric views,

and the hostility evinced by him towards all who dissented from them,

whom he visited with the most bitter personal invective. His fertile

imagination conjured up a host of reasons, to deter us from embarking

in the offensive war, which the report recommended. He threatened

the advocates of it with the total loss of their political power, and

magnified the might of England to an overwhelming extent; suggesting

that it would be far more appropriate to approach her in a suppliant

position, with downcast looks and folded arms, than to rush with

shield and buckler and rashly dare her to the conflict. He seemed to

sympathize with Great Britain, deprecating that censure heaped upon her

as unjust, and advocated the policy of farther negotiations with her.

His arguments, and those of his friends, were, however, unavailing,

and when the debate ceased, the resolutions were separately adopted by

large majorities.

On the thirty-first of December, the house again resolved itself into

a committee of the whole on a bill from the senate providing for the

raising of twenty-five thousand troops. Mr. Breckenridge being in the

chair, an opportunity was furnished Mr. Clay to express his views in

relation to it, which he embraced. Among those in favor of war in the

house, much diversity of opinion prevailed in regard to the number of

men it was desirable to raise. Many were in favor of fifteen thousand

only――a force in his estimation by far too small to meet the exigences

which had then arisen, and would be likely to arise. The secretary of

war, in his report, had stated that at least twelve thousand troops

would be wanted for the sole purpose of garrisoning the fortresses on

the sea-board. During the progress of the proposed war, it might be

deemed important to attack and subjugate Quebec in Canada, in which

case it would be necessary, he contended, to post in the various

military stations of strength on the route, a considerable number of

men, to retain their possession. Allowances he thought should be made

for the various contingences probable to occur, always incident to the

operations of an army, and calculated to diminish their number. Even

if the projected invasion of the British Provinces should be abandoned,

Mr. Clay contended that the single circumstance of the immense extent

of frontier to be guarded, rendered it obvious that twenty-five

thousand men would constitute a force by no means too large. Inasmuch

as it was the painful but imperative duty of America to strike the blow,

he was in favor of so concentrating her energies, that when it fell,

there would remain no necessity for its repetition. Subsequent events

have proved his policy both wise and sagacious.

Mr. Randolph mingled his erratic and visionary views in the discussion,

and exerted himself to the utmost, to foment prejudice against a

regular army; the effect of which would be worse than that of the

locusts of Egypt, famishing, impoverishing, and deluging the country

with blood, and erect a throne, to some idol conqueror. Said Mr. Clay

in reply, ‘I am not the advocate of standing armies: but the standing

armies which excite most my fears, are those which are kept up in time

of peace. I confess I do not perceive any real source of danger in

a military force of twenty-five thousand men in the United States,

provided only for a state of war, even supposing it to be corrupted,

and its arms turned by the ambition of its leaders against the freedom

of the country. I see abundant security against any such treasonable

attempt. The diffusion of information among the great body of the

people, constitutes a powerful safeguard. The American character has

been much abused by Europeans, whose tourists, whether on horse or foot,

in verse and prose have united in depreciating it. It is true we do

not exhibit as many signal instances of scientific acquirement in this

country, as are furnished in the old world, but it is undeniable that

the great mass of the people possess more intelligence than any other

people on the globe. Such a people, consisting of upwards of seven

millions, affording a physical power of about a million of men capable

of bearing arms, and ardently devoted to liberty, cannot be subdued by

an army of twenty-five thousand men. The wide extent of country over

which we are spread, is another security. In other countries, France

and England for example, the fall of Paris or London is the fall of the

nation. Here are no such dangerous aggregations of people. New York,

and Philadelphia, and Boston, and every city on the Atlantic, may be

subdued by a usurper, and he will have made but a small advance in the

accomplishment of his purpose. Even let the whole country east of the

Alleghany, submit to the ambition of some daring chief, and the liberty

of the Union will be still unconquered. It will find successful support

from the west. A great portion of the militia, nearly the whole, I

understand, of Massachusetts, have arms in their hands, and I trust in

God that this great object will be persevered in, till every man in the

nation can proudly shoulder the musket, which is to defend his country

and himself. A people having, besides the benefit of one general

government, other local governments in full operation, capable of

exerting and commanding great portions of the physical power, all of

which must be ♦prostrated before our constitution is subverted――such

a people have nothing to fear from a petty contemptible force of

twenty-five thousand regulars.’

Many of the opposition affected to believe that the interests of the

country would not be subserved, whether the war eventuated in her

favor, or that of her enemy; they could see nothing to be gained by

it; to which Mr. Clay said, ‘I will ask what are we not to lose by

peace?――commerce, character, a nation’s best treasure and honor! If

pecuniary considerations alone are to govern, there are sufficient

motives for the war. Our revenue is reduced by the operation of

the belligerent edicts, to about six millions of dollars. The year

preceding the embargo, it was sixteen. Take away the orders in council,

it will again mount up to sixteen millions. By continuing, therefore,

in peace――if the mongrel situation in which we are deserves that

denomination――we lose annually, in revenue alone, ten millions of

dollars. Gentlemen will say, repeal the law of non-importation. If the

United States were capable of that perfidy, the revenue would not be

restored to its former state, the orders in council continuing. Without

an export trade, which these orders prevent, inevitable ruin will ensue

if we import as freely as we did prior to the embargo. A nation that

carries on an import trade without an export trade to support it, must

in the end be as certainly bankrupt, as the individual would be who

incurred an annual expenditure without an income.’

Mr. Clay contended that England, in assigning the cause of her

aggressions to be the punishment of France, with whom she was at war,

was practicing a deceptive part; that this was her ostensible and not

real course. It was her inordinate desire of supremacy on the seas,

which could not brook any appearance of rivalry, that prompted her

hostilities. She saw in your numberless ships, which whitened every sea,

in your hundred and twenty thousand gallant tars, the seeds of a naval

force, which, in thirty years, would rival her on her own element.

_She therefore commenced the odious system of impressment, of which no

language can paint my execration! She DARED to attempt the subversion

of the personal freedom of your mariners!_

He closed by expressing his decided conviction of the justice of the

undertaking, and hoping that unless redress was obtained by peaceable

means speedily, war would be resorted to before the close of the

session.

On the fourth of January following, the bill passed the house, after

several ineffectual attempts to introduce amendments, by a vote of

ninety-four to thirty-four, several voting for, who at the commencement

of the discussion were bitterly opposed to it. This was the initiatory

step taken by the government in relation to the war.

On the twenty-second of the same month, the committee to whom that

portion of the president’s message was referred that contemplated

a naval establishment, reported a bill in favor of its increase. To

this also Mr. Clay gave his most vigorous support, advocating the

construction of several warlike vessels, combating the many specious

objections of those opposed to its increase, and showed clearly their

fallacy. He described three degrees of naval power. The first was one

of sufficient magnitude and strength as would enable us to go forth

and successfully cope with that of any belligerent nation on the globe.

But such a force, he contended, it was out of the power of the American

nation to raise, neither under her present circumstances was it

particularly desirable.

The second, was one by which we should be able to beat off any naval

force or armament which Great Britain, or any other nation, might

be able to send to and permanently station on our coasts. The force

requisite would be about one third of that despatched by the foreign

nation, according to nautical experience. He estimated that twelve

line-of-battle ships and fifteen or twenty frigates would be sufficient

to keep at bay the most formidable fleet England could send against

us and maintain in American waters, during her conflict with European

powers. A naval force like that, however, he admitted could not be

raised then, but he urged congress to take such measures as should

secure its construction as soon as possible, and estimated that its

completion might be confidently expected in a few years. To him there

was nothing in the vast extent of Great Britain’s naval resources

intimidating. He maintained that her great distance from us, the perils

which would environ a squadron on a foreign shore, and the ease with

which, from the extent of our sea-coast, we could harass or escape

an enemy, furnished proof sufficient to convince any unprejudiced

mind, that we should be able very soon to assemble a navy capable of

maintaining all our maritime rights and interests. The correctness of

Mr. Clay’s views has since been amply verified, and the accuracy with

which he foresaw and foretold future events shows him to have been

gifted with no ordinary degree of prescience.

The third degree of naval force, Mr. Clay regarded as entirely in the

power of the nation to raise and sustain. It was a force competent

to prevent any single vessel, however large, from interrupting our

coasting trade, from entering our harbors, and levying contributions

from our large cities. This he argued and proved was within the

immediate means of the nation, although vigorously opposed by those

hostile to the war. He triumphed, however, singularly over them,

reprobating with severity the policy that refused to provide against

any dangers because it could not guard against all. ‘If,’ said he, ‘we

are not able to meet the gathered wolves of the forest, shall we put

up with the barking impudence of every petty cur that trips across our

way?’

It was Mr. Clay’s ardent desire to provide a navy whose power should

be commensurate with the interest it was designed to protect. This,

our limited means in actual possession, the unavailability of those

in our immediate vicinity, but above all, the depressing tendency on

our financial department of those measures of inhuman cruelty towards

our mariners on the one hand, and of arbitrary commercial exactions on

the other by transatlantic powers, forbade us to expect. His remarks

at that time in relation to this branch of our national defence, are

worthy of the most attentive perusal. They abound with lucid argument,

beautiful illustration, and convincing demonstration, with which it

would be difficult to find a speech of similar length more replete.

It was an invariable rule with Mr. Clay, from which we find no

instance of his deviation, whenever he investigated a measure of a

public nature, to determine first accurately its bearing upon the

whole community; how the happiness and prosperity of the nation would

be affected by its introduction; and in the second place to graduate

his efforts accordingly. Although rich in menial resources, possessing

an inexhaustible intellectual mine, and an unfailing fountain of

eloquence, he never drew largely on these when a subject of chimerical

sectional importance came before him. It was only when one involving

the public honor or dishonor arose――one on which the destinies of the

republic were suspended――one which aimed at subverting or upholding

the liberties of the people――that he made great drafts on them. He

never wandered through the interminable wilds of diffuse debate,

undetermined and undirected. As a skilful physician ascertains the

state of his patient before prescribing for him, so Mr. Clay, previous

to legislation, carefully scanned the social, civil, and political

condition of the whole region for which he was to legislate, and then,

without any meandering or circumlocution, procured and applied the

appropriate remedy. Though often found amid the dust of debate, it was

not of his own raising. The caballers of faction, the more easily to

accomplish their base designs, often darkened the political atmosphere,

which one blast of his eloquence seldom failed to purify. Perhaps at

no previous period in our political history were demagogues, both in

and out of congress, more busily or violently engaged than at this.

Disclosures of the most astounding character had been made, and were

making, by which it appeared that there were those who waited only for

a suitable occasion to barter away their country’s freedom for foreign

gold. The arguments of those who opposed an increase of our navy

were of such a nature as to cause their patriotism to be questioned.

Notwithstanding it was a fact which could not be concealed, that our

sea-coast was entirely defenceless and exposed to the ravages of a

hostile nation, and our commerce crippled, many contended that nothing

beneficial could be realized from such increase, and even went so far

as to say that our foreign commerce was not worth protecting. Mr. Clay

was convinced that it was the most provident measure that could under

the then existing circumstances be adopted, and advocated it with a

zeal and energy that knew no bounds. He demonstrated its necessity,

not only to the Atlantic states, but to the vast west. ‘If,’ said he,

‘there be a point more than any other in the United States demanding

the aid of naval protection, that point is the mouth of the Mississippi.

The population of the whole western country are dependent on this

single outlet for their surplus productions. These productions can

be transported in no other way. Close the mouth of the Mississippi,

and their export trade is annihilated. Abandon all idea of protecting

by maratime force the mouth of the Mississippi, and we shall hold

the inestimable right of the navigation of that river by the most

precarious tenure. The whole commerce of the Mississippi, a commerce

that is destined to be the richest that was ever borne by a single

stream, is placed at the mercy of a single ship lying off the Balize!

Can gentlemen, particularly from the western country, contemplate such

possible, nay probable events, without desiring to see at least the

commencement of such a naval establishment as will effectually protect

the Mississippi?’ He showed the intimate connection of commerce with a

navy, by saying that ‘a marine is the natural, the appropriate guardian

of foreign commerce. The shepherd and his faithful dog are not more

necessary to guard the flocks that browse and gambol on the neighboring

mountain. Neglect to provide the one, and you must abandon the other.

Suppose the expected war with Great Britain is commenced――you enter

and subjugate Canada, and she still refuses to do you justice――what

other possible mode will remain to operate on the enemy, but upon that

element where alone you can come in contact with her? And if you do not

prepare to protect there your own commerce and to assail his, will he

not sweep from the ocean every vessel bearing your flag, and destroy

even the coasting trade?’ To the argument that foreign trade was not

worth protecting, he asked, ‘What is this foreign commerce that has

suddenly become so inconsiderable? It has with very trifling aid from

other sources, defrayed the expenses of the government ever since

the adoption of the present constitution, maintained an expensive

and successful war with the Indians, a war with the Barbary powers,

a _quasi_ war with France, sustained the charges of suppressing two

insurrections, and extinguishing upwards of forty-six millions of the

public debt. In revenue, it has since the year 1789 yielded one hundred

and ninety-one millions of dollars.’ Alluding to the eminent danger of

our commercial metropolis, he remarked, ‘Is there a reflecting man in

the nation who would not charge congress with a culpable neglect of

its duty, if for the want of such a force a single ship were to bombard

one of our cities? Would not every honorable member of the committee

inflict on himself the bitterest reproaches, if by failing to make an

inconsiderable addition to our gallant little navy, a single British

vessel should place New York under contribution?’

Mr. Clay’s arguments went home to the hearts of the members of the

house with most convincing energy, dispelling the dense cloud of

prejudice which interested faction, strongly controlled by foreign

influence, had succeeded in raising, driving his opponents from their

strong holds of open opposition, and dragging from their hiding places

those who were dealing their blows in secret. He succeeded in causing

the congressional pulsations to be in unison with his own――to pass

the bill by a handsome majority. Thus an appropriation was secured for

repairing and enlarging the shield of our protection, that it might be

able to meet and ward off the blow that seemed about to descend upon us,

secured mainly by the indefatigable exertions of Mr. Clay. The result

was in complete accordance with his far-seeing sagacity. Augmented

and equipped according to the provisions of the bill, our navy was

sent forth to battle and to victory. With the cry of our impressed and

suffering seamen, mingled soon the joyful notes of triumph; release

speedily succeeded; aggression ceased, and beneath the ‘star spangled

banner,’ respected and honored, our merchantmen pursued their way to

traffic where they pleased unmolested.

Most of the state legislatures signified their approval of the measures

adopted by congress in relation to the war by corresponding resolutions.

Kentucky early regarded with just indignation the tyrannical treatment

of Great Britain, and evinced a disposition to resort immediately to

coercive measures for redress, and guarantied her support to the extent

of her ability to any course the general government might think proper

to pursue. She declared that ‘should we tamely submit, the world ought

to despise us――we should despise ourselves――England herself would

despise us.’ In view of the prospect of immediate rupture, she resolved

that ‘the state of Kentucky, to the last mite of her strength and

resources, will contribute them to maintain the contest and support the

right of their country against such lawless violations, and that the

citizens of Kentucky are prepared to take the field when called on.’

After the passage of the navy bill, which was on the 29th of January,

1812, congress was employed with matters pertaining to our relations

with Great Britain, in all of which Mr. Clay exhibited untiring energy

and unflagging zeal. In the language of another, ‘in all of them

Mr. Clay was the champion and the guide of the democratic party. No

difficulties could weary or withstand his energies. He moved in majesty,

for he moved in strength. Like the Carthaginian chief in the passage

of the Alps, he kept his place in front of his comrades, putting

aside with a giant effort every obstacle that opposed his progress,

applauding the foremost of his followers, and rousing those who

lingered by words of encouragement or reproach, until he succeeded in

posting them upon a moral eminence from which they could look down upon

the region where their prowess was to meet its long expected reward.’

On the first day of April ensuing, the following document was

transmitted by the president to congress:

‘Considering it as expedient under existing circumstances and prospects,

that a general embargo be laid on all vessels now in port, or hereafter

arriving, for the period of sixty days, I recommend the immediate

passage of a law to that effect.’

Mr. Porter, the chairman of the committee on foreign relations, to whom

the message was referred, reported a bill, and the house went into a

committee of the whole to consider it. A warm and protracted discussion

ensued, and Mr. Clay was among the first to come forward and express

his hearty concurrence with the opinion of Mr. Madison relative to the

embargo. ‘I approve of it,’ said he, ‘because it is to be viewed as a

direct precursor to war. As an American and a member of that house, he

felt proud that the executive had recommended the measure.’

As a matter in course, those who opposed war opposed the embargo, which

was obviously intended as a step preparatory to it, to give sufficient

time to place our commercial interests in a secure condition, so that

when hostilities should actually commence, our trading vessels should

not be in a situation to become an easy prey to British cruisers.

Among the most rabid was Mr. Randolph, who denounced the embargo, and

in opposition to Mr. Clay, declared it a subterfuge――a retreat from

battle――and not a step preparatory to war. ‘Sir,’ said he, ‘we are now

in secret conclave. The eyes of the world are not upon us, but the eyes

of God behold our doings. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall we

deliberate on this subject in the spirit of sobriety and candor, or

with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions like

the present? We ought to realize that we are in the presence of that

God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to whom we must render

an account for the deeds done in the body. What new cause of war or

of an embargo has arisen within the last twelve months? The affair

of the Chesapeake is settled; no new principles of blockade have been

interpolated in the laws of nations. Every man of candor would ask

why we did not then go to war twelve months ago.’ He said that the

honorable speaker was laboring under a mistake by declaring that the

message was for war; that he (Mr. Randolph) had ‘too much reliance

on the wisdom and virtue of the president to believe that he would be

guilty of such gross and unparalleled treason.’

Mr. Clay replied in a becoming manner, in language that fell upon the

house burning with the fire of his patriotic eloquence. ‘The gentleman

from Virginia need not have reminded them in the manner he had of that

Being who watched over and surrounded them. From this sentiment we

should draw very different conclusions from those which occurred to him.

It ought to influence them to that patriotism and to a display of those

high qualifications, so much more honorable to the human character.

The gentleman asks what _new_ cause of war has been avowed? The affair

of the Chesapeake is settled, to be sure; but only to paralyse the

spirit of the country. Has Great Britain abstained from impressing

our seamen――from depredating upon our property? We have complete proof

in her capture of our ships, in her exciting our frontier Indians to

hostility, and in her sending an emissary to our cities to excite civil

war, that she will do every thing to destroy us. Our resolution and

spirit are our only dependence. Although I feel warm upon this subject,

I pride myself upon those feelings, and should despise myself if I were

destitute of them.’

Mr. Randolph still persisted in his intemperate opposition, averring

that public sentiment was not in favor of either the embargo or war,

and said that he had ‘known gentlemen not inferior in gallantry, in

wisdom, in experience, in the talents of a statesman, to any upon the

floor, consigned to oblivion for advocating a war upon the public

sentiment.’ That the public mind was averse to these measures, Mr. Clay

proved to be not true, by citing the great unanimity in the southern

and western states, among both federalists and republicans, and the

unequivocal resolutions of _fourteen state legislatures_ in favor of

both. If possible, Mr. Randolph was exceeded in the fierceness of his

opposition by Mr. Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts; at least by the low

and scurrilous language in which he expressed it. He condemned the

embargo as treasonable to the interests of the nation, as absurd and

contrary to common sense. He boasted of having sent, in connection with

his colleagues, expresses to the eastern cities, in the expectation

that an embargo would be laid, that information to that effect might

be given to merchants, so that they could obtain clearances for their

vessels before it should take effect. Said he, ‘we did it to escape

into the jaws of the British lion and of the French tiger, which are

places of repose, of joy and delight, when compared with the grasp and

fang of this hyena embargo. Look now upon the river below Alexandria,

and you will see the sailors towing down their vessels as from a

pestilence, against wind and tide, anxious to escape from a country

which would destroy instead of preserving them. I object to it because

it is no efficient preparation, because it is not a progress towards

honorable war, but a subterfuge from the question. If we must perish,

let us perish by any hand except our own; any fate is better than

self-slaughter.’

In meeting the storm of opposition which raged like a tempest around

him, Mr. Clay is represented to have been ‘a flame of fire.’ He had

now brought congress to the verge of what he conceived to be a war for

liberty and honor, and his voice, inspired by the occasion, ran through

the capitol like a trumpet-tone sounding for the onset. On the subject

of the policy of the embargo, his eloquence, like a Roman phalanx, bore

down all opposition, and he put to shame those of his opponents who

flouted the government as being unprepared for war. ‘Why is it,’ he

exclaimed, indignantly, ‘that we are no _better_ prepared? Because

the gentlemen themselves have thrown every possible obstacle in our

way! They have opposed the raising of an army――the fitting out of a

naval armament――the fortification of our frontiers――and now talk of

the madness of engaging in a war for which we are not _prepared_! It

is asked what new cause of war? In reply I will ask what _old_ cause of

war is avenged? Has Great Britain abstained from impressing our seamen?

I have no doubt but that the late Indian hostilities on the Wabash were

excited by the British. Is not this cause of war?’

There was no withstanding his eloquent and patriotic appeals. They made

every heart in the house vibrate and glow with intense desire to arouse

and avenge the aggravated abuse heaped upon us by our foreign foe.

After an ineffectual attempt to procure an amendment to the bill by

extending the embargo to ninety days, it passed by a vote of seventy

to forty-one. It was then sent to the senate, which introduced the

amendment proposed in the house, which was adopted by it, and after

receiving the signature of the president, it became the law of the land

on the fourth day of April.

Now war had become the settled policy of the nation; indeed the first

initiatory step was taken. The Rubicon had been approached, and not

to cross it would entail disgrace. Congress, therefore, set vigorously

about preparing for war. The tardy procedure of government in bringing

the subject to a crisis, it was thought would operate prejudicially in

its prosecution, by allowing the eagerness and zeal then so prevalent

for the conflict to subside. A result of the correspondence then

going on between America and England, and which was continued after

the embargo had taken effect, was, to render undecided a large and

patriotic portion of the people, who were earnest in demanding redress,

but as long as there was the slightest prospect of obtaining it by

negotiation, chose to delay rather than meet the expenses and horrors

of war. Hopes were entertained, from time to time, by the tone of the

British minister’s communications, that all differences between the two

nations would be pacifically arranged. But it soon appeared obvious,

that nothing satisfactory would be proposed by him, that Great Britain

had an ulterior object in view, in causing such expectations to be

created, and that it would be better to abandon at once, and forever,

all reliance upon this mode of procedure, resorted to from motives

of the most amicable nature, on the part of the United States, and

pursued so long and faithfully, yet ineffectully. Hope finally fled,

though reluctantly and with a heavy heart, casting many ‘a lingering

look behind,’ and ‘grim visaged war’ assumed her place. The most

amicably disposed threw down the olive branch, and seized the sword.

Remonstrance, entreaty, argument, and forbearance had been exhausted,

and the nation, conscious of the righteousness of her cause, arose,

buckled on her armor, and appealed to the God of battles for the

maintenance of her rights.

Mr. Clay was one of a deputation appointed to wait upon Mr. Madison,

to urge upon him the pressing necessity of making speedy and efficient

preparation for the event which would inevitably occur. The views of

congress, and of the country generally, relative to the subject of

war, he spread before the president, argued that it was impolitic to

waste any more time in fruitless negotiation, and expressed his sincere

conviction, that, with their present resources, and those of which

they could avail themselves, judiciously employed, as they would be

by patriotic and indignant freemen, no alarming apprehensions need

be entertained respecting the nature of the result. The muscular and

mental energies of a free and united yeomanry of an independent and

enlightened nation, arrayed in defence of _home_ and every thing that

made it happy, he believed constituted a force invincible――one that

could not be crushed by the hireling soldiery of the combined powers

of Europe.

The president, though inclined to advance with extreme caution, whose

trepidation was increased by several members of his cabinet opposed to

warlike movements, was nerved with fresh courage and fired with fresh

patriotism, by the energetic remarks of Mr. Clay, and induced to hasten

the blow from the axe of executive power, which alone could burst the

bands which bound and restrained the thunderbolt of war.

About this time, while in the exercise of his official prerogative, Mr.

Clay became entangled in a disagreeable controversy with Mr. Randolph.

This gentleman, though possessing talents and eloquence of a high

order, employed them in such a manner as to make himself distinguished

for the most extravagant eccentricities and wild vagaries. There had

existed not the most cordial understanding between him and Mr. Clay,

during several months previous. Their intercourse was not very uniform;

sometimes it would be suspended for weeks, when not a word would be

spoken by either to the other. The great difficulty of living on terms

of intimacy or common civility even, with Mr. Randolph, caused Mr.

Clay to adopt this course. He did not desire to offend the capricious

gentleman, nor to place himself in a situation to receive offence from

him. Occasionally, when the milk of human kindness was superabundant in

his heart, Mr. Randolph would approach, and in the most honied accents

and blandest manner, salute Mr. Clay and inquire after his health, with

every demonstration of regard.

One of Mr. Randolph’s peculiarities was exceeding uneasiness under

restriction; indeed, he seldom quietly submitted to any parliamentary

restraint, however necessary and salutary. He regarded the rules of

the house as trammels and shackles, more honored by the breach than

observance, and struggled violently against their enforcement in his

case. During the day previous to that when the controversy mentioned

occurred, Mr. Clay, in conversing with a friend of Mr. Randolph,

remarked that the president would probably transmit a message to

congress, recommending a declaration of war, on the following Monday.

This information was communicated to Mr. Randolph, who the next morning

appeared in his seat, and commenced one of his usual windy harangues,

without submitting any motion to the house. After discussing some time

the subject of our foreign relations, although he well knew that such

discussion was designed to be strictly private, manifesting more than

his accustomed hostility to declaring war with Great Britain, and zeal

in justifying her cruelties towards the United States, he was called

to order, on the ground that there was no resolution before the house.

Mr. Bibb, being in the chair, suffered him to proceed. Soon after,

Mr. Clay resumed his seat, when he was again called to order, and

required to submit his motion in writing to the chair. Mr. Clay

observed that a standing rule of the house rendered it incumbent on

any member who attempted to address it, after a few pertinent prefatory

remarks, to submit his proposition in due form to the house, and then

confine his remarks to it. ‘My proposition,’ said Mr. Randolph, ‘is

that it is not expedient at this time, to resort to a war with Great

Britain.’ He expressed great surprise when it was decided by the

speaker that he could not proceed to discuss his proposition unless

it was seconded and reduced to writing. ‘Then I appeal from that

decision.’ The speaker briefly stated his reasons for his decision,

which was sustained by a vote of sixty-seven to forty-two. ‘Then, sir,

under the compulsion to submit my motion in writing, I offer it,’ said

Mr. Randolph. The speaker replied, ‘there is no compulsion in the case,

because the gentleman may or may not offer it, at his option.’ The

motion was read from the chair, and the speaker observed that the house

must first agree to consider it, before it could be in order to debate

it. From this decision Mr. Randolph appealed, but at the suggestion of

a friend, withdrew his appeal. Mr. Clay made a brief speech, justifying

his decision, and then put the question whether the house would

consider Mr. Randolph’s resolution. It was rejected by a vote of

seventy-two to thirty-seven.

Mr. Randolph, thus compelled to take his seat, was greatly chagrined.

On the following day he published a vindictive address to his

constituents, in which he inveighed in the most bitter terms against

Mr. Madison’s administration, declaring that the movements that

had been made in reference to war, were not made with the intention

of promoting the welfare of the country, and desired those whom he

represented not to sanction the proposed declaration. Freedom of speech

he declared had been invaded; that for the first time in the person

of their representative had it been decided, that silence must be

maintained upon the most important subject that could be brought

forward for legislative action. He characterized this as ‘usurpation,

more flagitious than any which had ever been practiced under the reign

of terror by the father of the sedition laws, and the people must

interfere and apply a remedy or bid adieu to a free government forever.’

Mr. Clay noticed this singular paper in a communication over his own

name, which was published in the National Intelligencer reviewing

briefly the controversy, stating the grounds of his action in relation

to it, and established the two following principles: ‘that the house

had a right to know through its organ, the specific motion which a

member intends making before he undertakes to argue it at large, and

that it reserves to itself the exercise of the power of determining

whether it will consider it at the particular time when offered, prior

to his thus proceeding to argue it.’ These principles have subsequently

formed the rule in the house in similar cases, the operation of which

has tended, in no small degree, to promote the interests of the country,

by restraining within proper bounds the freedom of debate.

On the first of June, the president despatched to the house a message,

containing a summary statement of our grievances demanding reparation,

narrating the various pacific and often repeated attempts of the

United States to adjust all existing difficulties with Great Britain,

remarking the cold indifference or haughty repulse with which the

latter had invariably met the amicable advances of the former, and

recommending to the early consideration of congress the question

whether the United States should ‘continue passive under these

progressive usurpations and these accumulating wrongs, or opposing

force to force in defence of their natural rights, should commit a just

cause into the hands of the almighty disposer of events.’ An ‘immediate

appeal to _arms_’ was recommended in a report of the committee on

foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, on the eighteenth,

and the act declaring war passed both houses of congress the same day,

and on the nineteenth Mr. Madison issued his proclamation, declaring

hostilities as actually commenced. On the sixth of July congress

adjourned, to assemble on the first Monday in November.

The crisis towards which so many eyes had long been directed, had at

last come――a crisis which, though sought by government, was sought

reluctantly. Any measure that would have obviated its necessity, had

been embraced with eager joy. Every expedient was resorted to, in

order to prevent the waste of treasures and effusion of blood, with

which it would be attended. The great master spirits, Messrs. Clay,

Lowndes, Cheves and Calhoun, the bold pioneers in paving the way to

and hastening on this crisis, did not attempt to shrink from their

duty, nor to shake off the solemn responsibility which they assumed

to their country in undertaking to conduct the ark of her liberties,

now when they had guided it into the roaring vortex of war. They did

not prove recreant to the precious trusts committed to their care,

by traitorously deserting their posts. Though the billows of fierce

conflict dashed against its sides, they did not withdraw the hand

that had hitherto supported it. There was no looking back, no cowardly

avoiding of danger, but shoulder to shoulder manfully they breasted

the dark surges of belligerent strife, until in safety the harbor of

success was finally attained.

With the view of shortening the conflict and ameliorating the condition

of those engaged in it as much as possible, previous and subsequent to

the declaration of war, they sought to place the financial department

of the nation in a situation to meet the demands that would be made

upon it in case of that event. In pursuance of this view, the secretary

of the treasury, Mr. Gallatin, whose reputation for financiering

stood high, was selected to devise and report a system that should

accomplish the desired object. The public disappointment was excessive

when his report appeared, which, instead of exhibiting any new feature

in finance――instead of deriving revenue from the vast, existing

and appropriate national sources――proposed to obtain it in the

old obnoxious ways from excise, stamp duties, &c. Although deeply

regretting that a more efficient plan was not provided, still, with a

spirit that seemed resolved to turn to the best possible account the

propositions of the secretary, they commenced levying taxes according

to his plan. To this end Mr. Cheves, chairman of the committee of ways

and means, diligently employed himself in preparing bills, whose object

was the raising of revenue. After their completion and presentation,

a discovery was made that well nigh proved fatal to this. It was

ascertained through the efforts of Mr. Smiley, an intimate friend

of the secretary of the treasury, that both he and the president

were opposed to levying taxes at the time of the declaration of war,

declaring ‘that the people would not take both war and taxes together.’

The non-concurrence of the executive in their financial scheme,

was a source of bitter though unavailing regret to Mr. Clay and his

coadjutors. It was, to be sure, defective, but had not this insuperable

obstacle been interposed in the way of its being carried out, the

treasury would have been to a considerable extent replenished with

funds; the early want of which was a serious detriment felt during

the whole war. To the influence of Mr. Gallatin, in a great measure,

doubtless, the opposition of Mr. Madison to the conjunction of the two

measures was owing. He was very susceptible of influence, especially

from those in whom he reposed confidence, such as he did in the

secretary. The same kind of influence, inducing him to procrastinate a

declaration of war, Mr. Clay found him laboring under, when, as one of

a deputation, he was sent to wait on and urge him to delay no longer,

telling him that farther argument was useless, that the _ultima thule_

of talking had been reached, and that the time for prompt and vigorous

_action_ had arrived. To illustrate the difference between speaking and

writing, and _acting_, he repeated to Mr. Madison an anecdote of two

Kentucky judges. ‘One talked incessantly from the bench. He reasoned

every body to death. He would deliver an opinion, and first try to

convince the party that agreed with him, and then the opposite party.

The consequence was that business lagged, the docket accumulated,

litigants complained, and the community were dissatisfied. He was

succeeded by a judge who never gave any reasons for his opinion, but

decided the case simply for the plaintiff or defendant. His decisions

were rarely reversed by the appellate court, the docket melted away,

litigants were no longer exposed to ruinous delay, and the community

were contented.’ This humorous sally of Mr. Clay occasioned the

president much mirth, who replied by relating an anecdote which

occurred to him, of a French judge, who, said he, after hearing the

arguments of the parties, put their papers in opposite scales, and

decided the case according to the preponderance of weight.

Attempts on the part of the United States to prevent hostilities, did

not cease until war had been declared, and even then a disposition

was manifested to put a speedy termination to them, for in one week

after this event, Mr. Jonathan Russell, our _chargé d’affaires_ at

the court of St. James, received instructions to agree to an armistice

as a preliminary to a treaty, provided the British government should

repeal her orders in council, and discontinue the impressment of our

seamen, and afterwards without insisting upon any particular agreement.

All our pacific efforts, however, were fruitless, our proposals

refused with disdain, and accompanied with language of reproach and

insult, even conveying the idea that the conduct of the United States

was pusillanimous. She refused to treat with us at all, unless as

preliminary we would recall our letters of marque and reprisal, and

cease all hostile acts towards British property and British subjects.

Such degrading conditions could never be submitted to by the United

States, although the federal party were willing and even clamorous to

comply with them. The virtue and patriotism of the people, however,

preponderated over all the vile attempts at causing the nation to

accept the disgraceful terms dictated by her haughty foe, to procure

the repose she desired. The middle of September found us still

endeavoring to procure an adjustment of our difficulties amicably.

The proposals of Mr. Russell, though of the most liberal nature, were

treated contemptuously, and at an interview on the seventeenth of

September, lord Castlereagh expressed great astonishment that American

commissioners should still continue to indulge the expectation that

the right of impressment should ever be relinquished, and even had the

arrogance to say that ‘_our_ friends in congress had been so confident

in that mistake, that they had ascribed the failure of such an

arrangement solely to the misconduct of the American government.’ The

demands of the British in insolence seemed to have no limits; asking if

the ‘United States would deliver up the native British seamen who might

be naturalized in America.’ ‘If,’ said lord Castlereagh, ‘the American

government was so anxious to get rid of the war, it would have an

opportunity of doing so, on learning the revocation of the orders in

council.’

It was sufficiently obvious now that nothing remained but to prosecute

the war as vigorously as possible. Our arms, in several cases, had

been unsuccessful. The circumstances of the delivery of Detroit into

the hands of the enemy by general Hull, were such as to render it

certain that treason had some agency in it. These disasters tended to

dampen the ardor of some, and to render more confident and blustering

demagogues and federalists, who went about croaking like birds of

ill omen, doing all in their power to infuse a spirit inimical to

the course then pursuing, and bring opprobrium on the administration

party. They continually referred to those partial failures as the sure

prognostics that the whole country would fall an easy prey to the enemy.

But these reverses were subsequently in a measure repaired, by the

successful and gallant achievements of a body of western volunteers,

led on by general Harrison, over the British and their allies, the

barbarous savages. Our brilliant victories on the sea were such as

to kindle up the expiring energies in the hearts of the despairing,

and to nerve to nobler deeds the intrepid. They evinced what could be

accomplished by determination and valor combined. The British frigate

Guerriere had been captured by captain Hull, commander of the frigate

Constitution; commodore Rodgers had rendered most signal service to our

commercial interests; all which tended to impart a fresh impulse to our

army and navy.

During the interval between the adjournment and re-assembling of

congress, Mr. Clay watched the progress of the war with the most

intense interest. _This was the all-absorbing subject of his soul_,

engaging its every faculty and principle; and the efforts which he made

to secure its successful termination were as strenuous as they were

unremitted. In public assemblies, in private circles, it was the theme

on which he dwelt continually, and around which he twined the richest

wreaths of his oratorical and colloquial skill. He always had a weapon

ready to prostrate the opposition of the federalist and demagogue,

however speciously presented. The grounds of encouragement to proceed,

and the prospect of ultimate success, were so clearly elucidated by

him, that the timid gathered confidence, and the bold redoubled their

energies. Hope and courage were his constant companions, from which

fear and cowardice fled away. These spread their animating influences

far and wide, and like a beacon light lit up the whole land. Had Mr.

Clay been engaged in a personal enterprize in which he had embarked

his all, where fortune, fame, reputation, and life itself were at

issue, he could not have manifested greater solicitude for the result,

or put forth more gigantic efforts to render it favorable, than he

did in relation to the war of the nation. If patriotism, undoubted

and unadulterated, be not deducible from his agency in originating,

prosecuting and consummating the war, on what page of the world’s

annals is it chronicled? The history of the Grecian and Roman republics

furnish many instances of exalted, self-sacrificing patriotism――of

those who under its influence met death as joyfully as they would have

met a friend. Inspired by this principle we hear one of their bards

exclaim,

‘Dulce est pro patria mori.’

A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq. · 第 13 / 250 题

He had scarcely ceased from his efficient labors in procuring the