The Love Affairs of Mary Queen of Scots

Mary Queen of Scots was one of the most remarkable women who

ever presided over the destinies of a nation. She was born at

Linlithgow on December 8, 1542, a few days before the death of

her father, James V., thus becoming a queen before she was a

week old. Her complex personality and varied accomplishments

have inspired many and various historians, but it has remained

for Major Martin Hume to demonstrate the historical fatality

of Mary's love affairs. In "The Love Affairs of Mary Queen of

Scots," published in 1903, Major Hume gives a convincing and

logical reason for Mary's political failure, inasmuch as it

did not spring from her goodness or badness as a woman, but

from a certain weakness of character. This epitome has been

prepared by Major Hume himself.

_I.--Betrothed in her Cradle_

When in the great hall at Worms, on that ever-memorable April day in

1521, before the panic-stricken princes, Luther insolently flung at the

emperor his defiance of the mediaeval church, the crash, though all

unheard by the ears of men, shook to their base the crumbling

foundations upon which, for hundreds of years, the institutions of

Europe had rested. The sixteenth century thenceforward was a period of

disintegration and reconstruction, in which fresh lines of cleavage

between old political associates were opened, new affinities were

formed, and the international balance re-adjusted.

In the long struggle of the house of Aragon, and its successor, Charles

V., with France for the domination of Italy, the only effectual

guarantee against England's actively aiding its traditional ally, the

ruler of Spain and Flanders, against its traditional enemy, France, was

for the latter country to keep a tight hold of its alliance with

Scotland, by means of which English force might be diverted at any time.

The existence of the Scottish "back door" to England, with the ever

probable enemy behind it, had long been a check upon English power, and

a humiliation to English kings in their efforts to hold the balance

between the Continental rivals. But with the spread of Lutheranism in

Germany and Henry VIII.'s defiance of the Papacy, the Catholic powers,

drawn together in the face of common danger, found a fresh bond of union

in their orthodoxy which partially superseded old rivalries.

In these circumstances the English policy, which had aimed at the

control of Scottish foreign relations to the exclusion of French

influence, became not only desirable as it always had been, but vitally

necessary to preserve England's independence.

Henry VIII.'s policy towards Scotland had been that of _divide et

impera_, and a series of royal minorities and the greed and poverty of

the semi-independent Scottish nobles had aided him. The rout of the

Scots at Solway Moss, and the pathetic passing of the gallant James V.,

leaving his new-born daughter, Mary, as queen (December 1542), seemed at

length to place Scotland in England's power. The murder of Cardinal

Beaton, the bribery of the Douglases, and the marriage of Lennox with

Henry's sister were all subsequent moves in the same game. Mary was

betrothed in her cradle to the heir of England, and France, whose sheet

anchor for centuries had been the "auld alliance" with the Scots,

appeared to be helpless against a coalition of England and the emperor.

Thenceforward, England's main object was to keep a tight grip upon

Scotland by religion or otherwise, while at first France, and

subsequently the Catholic league, strove ceaselessly, with the help of

Mary Stuart, to free Scotland from English influence. The marriage

juggle of Elizabeth was largely inspired by her Scottish aims, and if

the fortuitous adjustment of her qualities kept England Protestant, and

France wavering for all those critical years, if she secured the

inactivity of Spain, the resistance of Protestant Holland, and the

freedom of navigation by her skilful statecraft, her rival Mary Stuart

was a hardly less powerful factor in the final triumph of England by

reason of certain defects in her character, the consequences of which

are dealt with in this book.

Mary possessed a finer and nobler nature than Elizabeth; she was a woman

of higher courage and greater conviction, more generous, magnanimous,

and confiding, and, apart from her incomparably greater beauty and

fascination, she possessed mental endowments fully equal to those of the

English queen. But, whilst caution and love of mastery in Elizabeth

always saved her from her weakness at the critical moment, Mary Stuart

possessed no such safeguards, and was periodically swept along

helplessly by the irresistible rush of her amorous passion.

French intrigue and money, aided by the queen-regent of Scotland, Mary

of Guise, succeeded, after Henry's death and Somerset's invasion of

Scotland, in gaining firm hold upon Scotland, and Mary, as the betrothed

wife of the dauphin Francis, was carried to France in 1548, at the age

of six, to be reared by her cunning kinsmen of Lorraine, and made, as it

was hoped, a future powerful instrument to aid Catholic French objects

against England, and the reformation in France and elsewhere. As she

grew towards womanhood in the bravest and most amorous court in Europe,

the queen-dauphiness became a paragon of beauty, charm, accomplishments,

the theme of poets, the despair of lovers innumerable worshipping her

from afar.

The boy Francis de Valois, to whom she was affianced, was a poor,

bilious, degenerate weakling, stunted in figure, uncomely of face. He

was shy and timid, shunning active exercises, and though at the time of

his marriage (1558) he was too young to have been actively engaged in

the vices of the outwardly devout court, he appears to have been fully

alive to the desirability of his bride. Mary was precocious and

ambitious; she was surrounded by profligates, male and female, and,

though she can hardly have been in love with her young husband, she

appears to have been fully reconciled to the union.

With unsurpassed magnificence the wedding of Mary and Francis took place

in Paris, but it signified to the world much more than the wedding of a

boy and girl. So far as men could see, it meant the triumph of the papal

Guises in France, and a death-blow to Protestant hopes of ranging

Scotland on the side of the reformation.

_II.--Intrigue, Plot, and Intrigue_

Francis died after sixteen months reign, and Mary Stuart and her Guisan

uncles, hated jealously by the queen-mother, Catharine de Medici, and by

the reforming Bourbons, fell, for a time, into the background. Mary can

hardly have loved her puny boy husband, but she nursed him night and day

in his long sickness and his death so affected her that "she would not

receive any consolation, but, brooding over her disasters with constant

tears and passionate, doleful lamentations, she universally inspired

deep pity." She had, indeed, lost much besides her royal husband; and in

a poem written by her afterwards, the waste of her youth in widowhood,

the loss of her great position as Queen of France, and her powerlessness

any longer to enforce her rule in Scotland by French power, are the main

burden of her complaints against Providence, not pity for the husband

she had lost.

The Guises were loath to surrender power without a struggle, and as soon

as Francis died they sought to sell their niece in marriage again. Their

first idea was for her to marry her child-brother-in-law, the new King

Charles IX., but Catharine de Medici at once stopped that plan, though

the boy himself was anxious for it and Mary was not averse. That

failing, Cardinal Lorraine turned to the heir of Spain, Don Carlos, as a

husband for her. This would have been a death-blow to Elizabeth, and

Philip feigned to listen to it; but all the strength and cunning of

Huguenots and Protestants, joined by those of Catharine and Elizabeth,

were brought into play against this threatening move, and Mary went to

Scotland with a sinking, sad, and angry heart in 1561, fearing her

uncouth subjects, foreign to her now, vexed with the Protestant party

for standing in the way of her ambitious marriage, and determined to

oppose Elizabeth to the utmost in her designs against the independence

of Scotland.

With these views, gay and winsome though she was, it was not long before

Mary was at issue with her dour Protestant subjects and their spokesman,

John Knox. It was hoped by her brother, James Stuart (Murray), and

Secretary Lethington that a _modus vivendi_ might be found by persuading

Elizabeth to secure to Mary the English succession in case she herself

died childless, on the undertaking of Mary that her marriage and policy

should be dictated by England; but it was not Elizabeth's plan to pledge

the future of England, and her nimble evasiveness drove the Scottish

statesmen to despair.

Brawls and bitterness grew in Mary's court around the Catholicism of the

queen, and English money and intrigue were freely lavished to set

Scotland by the ears. Half the nobles were disaffected, and Murray and

Lethington, having failed to secure Scottish interests by moderate

counsels and the conciliation of Elizabeth, were forced to take a strong

course. Of foreign suitors Mary had many, some promoted by the

Protestants, some by the Pope and the Guises, while the Catholics of

England were secretly intriguing to force Elizabeth's hand by arranging

Mary's marriage with young Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley, eldest son of

Margaret, Countess of Lennox, niece of Henry VIII., who lived at

Elizabeth's court. Cecil's spies were everywhere, and the plot was soon

known and stopped by Elizabeth, violently angry with her kinswoman for

listening to such a scheme.

But Murray and Lethington, in desperation, were aiming at higher game

even than this. They were Protestant, they had tried their best to win

Elizabeth's recognition; but they were Scotsmen first, and if their

country was to be independent it must have a great ally behind it.

France was out of the question while the Guises were in the shade and

Catharine was queen-mother. So the ministers of Mary turned their eyes

to the Protestant heir of the Catholic king. Elizabeth soon heard of

this, too, and suddenly pretended to be in favour of the Darnley match

for Mary, while she developed the most cordial friendship for Mary

herself; for the Guises had again become paramount in France, and

Elizabeth could not afford to flout all the Catholic interests at once.

That danger soon passed, for the Huguenots flew to arms, and Guise was

murdered, Mary losing thus her principal prop abroad. And Lethington now

pushed vigorously what seemed to be Scotland's only chance of

safety--the marriage of Mary with the semi-idiot heir of Spain.

The English Catholics were drawn into the plot. "Only let Mary marry the

heir of Spain, and we will salute her as our leader," said they. But

Elizabeth soon gained wind of it, as usual, and was ready with her

antidote--a most extraordinary one--the proposal that Mary should wed

her own lover, Lord Robert Dudley, with the assurance of the English

succession after Elizabeth's death without issue. It was a mere feint,

of course, but it divided Scotland, and unsettled Mary herself.

Meanwhile, Philip, with his leaden methods, was pondering and seeking

fresh pledges and guarantees from the English Catholics. Before his

temporising answer came Elizabeth had frightened Mary's advisers into

doubt, while she was holding the English Catholics in check by dangling

Darnley and Dudley before Mary's eyes, and swearing deadly vengeance if

she married the Spaniard.

Elizabeth's first aim was to embroil Mary's prospects by discrediting

her in the eyes of foreign powers. To this end was directed the offer

alternately of Dudley and Darnley as a husband, and Elizabeth's pretence

of shocked reprobation of Mary in connection with Chastelard's escapade.

It must be confessed that Mary's imprudence aided Elizabeth's object,

and the sour bigotry of Knox, which looked upon all gaiety as a sin,

served the same purpose. All this drove the unhappy queen more and more

into the arms of the Catholic party as her only means of defence.

_III.--Prudence Overcome by Passion_

The intrigue to wed Mary to the Spanish prince was met by Elizabeth

cordially taking up Lady Lennox, and her son, Darnley, who by many was

now regarded as the intended heir of England, and was held out to Mary

as an ideal husband for her. So long as she had hopes of the Spanish

prince she gave but evasive answers; but late in 1564 the cunning

diplomacy of Catharine and the falseness of Cardinal Lorraine had

diverted that danger; and Philip gave Mary to understand that the match

with his son was impossible, Mary's great hope had been founded upon

this marriage. Unless she could have a foreign Catholic husband strong

enough to defy Elizabeth she knew that she must make terms with

Elizabeth's enemies, the English Catholics, and thus bring pressure to

bear upon her by internal dissensions.

It was a dangerous game to play, for it meant conspiracy; and so long as

the Lennoxes and their effeminate, lanky son were basking in Elizabeth's

favour, the English queen held her trump card. But Lady Lennox was

intriguing and ambitious, the head of English Catholic disaffection, and

could only be held to Elizabeth's side by delusive hopes of the English

succession for her son. Lennox himself, with some misgiving, was allowed

to go to Scotland to claim his forfeited estates, and there, to

Elizabeth's anger, was received with marked respect, which made the

English queen hold Darnley and his mother more firmly than ever, and

again push forward Dudley as a suitor for Mary's hand. Anxious to get

Darnley to Scotland, not necessarily to marry him, but as a useful

instrument, Mary feigned willingness to accept Dudley; and, in face of

this, Elizabeth was induced to allow young Darnley to go to Scotland for

a short time, ostensibly on business of the family estates.

In February 1565, Darnley, aged nineteen, crossed the border, to the

dismay of the English agents in Scotland. It was soon after Mary had

received news that the Spanish match was at an end, and she was ready

for a new plan to circumvent Elizabeth. Darnley as a husband would bring

to her the support of English Catholics, and a new claim to the English

crown. So when her eyes first lit upon the fair stripling at Wemyss

Castle, she looked upon him with favour as "the properest tall man she

ever saw." He was on his best behaviour, and danced delightfully with

the queen. Up to this time Mary had played her game with self-command

and policy, but now for the first time her heart ran away with her, and

she took a false step.

To have married Darnley as part of a transaction with Elizabeth, and

with the approval of her own Protestant subjects, would have been a

master-stroke. But she fell in love with the "long lad," and could not

wait for negotiation; so she at once sent off to pray King Philip to

support her with money and men against England and the Protestants if

she married Darnley and became the tool of Spain. Philip, nothing loth,

consented, and welcomed the coming union as a Catholic alliance and a

powerful weapon against Elizabeth. Mary thus made herself the head of a

vast Catholic conspiracy looking to Spain for support, and Elizabeth was

furious both with Mary and Darnley for having apparently beaten her at

her own cunning game.

How Elizabeth sought a diversion, at first by new matrimonial schemes of

her own, has been told elsewhere, but her more effectual weapon was to

arouse the fears of Scottish Protestants, and breed dissension in Mary's

realm. "The young fool," Darnley, insolent and proud of his new

greatness, offended all the nobles, whilst Mary grew daily more

infatuated with him. They were married in July 1565, and the great

conspiracy against Elizabeth and Protestantism was complete. Already the

Scottish Protestant lords were in a panic, and after an abortive rising,

they fled before Mary's bold attack, taking refuge in England.

The queen herself led her forces, armed and mounted, with her stripling

husband by her side; but she was followed close by the shaggy, stern,

martial figure of James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, just returned from

exile to serve her; and upon him she looked with kindling eyes as a

stouter man than the fribble she had wed. Mary had now apparently

triumphed by her Darnley marriage, but the avalanche was gathering to

crush her. She looked mainly to Spain and the Pope for help, and had all

Protestantism against her, led by Elizabeth, whose hate and fury knew no

bounds. It was a duel now of life or death between two systems and two

women, one with a heart and the other without; and, as usual, the

heartless won.

English money and skill honeycombed Scottish loyalty. Darnley, vicious,

vain, and passionate, was an easy prey to intrigue. The tools of England

whispered in his ear that his wife was too intimate with the Italian

secretary Rizzio, who had conducted the correspondence with the Catholic

powers. Darnley, who had earned his wife's contempt already, was beside

himself with jealousy, and himself led the Protestant conspirators and

friends of England, who murdered Rizzio in the queen's presence at

Holyrood (March 1566). From that hour Darnley's doom was sealed.

He had thought to be king indeed now, but Mary outwitted him; for she

recalled her exiled lords, welcomed her brother Murray, and threw

herself into the arms of Darnley's Protestant foes, the very men who had

risen in arms against the marriage. As she fled by night with Darnley

after Rizzio's murder, to betray him, she swore over Rizzio's new-made

grave that a "fatter one" than he should lie there ere long. Whether she

knew of the plot of his foes to murder her husband is not proved, but

she almost certainly did so, and welcomed the deed when it was done. She

made no pretence of love for him after Rizzio's death, and her husband

repaid her coldness by sulky loutishness and bursts of drunken violence.

Mary's conduct toward Bothwell, too, began to arouse scandal. By

November 1566, matters had reached a crisis, and Mary, at Kelso, said

that unless she was freed from Darnley she would put an end to herself.

She spoke not to deaf ears. Morton, and the rest of Rizzio's slayers and

bitter enemies, were pardoned, and the deadly bond was signed.

_IV.--Dire Infatuation_

On February 9, 1567, as the doomed consort lay sick and sorry outside

Edinburgh at the lone house of Kirk o' Field, he was, done to death by

Bothwell and the foes of the Lennoxes; and Mary Stuart's first true love

affair was ended in tragedy. But already the second was in full blast.

Bothwell had recently married; he was disliked by the Scottish nobles,

and the queen's constant association with him had already brought

discredit upon her. There had been a good political excuse for her union

with Darnley, but Bothwell could bring no support to her cause; for his

creed was doubtful, and he had no friends. Nothing, indeed, but the

infatuation of an amorous woman for a brutally strong man could have so

blinded her to her own great aims as to make her take Bothwell, the

prime mover of Darnley's murder, for her husband.

As soon as the crime was known, all fingers were pointed to Bothwell and

the queen as the murderers, and Protestants everywhere hastened to cast

obloquy upon Mary for it. But for the nobles' jealousy of Bothwell, and

the religious animus, probably Darnley's death would soon have been

forgotten or condoned; but as it was, Scotland blazed out in

denunciation of it, and though Bothwell was put upon a mock trial and

acquitted, the hate against him grew, especially when he arranged to

divorce his wife in April 1567, and, ostensibly by force, but clearly by

Mary's connivance, abducted the queen and bore her off to his castle of

Dunbar.

On her return to Edinburgh a few weeks later Mary publicly married

Bothwell--she swore afterwards against her will, but, in any case, to

the anger and disgust of her subjects. She found her new husband an

arrogant tyrant rather than her slave, and he watched her closely. The

dire infatuation of the lovelorn woman soon wore off, and again she

sighed to be free; but it was too late, for the Catholic powers stood

aloof from her now that she had married a divorced man, and all her

nobles had abandoned her. So Mary clung to Bothwell still, for he was

strong, and all Scotland cried shame upon her.

In June, Mary and her husband, fearing attack or treachery, fled from

Edinburgh Castle, which at once opened its gates to Morton and the rebel

lords. A parley was sent to Mary offering submission if she would leave

Bothwell to his fate. She indignantly refused, for she feared the lords

and hated Morton. Bothwell was strong, she thought, and he was the

father of her unborn child; be might protect her. So by Bothwell's side

she rode out at the head of the border clansmen, and met the rebel army

at Carberry Hill, hard by Edinburgh.

It was agreed that the dispute should be decided by the single combat

between Bothwell and Lindsay, but before the duel began Mary's bordermen

became disordered, and then she knew that all was lost. Kirkaldy of

Grange came from her opponents to parley with her and offer safety for

her, but not for Bothwell. Whilst they were speaking, Bothwell attempted

to murder Grange; and when Mary forbade such treachery, he lost his

nerve and began to whimper. In a moment the scales fell from Mary's

eyes. This man was but a lath painted like steel. His strength was but a

lie, and he was unworthy of her. She turned from him in contempt, and

surrendered to the lords; while Bothwell fled, and unhappy Mary saw him

no more.

_V.--Langside and After_

Cursed by crowds, who reviled her as a murderess and adulteress, Mary

was led, a captive, to her capital. By night, to save her from the fury

of the mob, she was smuggled out of Edinburgh and lodged, a prisoner, in

the island fortress of Lochleven. During her long incarceration there

the story of her wrongs and sufferings stirred the Catholics at home and

abroad in her favour, and her friends and foes were again sharply

divided according to their religious creeds. The rulers of Scotland,

too, headed by her brother Murray, were far from easy; for the Catholics

were strong, and foreign crowned heads looked black at those who kept a

sovereign in durance. So attempts were made to conciliate her by

proposing marriage with some harmless Scottish noble, conjoined with her

abdication. But her heart was high still, and she would bate no jot of

her queenship; rather would she exercise her glamour upon her gaolers

and escape to power and sovereignty again. Her fascination was

irresistible, and Murray's half-brother, young George Douglas, a mere

lad, fell a victim to her smiles. Once more Mary fell in love, and

proposed to marry the youth who had endeavoured to aid her escape.

Murray was shocked, and had his brother expelled the castle; but in

April 1568 the faithful George planned her evasion of the guard and

joyfully welcomed her on the shore of the lake. To her standard flocked

the Catholic lords, and, safe at Hamilton, Mary, again a queen, swore

vengeance upon her foes. On her way with her army to Dumbarton she met

Murray's force at Langside, near Glasgow. She had been strong at

Carberry Hill with Bothwell at her side. Here she was weak, for no man

of weight or character was with her, and as her men wavered she turned

rein and fled.

For sixty miles on bad roads she struggled on, almost without sleep, and

living on beggar's fare. With no adviser or woman near her, in her panic

and despair she took the fatal resolve and crossed the Solway into

Elizabeth's realm, trusting to the magnanimity of the woman whom she had

tried to ruin and supplant. Again her heart had deceived her. Elizabeth

had no pity for a vanquished foe, and for the rest of her miserable

life, well nigh a score of years, Mary Stuart was a prisoner. But in all

those years she never ceased to plot and plan for the overthrow of

Elizabeth and her own elevation to the Catholic throne of all Britain.

Amidst her many weapons, that of marriage and her personal fascination

were not forgotten. Twice, at least, she tried to make her love affairs

serve her political ambition. Poor, feckless Norfolk was drawn by his

vanity and ambition into her net. Love epistles, breathing eternal

devotion, passed between them, but murder was behind it all--the murder

of Elizabeth, and the subjection of England to Spain to work Mary's

vengeance on her foes, and Norfolk lost his head deservedly.

Again she dreamed of marrying the Christian champion, Don Juan of

Austria, and conquering and ruling over a Catholic England. But this

plot, too, was discovered, and Don Juan, like all the rest of Mary's

lovers, died miserably. Mary thenceforward was the centre of Spain's

great conspiracy against England's queen, but she sought the end no more

by love; for that had failed her every time she tried. She and her cause

were beaten because her heart of fire was pitted against a heart of ice,

and she lost all because she loved too much.

* * * * *

The World's Greatest Books — Volume 10 — Lives and Letters · 第 12 / 66 题