CHAPTER XXXIII.

=THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869–1877.=

GRANT’S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1869–1873.

=581. Pacific Railroads.=—The policy of helping railroad building by

Federal land grants began as early as 1850, when an important grant was

given to aid the construction of the Illinois Central Railroad. In the

course of the next six years several other grants were made for similar

purposes. The construction of a railroad to the Pacific was recommended

by the Republican platform of 1856; but the project was delayed by

differences between the North and the South in regard to the location of

the road. In 1862 the Union Pacific was projected to extend from Omaha

to Ogden, where it was to connect with the Central Pacific for San

Francisco. Though these roads were built by private corporations, the

latter were largely aided by Congress.[268] Besides granting every other

section of land along the routes for a space twenty miles in width, the

government guaranteed the bonds of the corporations to the extent of

over thirty thousand dollars a mile. The roads were completed in 1869,

the first year of Grant’s administration.[269] Though the

transcontinental lines have not generally proved profitable to

stockholders, they have been of immense advantage to the country as a

whole. Formerly from three to six weeks were required for the senators

and representatives to reach Washington from California and Oregon; but

the railroads reduced the time to a single week. Another advantage of

far greater importance was the encouragement offered by the roads to the

rapid settlement of the regions through which they passed. The new

Western states increased in population with amazing rapidity, partly

from foreign immigration, and partly from the migration of people from

the Eastern states. By the census of 1870 it was found that more than a

million inhabitants had already settled along the transcontinental

lines. The Pacific states now for the first time seemed to be an

integral part of the Union.

=582. San Domingo Question.=—In 1869 the people of the Republic of San

Domingo expressed a desire to be annexed to the United States. Grant

favored annexation, and a treaty was drawn up, but the project met with

much popular opposition. A commission, consisting of Senator B. F. Wade

of Ohio, Dr. Samuel G. Howe of Massachusetts, and President Andrew D.

White of Cornell University, was sent to inspect the island and report

upon its condition. The opposition to the treaty was based principally

upon the fact that the people of San Domingo were chiefly ignorant

negroes. Public opinion seemed not to favor an addition to the number of

negroes giving trouble to the government, and the Senate rejected the

treaty.

=583. Fifteenth Amendment.=—In order to improve the status of the

negroes in the South the congressional plan of reconstruction was

supplemented by the adoption, in 1870, of the Fifteenth Amendment to the

Constitution. This provided that no person should thereafter be deprived

of the privilege of voting “because of race, color, or previous

condition of servitude.” During the same year, Mississippi, Texas, and

Virginia were admitted to representation in Congress; and in 1871, for

the first time in ten years, every state in the Union was duly

represented.

=584. Negro Legislation.=—The negroes, although the most ignorant part

of the population, were in control of the Southern legislatures, and

their legislation was, as a rule, very crude and unwise. The white

people of the South owned most of the property, but the blacks, through

their control of the legislatures, to which they often elected

unscrupulous white men, had the power to levy taxes. This fact kept up

the violent opposition on the part of the white population which had

begun under President Johnson. The negroes were sometimes bribed to keep

away from the polls; sometimes threatened with discharge from employment

if they voted; and sometimes were kept from voting by force. Congress

retaliated by penal legislation against such interference with the

negro’s right to suffrage. So-called “Force Bills” were passed in 1870

and 1871, which increased the bitter feeling in the South. To preserve

order, the provisional governors were obliged to call on the President

for Federal troops. This augmented the strife, and the Ku-Klux-Klan (§

576) was increasingly active. Within a year, however, affairs quieted

down, a general Amnesty Act and other milder legislation helped to

placate the whites, and soon the Supreme Court, by important decisions,

made it plain that the individual states, in spite of the new

Constitutional Amendments, could control their own citizens in many

important ways. Thus the fears of the whites that the blacks would

secure permanent control of affairs were allayed.

=585. The Treaty of Washington.=—In 1871 a treaty between the United

States and Great Britain was signed at Washington, by which both nations

agreed to submit to arbitration what were known as the “Alabama Claims,”

made by the United States against Great Britain on account of losses to

American shipping, caused by Confederate privateers fitted out in

British ports (§ 502). By the terms of the treaty, the questions

involved were to be settled by a court of five arbitrators, one to be

appointed by each of the governments of the United States, Great

Britain, Italy, Switzerland, and Brazil. The Court sat at Geneva in

1872. Elaborate testimony was offered on both sides. The United States

government was able to show that the British government had been

repeatedly warned of the fitting out of the _Alabama_ and other

Confederate cruisers. The Court, after hearing the evidence and

arguments, held that Great Britain had not been duly watchful, as

required by international law, to prevent the use of her ports by the

agents of the Confederacy, and accordingly decided that the British

government should pay to the United States damages to the amount of

fifteen million five hundred thousand dollars in gold.

=586. Northwest Boundary: Canadian Fisheries.=—The Treaty of Washington

also provided for the settlement by arbitration of two other important

questions that had been in dispute for a considerable time. These were

the boundary between the Oregon region and Canada, not clearly defined

by the Treaty of 1846, and the fishery claims on the northeastern

Canadian coast. By the terms of the Treaty of Washington the boundary

question was submitted to the German Emperor, who gave his decision, in

1872, in favor of the American claim. The arbitrators to whom the

fisheries question was referred decided against the United States and

that the government should pay five million five hundred thousand

dollars for the use of the Canadian shores for drying and curing fish.

=587. Chicago and Boston Fires.=—The autumn of 1871 will long be

memorable for one of the most disastrous conflagrations ever known. In

the evening of October 8, a fire broke out in a stable in West Chicago,

and soon spread so that it was beyond control. Every structure within a

space of more than three square miles in the heart of the city was

reduced to ruins. More than a hundred thousand people were deprived of

their homes, and the loss of property was estimated at more than two

hundred million dollars. In November of the following year, about

seventy-five acres in the richest part of Boston were burned over, at a

loss of about seventy-five million dollars.

[Illustration: HORACE GREELEY.]

=588. Presidential Nominations.=—As the end of Grant’s first term

approached it became evident that he would be renominated, although

there were many disaffected Republicans. The prevalence of political

scandals and the continued unsatisfactory condition of the South were

the most serious causes of complaint. The discontented Republicans

clustered about Horace Greeley[270] of New York, and at a convention

held at Cincinnati, in May, 1872, he was nominated for President, with

B. Gratz Brown of Missouri for Vice President. The platform adopted

charged the administration with unscrupulous and selfish use of power in

the South, and demanded the immediate substitution of civil for military

power in the Southern states. As the views promulgated by this platform

were substantially those of the Democratic party, the Greeley platform

and candidates were accepted as their own by the Democratic Convention.

The union, however, was not an auspicious one. Greeley had been active

and influential as a Whig and Republican and a lifelong opponent of the

Democrats, and was therefore distrusted. Many Democrats regarded the

nomination as a cowardly surrender. The opposition found expression in a

call for a strictly Democratic convention to be held, September 3, at

Louisville, Kentucky. The result was the nomination of Charles O’Connor

of New York for President, and John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts for

Vice President. As Greeley died a few days after the electors were

chosen and before their vote was cast, the Democratic vote was

scattering, and Grant received two hundred and eighty-six of the three

hundred and forty-nine electoral votes.

GRANT’S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1873–1877.

=589. Commercial Activity and the Crisis of 1873.=—During Grant’s first

administration there was remarkable commercial activity throughout the

country. Money was very abundant, and prices were high; and, now that

the war was over, capital was everywhere seeking investment in new

enterprises. The war between France and Germany in 1870 and 1871, and

the bad harvests of Europe generally, made a great market for all

American products. An era of railroad construction and speculation

naturally ensued. Everybody seemed to wish to invest in the new roads,

many of which could not pay the expenses of operation. In the four years

of Grant’s first administration, the mileage of railroads in the country

was increased about fifty per cent; but it soon became apparent that the

work had been enormously overdone. All at once, when nearly everybody

wished to sell, nobody wished to buy. On September 19, 1873, Jay Cooke &

Company, leading bankers in Philadelphia, failed, and Wall Street in New

York was thrown into such a panic that the day has ever since been known

as “Black Friday.” A financial stringency ensued which resulted in a

universal fall of prices, many failures, and much distress. It was not

until 1879 that prosperity was restored.

=590. Political Scandals.=—Grant’s second term was marked by still

greater political scandals than his first. These were largely due to the

spirit of speculation just described. Several of the new railroad

projects were founded on land grants from Congress, and railroad

projectors seemed everywhere desirous of securing aid from the

government. A company, known as the “Crédit Mobilier,” had been formed

to finance the Union Pacific, and this company distributed stock among

men of influence in a scandalous manner. A Congressional Committee of

Investigation, appointed in December, 1872, reported in February, 1873,

and showed that some of the stock was given to congressmen, apparently

for the purpose of securing their votes. Two members of the House of

Representatives were formally censured. The spirit of corruption was

thought to have entered the Cabinet, and one Cabinet officer, W. W.

Belknap, Secretary of War, was impeached for receiving bribes, but

escaped dismissal by resignation a few hours before the House passed the

impeaching resolution. Enough senators held that he was not then

impeachable to prevent conviction. A Whisky Ring was discovered in 1875,

that had been organized by Federal officials and distillers for the

purpose of defrauding the government of the taxes due on the manufacture

of whisky. Numerous Indian uprisings were found to be largely the result

of dishonest methods practiced by Indian commissioners and contractors

in cheating Indians out of their just dues. While no scandal of any kind

ever attached to Grant himself, it was widely felt that he was

overindulgent to officials of questionable honesty. Mainly in

consequence of these scandals, there was a general outcry from the

public, and a demand for a different system of appointment to all the

minor civil offices.

=591. Extravagance of Congress.=—The spirit of dissatisfaction that

prevailed among the people at large was much intensified in 1873 by the

action of Congress in raising the salaries of a large number of Federal

officers. The salary of the President was advanced from twenty-five

thousand to fifty thousand dollars a year; and the salary of congressmen

was increased from five thousand dollars to seven thousand. In the case

of congressmen, the increase was made to apply to the Congress then in

session. The act raised a storm of indignation throughout the country.

It was the back-pay clause, known as the “salary grab,” that was

particularly obnoxious. Nearly all those members who voted for the

increase were defeated at the next election; and so much of the measure

as related to congressmen was repealed at the next session.

=592. Civil Service Reform.=—To give voice to the demands for

improvement in the public service, a National Civil Service Reform

Association was organized, which devoted itself to agitation favoring

new methods of appointment. From the time of Jackson, the custom had

been growing for a new President to turn out of office those who had

actively opposed him, and to appoint those who had actively supported

him. The numerous scandals in Grant’s administration were thought to

result largely from this system, and a demand for reform became general.

The first Civil Service Reform Law was passed March 3, 1871. This law

authorized the President to frame and administer such rules as he deemed

best for the regulation of appointments in the Civil Service. The

measure received Grant’s approval, and he appointed the distinguished

author and orator George William Curtis, an earnest advocate of reform,

as the head of a Board of Commissioners, who were to examine candidates

for the minor positions and report the results to the President. From

those who passed the examinations most successfully, the President was

to make the appointments. For three years this system of competitive

examinations was followed; but, as congressmen were thus deprived of the

privilege of recommending constituents for appointment, Congress in 1874

refused to vote money to maintain the commission, and the work was thus

temporarily frustrated. This was also a period of local political

corruption. The Tammany Society, under its “Boss,” William Marcy Tweed,

governed New York City in a most scandalous and extravagant fashion.

Finally, owing to exposures made in 1871, chiefly through the agency of

the New York _Times_, Tweed was brought to trial and convicted.[271]

[Illustration: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER.]

=593. Indian Troubles.=—During both of Grant’s administrations Indian

troubles were serious, partly in consequence of the political corruption

of the period (§ 590). In the course of the Civil War, the Sioux in

Minnesota, taking advantage of the absence of the United States troops,

had risen in rebellion and massacred a considerable number of the

inhabitants. With some difficulty the agitators were captured, and

thirty-four of them were simultaneously hanged on a single gallows at

Mankato. This striking exhibition of energy on the part of the

government put an end to revolts for a time, but relief was only

temporary. The Modocs, in southern Oregon, when ordered to another

reservation in 1873, refused to go, and even put to death the peace

commissioner sent to deal with them. They were finally subdued, after

nearly a year of fighting. In 1875 the Sioux again arose, under the

leadership of Sitting Bull; but they were gradually driven west as far

as the Little Big Horn River in southern Montana. Here they were

imprudently attacked by General George A. Custer,[272] who, with his

regiment, was surrounded and every member of the force with one

exception was killed (June 25, 1876). Fresh troops finally repulsed the

Indians and they withdrew into British America.

=594. The Virginius Affair.=—Good sense on both sides averted

hostilities in another quarter. In October, 1873, an American merchant

vessel, the _Virginius_, was captured on the high seas, near Jamaica, by

a Spanish man-of-war, on the ground that it intended to land men to

assist in the Cuban insurrection then in progress. Several Cubans, with

Captain Fry and a number of other persons found among the passengers,

were seized and executed. The event caused not a little excitement in

the United States. Spain made immediate and ample reparation; but the

incident served to increase the filibustering spirit toward Cuba that

had long been prevalent, especially in the South.

=595. The Centennial. Exposition.=—In the last year of Grant’s second

administration,[273] the fact that “peace hath her victories no less

renowned than war” was strikingly proved. The centennial of the adoption

of the Declaration of Independence was celebrated by a great

International Industrial Exposition at Philadelphia. It was also, as an

undertaking of all the states, a sign of real national unity after years

of strife. The exposition was opened in May, 1876, and was visited by

millions of people, drawn from all parts of the country and from Europe.

The superiority of the United States in various kinds of labor-saving

machines and inventions, among them telephones and appliances for

electric lighting, was a source of national pride; and the cause of

popular education was served by the exhibition of the mechanical and

artistic achievements of foreign nations.

PARTY POLITICS.

=596. The Greenback Party.=—As early as 1863 the principal and interest

of the national bonds had been made payable in coin. But as the price of

gold rose,—or, more properly speaking, the price of paper notes

fell,—it was possible to sell bonds and with the gold and silver thus

received to purchase greenbacks, and thus apparently to double the rate

of interest. As the bonds were largely held by rich men, an outcry rose

that the law should be changed, and that all bonds should be made

payable, principal and interest, in greenbacks. Public feeling

culminated in a political convention at Indianapolis, November 25, 1874,

in which a demand was made for a general substitution of a paper

currency in place of coin. The Greenback Party, as it was called,

nominated Peter Cooper of New York for President in 1876, and he

received eighty-one thousand seven hundred and forty votes, mostly in

the Central and Western states. During the same period organizations of

farmers, known as Granges, demanded, and in some states secured, the

moderation of railroad rates.

[Illustration: RUTHERFORD B. HAYES.]

=597. The Campaign of 1876.=—As the election of 1876 approached, it

became evident that the people were growing more and more to distrust

the policy of keeping the reconstructed governments in place by military

force, and that the question of interfering in local affairs in the

South would play a large part in the campaign. The Democrats were

growing in strength, while the Republicans were weakening. At their

party convention, the Democrats nominated Samuel J. Tilden of New York

for President, and Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana for V%ice President;

while the Republicans placed in the field Rutherford B. Hayes[274] of

Ohio, and William A. Wheeler of New York. It was evident from the first

that the contest would be a very close one. The election revealed that

the decision of the Electoral College, as the Presidential electors in

their collective capacity are called, would turn upon the manner in

which certain disputed returns in Florida, Louisiana, Oregon, and South

Carolina were decided. If these states should all be represented in the

College by Republican electors, Hayes would have a majority of one. If

from a single one of those states a Democratic elector should obtain a

vote, the election would go to Tilden.

=598. The Question in Dispute.=—From each of the states in dispute, two

sets of returns were presented to Congress, one certifying that

Republican, the other that Democratic, electors had been chosen. In each

of the Southern states there was a returning board that was recognized

by the government at Washington, to which the results of the elections

from various precincts were to be reported, and whose duty it was to

declare the result, which was to be certified, by the governor, to

Congress. These boards, therefore, had almost unlimited authority. In

making up the returns in Florida and Louisiana, they cast out the vote

of certain precincts, declaring that the election had been tainted with

fraud and violence. This the Democrats denied, and made out returns of

their own, certifying that the Democratic electors had been chosen. In

South Carolina there were two sets of returns emanating from two

contending state governments. The Democrats claimed that Federal troops

had interfered with the results of the election. In Oregon the question

as to whether there should be three Republican electors or two

Republican and one Democratic, hinged on the validity of a protest that

a postmaster could not under the Constitution be an elector. As the

Republicans had a majority in the Senate and the Democrats in the House,

it was evident there could be no agreement on a count of the votes.

[Illustration: SAMUEL J. TILDEN.[275]]

=599. Electoral Commission.=—The importance of the question caused

great anxiety from November until March. The result involved not only an

entire change of national policy with regard to the South, but also the

tenure of nearly one hundred thousand officials. There was talk of

another civil war. For weeks the matter was debated in Congress, with no

result. As the time for inauguration approached, the most temperate men

on both sides agreed upon an Electoral Commission, to whom the whole

matter should be submitted for decision. Such decision was to be final,

unless both Senate and House agreed in rejecting it. The commission was

to consist of five members of the House (three of them Democrats), five

Senators (three of them Republicans), and five members of the Supreme

Court (two Democrats, two Republicans, and one Independent). It turned

out that the only Independent member of the Supreme Court, David Davis,

resigned in order to accept a seat in the Senate. He therefore could not

serve, and after some delay a Republican was put in his place. All the

points in dispute were ably presented and argued. A bare majority of the

Commission decided that they could not accept returns that were not

regularly certified to and that they must accept those of the duly

authorized returning boards. Accordingly, the questions in regard to

each of the states involved were decided in favor of the Republicans, by

a vote of eight to seven, all the Republicans voting one way and all the

Democrats the other. As the Republican Senate would not vote to reject

this result, it was conclusive, and Hayes was declared elected. The

question was not settled, however, till March 2, two days before the

inauguration. The feeling on the part of the Democrats throughout the

country was naturally intense; but the decision was legal, and no formal

objection to it could be made. Thus Hayes and Wheeler were chosen by an

electoral vote of one hundred and eighty-five, while Tilden and

Hendricks received one hundred and eighty-four. Nothing has ever

occurred in the history of our government to subject the Constitution to

so violent a strain; and nothing could be more creditable to the sense

of loyalty on the part of the aggrieved portion of the people than their

peaceful submission to the results of the legal decision. Recent opinion

seems to be favorable to the technical merits of Tilden’s claims, yet it

is generally conceded that the country, on the whole, profited from the

actual course of events.

* * * * *

REFERENCES.—Grant, _Memoirs_, Vol. II.; Stanwood, _Elections_,

273-344; Johnston, _Orations_, Vol. IV., 296-366, 367-420;

Fiske, _Civil Government_, 261; G. W. Curtis, _Orations_ (for

reports in regard to the progress of Civil Service Reform, these

addresses are unequaled); Andrews, _The South since the War_;

Kelley, _The Old South and the New_; J. W. Burgess,

_Reconstruction and the Constitution_ (1902). Allen’s _Governor

Chamberlain’s Administration in South Carolina_ is valuable as a

picture of methods during the reconstruction period. See also

bibliographical note to Chapter XXXII.

-----

[268] The Union Pacific was to receive $16,000 for each mile across the

plains, $48,000 for each mile across the mountains, and $32,000 per mile

for the remainder of the way. The Central Pacific was to receive an

average of a little more than $31,000 a mile. The total amount received

was $55,076,000.

[269] The Northern Pacific, which extends from St. Paul to Puget Sound,

was built with the help of forty-seven million acres of land, but was

not completed until 1883. The Southern Pacific, which extends from New

Orleans to San Francisco, was also assisted by the government and was

completed some years later. The Santa Fé and the Great Northern, at a

still later period, also connected the Mississippi Valley with the

Pacific Coast.

[270] Born in New Hampshire, 1811; died, 1872. Edited various newspapers

in New York City until he founded the _Tribune_, 1841, which he edited

with great power till the year of his death; was first a Whig, then a

Republican; always an advocate of protection, and during the later years

of his life an advocate of universal suffrage and general amnesty;

became one of the bondsmen of Jefferson Davis in 1867; was nominated for

President by discontented Republicans and Democrats in 1872.

[271] Tweed (1823–1878) was a son of a chair-maker which trade he first

followed. He became a power in local politics through the influence he

acquired as a popular member of a fire company. He served as alderman

and congressman, but did his chief plundering as commissioner of public

works of New York City. He was finally convicted in 1873 and imprisoned

and fined, but in 1875 his imprisonment was declared illegal. Civil

suits were still pending against him and the enormous bail of $3,000,000

was required, in default of which he was put in jail. He escaped to Cuba

and Spain, but was brought back and died in jail.

[272] Born in Ohio, 1839; died, 1876. Graduated from West Point, 1861.

Served with distinction in Civil War, especially in Shenandoah Valley;

brigadier general of volunteers, 1863; brevetted brigadier general

United States Army, 1865; served later in the West against the Indians;

killed in the massacre of his command, 1876.

[273] Though President Grant’s public career ended with his second

administration, which had been greatly discredited, the last years of

his life made a deep impression on the people at large. Soon after the

close of his second term he made a journey around the world, and,

wherever he went, honors were showered upon him. In China, in Germany,

and in Great Britain it was especially evident that the greatness of his

military career had made a profound impression. After his return, two

events deeply moved the public sympathy. In the first place, he had

intrusted nearly all of his moderate fortune to a banking house in New

York, in whose managers he had shown an unjustifiable confidence. The

bank failed so disastrously that Grant felt compelled to offer for sale

the various swords that had been presented to him, as well as other

important memorials of the war. These were purchased by William H.

Vanderbilt for one hundred thousand dollars, and given to the nation for

preservation in the Smithsonian Institution. In the second place, it

became evident, in 1884 that his life was in immediate peril from an

incurable disease. Fully realizing that his death was approaching, he

set about the preparation of his _Memoirs_, in the hope that the sale of

the work would aid in furnishing support for the dependent members of

his family. Though tortured by excruciating pain, he pushed on the work

in the most heroic manner and was able to complete it just before his

death, in July, 1885. The great merits of these two volumes secured for

them an instant public reception, and the heroism and the pathos of the

great soldier’s last days very deeply touched the popular heart.

[274] Born in Ohio, 1822; died, 1893. Graduated at Kenyon College, 1842;

practiced law at Fremont, Ohio; volunteered at the outbreak of the war,

and rose to be brigadier general; was wounded at South Mountain, and

distinguished himself in the Shenandoah campaign of 1864; congressman,

1865–1866; governor of Ohio, 1868–1872; was elected governor on “honest

money” issue, after a campaign of remarkable spirit,—a fact which

brought him forward as candidate for President in 1876; was nominated

over Blaine and Bristow on the seventh ballot, by the Republican

Convention, and was declared elected after decision of the Electoral

Commission, March 2, 1876.

[275] Born in New York, 1814; died, 1886. Graduated at University of New

York; became a prominent politician and corporation lawyer in New York

City; leader of New York Democrats, 1868; successfully opposed the Tweed

“ring”; elected governor, 1874; unsuccessful candidate for Presidency,

1876; left large sum to endow public library of New York City.

A History of the United States(#52766) · 第 2 / 9 章