THE WRITING.
It must be admitted that none of the attempts made at deciphering the
writing in these manuscripts has proved entirely satisfactory; in fact
there is still some doubt as to whether any of the characters are truly
phonetic; nevertheless it is believed that what is here shown will tend
to lessen this doubt. It must be conceded, however, notwithstanding these
drawbacks and difficulties, that some material progress has been made
towards a better understanding of its type and of the nature of the
characters.
The direction in which it is to be read must of course be determined
before any progress can be made in deciphering it. This was, until
recently, a matter of speculation, but now may be considered settled. As
this has been explained[345-1] it is unnecessary to repeat that
explanation here.
A certain parallelism in the sentences or groups of characters has also
been discovered. Attention was first called to this by me in the work
referred to, but is more fully explained by Dr. P. Schellhas in his paper
entitled "Die Mayahandschrift der koeniglichen Bibliothek zu Dresden." It
will readily be understood from a single illustration. Take for example
the lower division of Plate XV of the Manuscript Troano (see Study Ms.
Troano). Omitting from consideration the numerals and the day column at
the left, there are here two short columns on the left and two on the
right over the animal figures, and three longer columns between. As
explained in the work referred to, the short columns are to be read as
lines from left to right and the longer columns separately, from the top
downward. There are, in all, five groups or sentences, each containing
four compound characters. Representing these by letters, repeating those
which indicate similar characters, and arranging as in the plate, the
result is as follows:
___________________________________________
| | | | | |
| _b_ _a_ | _h_ | _l_ | _m_ | _w_ _a_ |
| | | | | |
| _r_ _n_ | _a_ | _a_ | _a_ | _r_ _s_ |
|____________| | | |____________|
| _r_ | _r_ | _r_ |
| | | |
| _p_ | _k_ | _t_ |
|_____|_____|_____|
In this case the characters represented by _a_ and _r_ are repeated in
each group and in the same relation to the other characters. It is
apparent, therefore, that each group is to be read separately, and, as
each repeats in part what is given in the others, it is more than
probable that they are simply short formulas to be repeated in certain
religious ceremonies. This parallelism, though not always so apparent as
in the case presented, is nevertheless found running through all the
codices. The advantage to the attempts at decipherment which results from
this fact is evident, as it will often justify the restoration of blurred
or obliterated characters, and, what is of still more importance, will
enable the investigator to test his conclusions by comparing the
different characters and pictures with which they are associated.
Although it appears to be well settled that, as a rule, the writing, when
in lines, is to be read from left to right--the lines following each
other downward and the columns to be read from the top downward, but the
groups, as before explained, to be read separately--it does not follow
that the _groups_ succeed one another from left to right. This has
generally been taken for granted, but there are some reasons to doubt the
correctness of this conclusion as regards a number of plates and possibly
one entire codex.
The facts that the lines of numerals attached to the day columns extend
to the right and that the written characters, when in lines, follow one
another in the same direction lead us to infer that the groups and
pictures follow one another in the same order, but the apparent movement
of the latter towards the left would seem to indicate that _they_ follow
one another in _this_ direction. This inference appears to be confirmed
by the following evidence: As is well known, the plates of the Manuscript
Troano are to be taken in reverse order to the paging. Turning to Plate
II, we observe in the middle department of the middle division a bound
captive or victim, on whose neck a machete is descending to sever the
head from the trunk. Turning to Plate III, which properly stands to the
left of Plate II, we see a headless trunk covered with blood and the
fatal machete near the neck. It is fair to presume that this is the same
individual that is figured in the preceding plate, and, if so, that the
pictures follow one another toward the left.
Placing Plates XV* and XVI* of the same manuscript in the proper relation
to each other and carefully examining the figures in the second division,
we notice that the idol heads which the artisans are carving approach
completion as we move toward the left, those in Plate XV* and the right
hand one in XVI* being simply blocked out, while the middle one in the
latter plate is completely rounded and is receiving the second ornamental
line and the one at the left hand is receiving the third and final line.
The female figures in the second division of Plate XIX* indicate the same
order, as shown by the increasing girth as we proceed toward the left.
The same order appears to be indicated in numerous places by the symbols
of the cardinal points inserted in the text, as they (supposing the
conclusion as to their assignment in my "Notes on certain Maya and
Mexican manuscripts," accepted by Drs. Foerstemann and Schellhas, to be
correct) follow one another in the proper order if read towards the left,
to wit, south, east, north, west.
As the writing over each figure, consisting usually of four compound
characters, appears to refer to that over which it is placed, it follows
that these character groups must be taken in the same order as the
pictures. The suggestions on this point are presented here more as proper
subjects of investigation by students of American paleography than as
fixed conclusions of the writer. If found to be justified by the facts,
they will furnish some additional aid in the work of deciphering these
manuscripts.
SIGNIFICATION OF THE CHARACTERS.
As Landa's alphabet has so far proved useless as an aid in deciphering
these manuscripts, our only hope of accomplishing this end is by long and
careful study of these records and laborious comparisons of characters
and the relations in which they stand to one another and to the figures.
Some discoveries made while preparing this paper for the press, which are
mentioned further on, may possibly give us the key to the method used by
Landa in forming his alphabet, and, if so, will probably furnish some
slight additional aid in our investigations.
The direction in which the writing is to be read having been ascertained,
our next step is to determine by comparison the probable signification of
as many characters as possible before discussing the question of
phoneticism. The relation of the characters to the pictorial
representations forms our chief reliance in this branch of the
investigation.
As a commencement in this work and as a basis for further attempts in the
same direction, attention is now called to some characters, other than
the day and month symbols, whose signification seems to be satisfactorily
determined. As there is still some difference of opinion as to the
assignment of the symbols of the cardinal points they are also omitted
from the list. M. Leon de Rosny has given, as a supplement to his edition
of the Cortesian Codex, a list of characters with their supposed
signification. It is not my intention to discuss here the merits of this
vocabulary, although I shall avail myself of so much found therein as
appears to warrant acceptance.
The question of phoneticism will not be considered in connection with the
list, as the subject will be briefly discussed at the close, the only
object in view in giving the list being to indicate the signification of
the characters alluded to. The Maya names appended are therefore to be
understood simply as the supposed names applied to them or the objects
they denote.
SYMBOLS OF ANIMALS &C.
[Illustration: No. 1]
_Kal._ The symbol for the number 20. Found in all of the codices and
explained in the preceding portion of this paper.
[Illustration: No. 2]
The symbol for 0 (nought), always red. Found only in the Dresden Codex
and always in the numeral series.
[Illustration: No. 3]
_Kin._ Sun, and probably day also. It is not known positively that it
has this signification except in connection with the equatorial
cardinal point symbols and the symbol of the month _Yaxkin;_ yet it
is reasonable to suppose it has.
[Illustration: No. 4 _a_ _b_ _c_ _d_]
_Aac_ or _Ac_. A turtle. That this symbol as shown in _a_ and _b_
denotes the turtle is conclusively proved by its resemblance to the
head of that animal, as figured in the Cortesian Codex (see Fig.
373) and its relation to these figures. Found only in this codex,
unless two doubtful symbols on Plate XXV*, Manuscript Troano, are to
be considered as variants.
[Illustration: FIG. 373. Turtle from the Cortesian Codex.]
There can be no doubt that Landa's _A_, an exact copy of which is given
in the margin, in both varieties, _c_ and _d_, is nothing more nor less
than this symbol; for, in addition to the very close general resemblance,
we see in it the eye and the dot indicating the nostril. This fact is
important, as it gives us some clew to the method adopted by Landa in
forming his alphabet.
[Illustration: No. 5]
_Uech._ Symbol or head of the armadillo of Yucatan. Appears but once or
twice and in the Manuscript Troano only. (See Study of the
Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, pp. 98 and 145).
[Illustration][TN-10]
_Che._ Wood. (See Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, p.
144).
[Illustration: No. 7]
_Cab._ Earth, soil; also honey. (See Study of the Manuscript Troano, by
Cyrus Thomas, p. 150.)
[Illustration: No. 8]
_Piz._ Stone or stone heap. (See Study of the Manuscript Troano, by
Cyrus Thomas, p. 144). The Maya name of the thing indicated is
uncertain, though I am inclined to believe _Piz_, as given in the
work alluded to, is correct.
[Illustration: No. 9]
_U._ The left symbol of this figure appears to stand for vase, and is
also used to indicate a pronoun or article when joined to another
symbol, as here shown. (See op. cit., p. 145.)
[Illustration: No. 10]
_Xicim._ The ear. Rosny, Vocabulaire hieratique, No. 185.
[Illustration: No. 11]
_Hau._ The quarter of a deer. Usually represented as an offering to the
gods; in all the manuscripts.
[Illustration: No. 12]
_Ikilcab._ The bee. Although the figure bears a much stronger
resemblance to a beetle than to a bee, there can be no longer any
doubt that Brasseur's supposition that it represents a bee is
correct.
[Illustration: No. 13]
Honey in the comb. (See Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus
Thomas, Fig. 20); in the Manuscript Troano only, and always in red.
[Illustration: No. 14]
_Xamach or Chimix._ A vessel. This symbol, found in all the codices, is
apparently explained by its use in the upper division of Plate 27,
Cortesian Codex, where it stands over each of four vessels or jars
of the form represented in Fig. 374.
[Illustration: FIG. 374. Jar from the Cortesian Codex.]
This conclusion is greatly strengthened by the fact that the only other
symbols in this connection are those of the cardinal points, one to each
vessel. These figures are probably intended to denote here the four
sacred vessels or amphorae of the Bacab, though not surmounted, as
Brasseur supposed, by human or animal figures.
The symbol appears to be used also in the ordinary sense, or at least to
signify other vessels than the sacred four, if we may judge by its
frequent repetition in Plate XIV, Manuscript Troano. But it is worthy of
notice that here also, in both the middle and lower divisions, four of
the symbols are connected with the cardinal point symbols; there is also
in the former the figure of a vessel.
[Illustration: Hieroglyph]
If this identification be correct it is important, as it has a strong
bearing on the question of phoneticism. It will be observed that,
although the right hand member resembles closely the symbol of the day
Ymix, there are some differences, as may be seen by comparison. In the
former the little figure at the top is divided as in Kan, and on each
side of it there is a large dot, usually, and apparently by intention,
circular or hollow. These differences are permanent in the different
codices.
In the upper division of Plates X and XI, Manuscript Troano, where this
symbol appears in connection with each of the four cardinal symbols, that
relating to the east presents this remarkable variation:
[Illustration: Hieroglyph]
[Illustration: No. 15 _a_ _b_]
(?) A conventional figure of sprouting maize, never inserted in the
text, but frequently in the Manuscript Troano and in the Peresian
Codex made a part of the head gear of figures of deities, in which
case the Kan symbol is generally omitted.
The Kan symbol in this connection cannot be intended, as Dr. Schellhas
supposes, to indicate the field or milpa in which the corn is growing,
but the grain from which the plant is springing. (On this subject see
Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, pp. 105 and 107.)
[Illustration: No. 16]
(?) Symbol of a worm which gnawed the roots of the growing agave or
maguey; appears but once, on Plate XXIX_c_ of the Manuscript Troano.
The animal head and teeth show the erroneous idea the natives had of the
gnawing apparatus of insects. The worm is shown on the next page in Fig.
375.
[Illustration: FIG. 375. Worm and plant from Manuscript Troano.]
[Illustration: FIG. 376. Figure of a woman from the Dresden Codex.]
[Illustration: No. 17]
_Chuplal._ Woman or female. This symbol is found in the Dresden and
Troano Codices, but most frequently in the former. The appendage at
the right is sometimes wanting, and occasionally that at the left,
but when this is the case some other prefix is generally
substituted.
If we examine carefully Plates 16-20 of the Dresden Codex, where this
symbol is most frequently repeated, and compare it with the heads of the
females there figured, it soon becomes apparent that the scrolls with the
heavy black dot are intended to denote the locks of hair and that the
symbol as a whole is, as usual, a modified or conventional form of the
head (see Fig. 376).
[Illustration: No. 18 _a_ _b_ _c_]
_Otoch._ A house or dwelling, or _Tabay;_ a hut or hunting lodge. The
symbol marked _a_ is found in the Cortesian Codex on Plate 29; that
marked _b_, on Plates 29, 32, and 34, same codex, and on Plates XVI*
and XXII* of the Manuscript Troano. The one marked _c_ is the usual
form in the latter, as on Plates V*, VII*, and X*. It is also on
Plate 38 of the Dresden Codex.
The relation of these symbols to the conventional figures of houses or
huts inserted at the points where they are found, together with the form,
which shows an attempt to represent the thatched or leaf covered roof,
leaves no doubt that they are used for the purpose indicated.
[Illustration: No. 19 _a_ _b_]
_Buk_ (?). There are good and, it is believed, satisfactory reasons for
concluding that these symbols are intended to denote the action of
whirling a stick to produce fire or rolling a pestle in grinding
paint. The first, marked _a_, is found only on Plate XIX of the
Manuscript Troano, and the second, on Plates 5 and 6 of the Dresden
Codex.
A copy of part of Plate XIX of the Manuscript Troano is introduced here
(see Fig. 377) to show the relation of the figures to the characters. If
this interpretation be correct, we see here an evident attempt on the
part of the aboriginal artist to indicate by the symbol the action
necessary in the work to be performed. It is probably a conventional
sign, and not a phonetic character.
[Illustration: FIG. 377.]
[Illustration: No. 20]
(?) In all probability one of the symbols used to denote the act of
walking or taking steps. Found but seldom in this particular form,
though each portion occurs frequently alone or in other
combinations.
[Illustration: FIG. 378. Copy of lower division of Plate 65, Dresden
Codex.]
A remarkable series of figures and written characters runs through the
lower division of Plates 65 to 69 of the Dresden Codex, apparently
devoted entirely to the representation of incidents in the life of the
culture hero Kukulcan, or deity mentioned on a subsequent page as the
"long nosed god" or "god with the snake-like tongue," or to ceremonies to
be performed in honor of this deity. Over the figure are three lines of
written characters, as shown in Fig. 378, which is a copy of the lower
division of Plate 65. These, as is readily seen, are in groups, one group
of six compound characters over each figure of the god. There are
thirteen figures of the god and thirteen of these groups of characters in
the series. The characters of a group, as may be seen by reference to the
figure, are arranged in the following manner:
___________
| | |
| _a_ | _b_ |
|_____|_____|
| | |
| _c_ | _d_ |
|_____|_____|
| | |
| _e_ | _f_ |
|_____|_____|
to be read (presumably) in the alphabetic order of the letters given;
though the order in which they are to be read is not essential at
present. Examining the series carefully we find that the first character
of each group corresponding with _a_ in the above diagram is the same
throughout. The same thing is true in reference to the third, or that
occupying the place of _c_ in the diagram, which is the symbol of the
deity. The sixth, or that corresponding with _f_ in the diagram, is also
the same throughout the series; the fifth, corresponding with _e_, is
substantially the same throughout, though subject to more variations than
any of the other characters. It follows, therefore, that the chief and
almost the only differences in the readings of the groups are to be found
in the second and fourth characters, or those represented by _b_ and _d_
in the above diagram; the others (at least those represented by _a_, _c_,
and _f_), if referring at all to the figures, must relate to something
found in or applicable to each. The third (_c_), as stated, is the symbol
of the deity and corresponds in the text with the figure of the god in
the pictures. As this deity figure is the only thing found in all of the
representations, we must seek for the explanation of the other two
permanent characters in something else than what is figured.
Comparing the second character (_b_) of each group with that upon which
the god is seated or standing, we find sufficient evidence to satisfy us
that this symbol is the one which is used throughout to indicate this
object. For example, the second symbol in the group on Plate 69 is an
exact copy of the object on which the deity is seated. The same thing is
substantially true of that in the left hand group of Plate 66, the middle
group of 67, and the right hand group of 68.
Assuming, on account of the remarkable regularity of this series and the
fact that the deity is in each case seated or standing on something, that
this rule holds good throughout, we have a clew to those corresponding
symbols which are not simple copies of the things they are used to
indicate.
Turning to Fig. 378, we observe in the right hand department the marks of
footsteps under the deity and the character shown in the margin (No. 20)
as the second of the group above the deity. It is worthy of notice that
in the two we find precisely Landa's two characters for the letter B. Is
it possible that the two principal parts of this compound character
denote the Maya words _oc be_, "foot journey" or "enters upon the
journey"? Attention will be called to this further on, but it is proper
to state here that as the prefix is found in three other corresponding
characters it cannot be a necessary part of that which represents the
footsteps in this case.
[Illustration: No. 21.]
Assuming the theory above given as to the characters in the inscription
which represent the things under the deity figures to be correct,
the second character in the middle group of the lower division of
Plate 65, shown in Fig. 378, will be the symbol for the substance
represented by scrolls under the figure of the deity.[354-1]
The prefix in this case is the same as that to the symbol above described
(No. 20), and of course has the same signification. The other portion of
No. 21 must therefore represent the substance in which the god is
walking. This appears to be dust, sand, or mud.
[Illustration: No. 22. _a_ _b_ _c_]
_Cacauak_ or _cacauche_. The wild or cultivated cacao. Found a number
of times in the Dresden Codex, sometimes as represented in the
marginal figure _a_ and sometimes as in _c_, and always in
connection with figures holding in the hand a fruit of some kind. It
appears once in the Cortesian Codex (Plate 36), as shown in _b_, in
connection with a fruit of precisely the same kind as that figured
in the Dresden Codex. It is found also on Plate XVIII* of the
Manuscript Troano, but is apparently used here to denote an action.
There can be little, if any, doubt, judging by the figures in connection
with which it is found, that this symbol is used in the Dresden and the
Cortesian Codices to denote the cacao. Whether it refers to the tree or
to the fruit is uncertain; possibly the different forms in which it is
found are intended to denote these distinctions. In some of the figures
the capsule appears to be indicated; in others the seed. The prefix to
figure _c_ apparently indicates the heaping or piling up of the fruit on
the dish held in the hands of the individuals figured in the same
connection, as, for example, on Plates 12 and 13 of the Dresden Codex. If
this supposition be correct it gives us a key to the signification of
this prefix. Reference to its use in the upper division of Plate XVIII*,
Manuscript Troano, will be made further on.
In this symbol we find another of Landa's letters, and, if phonetic,
agreeing precisely with his interpretation.
[Illustration: No. 23. _a_ _b_]
_Ekbalam_ according to Rosny. The variety marked _a_ is found twice in
the Manuscript Troano, Plates XVI and XVII, and that marked _b_ once
in the Dresden Codex, Plate 8, each time in connection with a
spotted, leopard-like animal.
The black markings on the symbols render it probable that Rosny's
interpretation is correct. The numeral before the first form may possibly
be explained by the fact that this symbol is used once (Manuscript
Troano, Plate XII) to indicate the day Ix.
[Illustration: No. 24.]
_Moo._ The ara, a large species of parrot. This symbol is found but
once, and that in Plate 16_c_, Dresden Codex, in connection with the
bird shown in Fig. 379.
[Illustration: FIG. 379. The moo or ara from Plate 16. Dresden Codex.]
The conclusion in this case is based on the following evidence: In this
series there are six groups of characters, four compound characters in
each group, arranged as in the annexed diagram:
__________________________________________________
| | | | | | |
| _a_ _b_ | _e_ _d_ | _g_ _h_ | _i_ | _m_ | _o_ |
| | | | | | |
| _c_ _d_ | _c_ _f_ | _c_ _d_ | _c_ | _n_ | _b_ |
|__________|__________|__________| | | |
| | | |
1 2 3 | _k_ | _c_ | _c_ |
| | | |
| _l_ | _l_ | _p_ |
|_____|_____|_____|
Similar characters in the different groups are represented by the same
letter; for example, the symbol for woman, heretofore shown (No. 17), is
represented by _c_, and an unknown character by _d_. Different letters
represent different symbols. It is apparent that we have here the
parallelism heretofore spoken of and are justified in basing conclusions
on this fact.
At 1, 2, and 3 are female figures with a bird in each case perched on the
back. At _a_ is the head of a bird, evidently the symbol of the bird on
the female below; at _i_, in the fourth group, is precisely the same
symbol as the one found in the same relative position in the middle
division of Plate 17 over another bird, and at _m_, in the fifth group,
is another bird's head. From these facts we conclude that the first
symbol in each of these groups denotes a bird, and, as no two are alike,
that they refer to different species, the one at _g_ corresponding with
symbol No. 24, the bird beneath being the great parrot or ara. Other
facts, derived from a careful study of the various groups of this portion
of the codex, which would require much space and numerous illustrations
to explain, lead to the same belief.
According to this conclusion, the following symbols also denote birds,
probably of the species here indicated.
[Illustration: No. 25.]
_Icim_? The horned owl. This is represented by _a_ in the first group
in the above diagram.
The bird in the figure under the group, although horned, bears but slight
resemblance to an owl; yet, comparing the marks on the tail with those of
two of the birds on Plate XVIII* of the Manuscript Troano, I think the
interpretation is justified.
[Illustration: No. 26.]
_Kukuitz_? The Quetzal. The symbol is apparently incomplete, but the
bird figured under it justifies this conclusion. This symbol is
represented by _e_ in the above diagram.
If this interpretation be correct, we find in this symbol another of
Landa's letters.
[Illustration: No. 27. _a_ _b_]
_Kuch._ A vulture or bird of prey much like the sopilote. These two
symbols (_a_ and _b_) appear to refer to the same bird, evidently a
vulture. (See Manuscript Troano, Plates XVII_a_ and XXVI*_a_.) The
first form (_a_) is found but once (Manuscript Troano, Plate
XVII_a_), the other at several points, both in the Manuscript Troano
and the Dresden Codex, and is represented by _m_ in the preceding
diagram.
If this determination be correct, the first of these symbols (_a_) is
probably phonetic and agrees with the interpretation of No. 26.
[Illustration: No. 28.]
_C[=h]om_, _Xchom_, or _Hc[=h]om_. The sopilote or vulture. Found only
in Plates 16 and 17, Dresden Codex. The bird figure in Plate 17
appears to be intended to represent a vulture. The symbol
corresponds to _i_ in the preceding diagram.
If phonetic, the word indicated should, according to Landa's alphabet, be
aspirated, which is found to be true of one of the forms given by Perez.
In certain series of the Dresden Codex, which appear to relate to the
four year series or to the four seasons, especially those on Plates
29-31, a certain class of food animals seems to be assigned to each. The
four following symbols are those used to express this idea:
[Illustration: No. 29.]
_Ceh_? The symbol for game quadrupeds. The same idea appears to be
indicated by the folded and tied quarter of a deer, as shown in No.
11. The head shown in the symbol is probably intended for that of
the deer, though more like that of the rabbit.
[Illustration: No. 30.]
_Cutz_ or _Cax_. The symbol for game birds, the head being probably
that of the wild turkey (_Cutz_ or _Ahcutz_).
[Illustration: No. 31.]
_Huh._ The symbol for food reptiles or the iguana.
As the Kan figure is admitted to be a maize or bread symbol, it is
readily seen that the object in view in connecting it with the animal
figures is to indicate that they are used for food, and hence are proper
offerings to the gods, which is equivalent to saying, to the priests.
[Illustration: No. 32.]
_Cay._ The symbol for food fishes, or fishes in general, though as
often on the Kan symbol or without any suffix.
[Illustration: No. 33.]
_Cutz_ or _Cax_. In one of the two series of these food symbols, in
Plates 29-31 of the Dresden Codex, in place of the bird symbol No.
30 is that shown in symbol No. 33. It probably has, as Rosny
supposes, the same signification, a supposition which is
strengthened by the fact that it is found in the bird series on
Plates 16_c_ and 17_c_, same codex, and is represented by _o_ in the
preceding diagram.
SYMBOLS OF DEITIES.
[Illustration: No. 34.]
_Ekchuah._ The symbol or hieroglyph of the deity named "Ekchuah" by
the Mayas and considered the patron and protector of peddlers or
traveling merchants (Fig. 380).
[Illustration: FIG. 380. The god Ekchuah, after the Troano and Cortesian
Codices.]
The signification of the name of this deity is "The Black Calabash." The
form and the shading of the symbol render it more than probable that it
is a conventional representation of a divided or halved black calabash or
gourd, cut for the purpose of forming it into a cup or dipper, which, in
this form, is considered a symbol of this deity.
The evidence upon which this determination is based is that the symbol
constantly accompanies the red mouthed, black deity. It is found, with a
single exception, only in the Manuscript Troano, and chiefly in Plates II
to V, relating to the traveling merchants. The single exception alluded
to is on Plate 15 of the Cortesian Codex; here the god bears upon his
back the traveling pack, indicating the vocation of which he is the
special guardian.
It occurs unconnected with the figure of the deity only on Plates IX*,
XIV*, XV*, and XXV* of the Manuscript Troano. In the last the figure of
the god is in the same division, but in the adjoining compartment. In
Plate XV* it apparently refers to the idol the priest is carving, which
is probably a black one intended to represent this god. Landa,[358-1]
speaking of the artists carving idols from wood, says:
They took also that which they used for scarifying their ears and
drawing blood from them, and also the instruments which they needed
for sculpturing their _black divinities_.
Its appearance in Plate XIV* is apparently in connection with the
ceremonies relating to the manufacture of idols. Neither the symbol nor
the god it represents is to be fond in the Dresden Codex.
[Illustration: No. 35. _a_ _b_ _c_]
_Kukulcan._ (?) This is the symbol of the long nosed god, which Dr.
Schellhas designates "the god with the snake-like tongue," of which
representations appear so frequently in the different codices (see
Fig. 381).
The snake-like appendages hanging from the side of the mouth may possibly
be intended to represent a curved fang rather than part of a divided
tongue. A remarkable figure on Plate 72 of the Borgian Codex deserves
special notice here. This is the representation of a deity supposed by
Kingsborough and others to be Quetzalcoatl, in which the head is as
represented in Fig. 382. Here we see both tongue and fang, and also an
eye precisely of the form found in the Maya symbol.
[Illustration: FIG. 381. The long nosed god (Kukulcan) or "god with the
snake-like tongue."]
Whether Kukulcan is the god indicated is uncertain, unless he is
identical with the long nosed god, or Maya Tlaloc, so frequently figured
in the Manuscript Troano and the Cortesian Manuscript. It is only
necessary to compare the figures on Plates 2 to 5 of the latter codex
with the long nosed, green figures of Plates XXVI, XXVII, XXIX, XXX, and
XXXI of the former to be convinced that they represent the same deity,
and that this is the Maya Tlaloc or rain god, whatever may be the name by
which he was known.
As the symbol which accompanies these is the same as that found in
connection with the "snake tongued," long nosed god of the Dresden Codex,
there is no doubt that the same deity is referred to. It is worthy of
notice in this connection that Plates 29-41 of the Dresden Codex, which
are devoted almost exclusively to this deity, refer very largely to
water, the god being figured in connection with water no less than
twenty-eight times. He is also twice colored black, probably to symbolize
the dark rain cloud, and twice blue, denoting water. It is therefore fair
to conclude that the author of this codex considered him the giver of
rain.
[Illustration: FIG. 382. Copy of head from the Borgian Codex
(Quetzalcoatl).]
The following reasons given by Dr. Schellhas for supposing that the deity
indicated is Kukulcan apparently justify his conclusion, though it is
possible some other name may have been applied to him:
He is represented in all the manuscripts, and far more frequently
than any other deity. His characteristic marks are always
unmistakable. An entire section of the Dresden Codex, pp. 29-43, and
pp. 1 and 2, belonging thereto, treat almost exclusively of this
god, and wherever he is pictured there we also find his name
hieroglyph. He is always characterized by the double, snake-like
tongue hanging from his mouth and by the peculiar eye, two marks
that are never absent, how numerous and varied soever may be his
representations, his symbols, and attributes. We also find him with
torches in his hands as symbols of fire; he sits on water; he stands
or sits in water or in falling rain; he rides in a boat; he appears
in company with a fish as symbol of water or in company of a bird's
head as symbol of the atmosphere, upon the day sign _Cab_ as symbol
of the earth, sitting, with the ax (machete) in his hand, with
arrows or spears, with a scepter, and finally, also, with the body
of a snake. Considering the immense variety of this god's
representations and the numerous symbols of power in the various
elements which the deity rules, we may well be justified in assuming
that there are indications here of one of the most important figures
in Maya mythology, with one of the principal deities of the people.
The most important god of the Mayas was Kukulcan, the creator of the
country's civilization, who had come from the far, unknown east, the
Mexican Quetzalcohuatl, the Gucumatz of the Kiche, the Kukulcan of
the Tzendals. All these names mean "feathered snake," "bird snake."
Now, in the above mentioned section of the Dresden manuscript, pp.
29-43, there is found on page 36, middle, the representation of a
bird and a snake, the two symbols of the god Kukulcan, which, at the
same time, denote his name in the manner of a rebus. That this
representation is to be referred to the god with the snake's tongue
is rendered probable on the one hand by the fact that this whole
section treats of him and is proved on the other hand by the
circumstance that in the same place the same snake is found
represented with the head of the god; thus, page 35, middle, and 36,
above. In the same way this snake with the god's head is also found
in the Codex Cortesianus, page 10, middle, a passage which is
rendered notable also by the fact that in the writing above the
picture there is expressly found as a second sign the name
hieroglyph of the god.
[Illustration: No. 36. _a_ _b_]
_Cimi_ (?). Supposed symbols of the god of death. Occurring very
frequently in all the codices, but with several variations (see
Figs. 383 and 384).
These are given chiefly on the authority of Drs. Foerstemann and
Schellhas, as I have some doubt in reference to this conclusion, for
reasons which will here be given.
[Illustration: FIG. 383. The supposed god of death, from the Dresden
Codex.]
[Illustration: FIG. 384. The supposed god of death, from the Troano
Codex.]
As Dr. Schellhas remarks, this is "the most characteristic and most
easily recognized deity of the Maya Codices"; but this statement will not
apply to the symbols, as the variations are such as to render it
exceedingly doubtful whether precisely the same idea is embodied in each.
Even the two forms here given, both of which are found in all the codices
and often together, present variations too marked for us to believe,
except upon strong evidence, that they represent the same thing. Nor do
the figures of this deity or supposed deity appear to embody throughout
the same idea. In fact, they leave us in doubt as to whether any one
recognized deity is to be understood. Was there in the Maya pantheon such
a deity as the god of death? I have so far been unable to find any
satisfactory reason for answering this question in the affirmative.
In the first part of the Dresden Codex, which is devoted, in part at
least, if not chiefly, to the maladies of the country, the skeleton
figures undoubtedly have reference to death, much like the skull and
cross bones in our day. In other places, as Plates XXVII and XXII* of the
Manuscript Troano and Plate 7 of the Cortesian Codex, the parched earth
appears to be intended, but it must be conceded that here also the idea
of death is included. Substantially the same idea, or at least the
relation of this god to the earth, appears to be indicated in Plate 8 of
the Cortesian Codex, where he is represented as beneath and holding up
that upon which another deity, bearing the bread symbol, is seated.
As before stated the two symbols frequently appear in connection,
sometimes where the god is figured and often where he is not. It is,
therefore, unsafe to conclude as yet that either variety indicates a
particular deity known as the god of death.
[Illustration: No. 37.]
Symbol of the god with the banded face; seen chiefly in the Manuscript
Troano; not found in the Dresden Codex (Fig. 385). This is not the
deity which Dr. Schellhas designates as "the god with face crossed
by lines."
[Illustration: FIG. 385. The god with the banded face, from the Codex
Troano.]
This deity evidently pertains to the underworld and is closely allied to
the so-called god of death. The symbol and the figure are found together
in but few instances, yet the peculiar markings are such as to leave no
doubt on the mind, that the symbol is intended to denote what is
represented by the figure, being simply the head of the deity as
invariably figured. They appear together in Plates III_c_, V_a_, and
V_b_, XXVIII*_c_, and XXIX_c_ of the Manuscript Troano, in the first two
as having some relation to the traveling merchants, but in the last two
in a very different role. The dotted lines with which the bodies of these
figures are marked and the peculiar anklets appear to have been
introduced to signify relationship to the god of death. Perhaps the most
direct evidence of this relation is found in Plate 42 of the Cortesian
Codex, where the two deities are brought together at the sacrifice here
indicated. The two appear to be united in one in the lower division of
Plate XXVI* of the Manuscript Troano.
Figures of this god are also found in some of the Mexican codices, as on
Plate 73 of the Borgian manuscript, where the relation to death and to
the underworld is too apparent to be mistaken. On Plate 10, same codex,
the head of death is marked with the distinguishing black band.
Unfortunately for investigations in this line, the early Spanish notices
of the Maya mythology are so brief and confused that we can derive but
little aid from them in our efforts to identify the deities figured in
these manuscripts. Possibly the one with the banded face may represent
Cumahau or Hunhau, the prince of the lower regions; but the role he
appears to play where figured, with the exception of Plate II, Manuscript
Troano, and Plate 73 of the Borgian Codex, would scarcely justify the
name.
[Illustration: No. 38.]
(?) Symbol of the deity which Dr. Schellhas designates "the god with
the old man's face." Found in all the codices and almost invariably
in connection with the representation of the deity shown in our Fig.
386.
[Illustration: FIG. 386. The god with the old man's face.]
The deity denoted by this symbol and by the figure which it accompanies
is possibly Zamna or Ytzamna, a deified Maya hero, but the various roles
in which he is found make it difficult to decide on this point. He
appears comparatively few times in the Dresden Codex, and only in the
first few pages. In none of these is there anything to indicate his
functions. In Plates 12_c_ and 15_c_ he holds a sun symbol in his hand,
which might be supposed to refer to his attributes as "Kinich-Kakmo" but
for the fact that the same thing is true of one or two other deities
figured in the same codex. In the Manuscript Troano, where he is oftenest
represented, his figure and his symbol appear most frequently in
connection with the bee or honey industry; for example, on Plate V_c_,
the only place in the first part of the manuscript where honey appears to
be referred to, and twenty-two times in that section of the second part,
Plates I* to X*, relating to bees. He also appears to take an active part
in the manufacture of idols, engages in painting, aids in the culture or
gathering of cacao, engages in predatory excursions, and acts in various
other relations. In the left compartment of Plate XXIV*_a_ he bears on
his head the head of a bird. In the remarkable double plate (41-42) of
the Cortesian Codex he is twice figured, in the central area and at the
east (top), and in each case is accompanied by a female deity. In the
latter case both god and goddess are bearing in their hands the Kan or
corn symbol. In Maya mythology Zamua was given a spouse named Ix
Kan-Leox, which signifies the yellow frond or silk of maize.
[Illustration: FIG. 39.[TN-11]]
Symbol, according to Dr. Schellhas, of the deity which he names "the
god with face crossed by lines," found in all the codices, but most
frequently in the Manuscript Troano and the Cortesian manuscript.
The deity is usually represented as in Fig. 387.
[Illustration: FIG. 387. The god with face crossed by lines.]
This is introduced here on the authority of Dr. Schellhas, although I
have considerable doubt as to the correctness of his conclusion.
He remarks in regard to it as follows:
Another characteristic and easily recognized deity, which, it is
true, is comparatively rare in the Dresden manuscript, but occurs
with extraordinary frequency in other codices, and whose sign it is
not hard to find, is the god whose face is crossed [surrounded] by
peculiar parallel lines, representations of whom are given in the
Cortesian Codex (p. 11, below) and Dresden Codex (p. 13, middle).
The deity is always male and is found in the Dresden Codex five
times, Cortesian Codex eighteen times, Manuscript Troano twenty
times, and Codex Peresianus five times.
The sign of this god, as was the case with the others and as seems
to be the general rule, consists merely of a representation of the
god's head, combined with a sign which probably represents an affix.
The sign is found wherever the deity is represented and is an exact
rendering of the god's head, so that there can be no doubt as to its
being the name hieroglyph. True variations are not found, the
hieroglyph being perfectly alike in all the manuscripts.
The nature of this deity is not easily determined, though it occurs
in the Codices Troano and Cortesianus with extraordinary frequency,
so that it would be seen that these two manuscripts, which evidently
belong together, treat principally of this deity. No analogous deity
is found in Aztec picture writing. * * * To all appearances we have
here a momentous figure of Maya mythology, of which, unfortunately,
we know nothing.
It is true that this symbol is found in almost every instance where the
figure of the god appears--in fact, with fewer exceptions than others in
reference to which there is probably little doubt. It is also true that
the symbol is an exact copy of the god's head; but on the other hand
there are strong reasons for doubting the correctness of Dr. Schellhas's
conclusion.
The first is that the figure of the supposed deity seems to have more
indications of being the conventional representation of an idol than of a
deity. The lines of the head are precisely the same as those on the heads
of the carved idols.[365-1]
We also find it in connection with the wood symbol (marginal No. 6) at
the only points where the latter is found in the Cortesian Codex, and,
what is significant, in wholly inappropriate places unless connected with
an idol figure. These are found in the lower division of Plates 10 and
11, two on the top of thatched roofs and another on the head of the deity
called the "god with the old man's face," the head in the latter case
being apparently carved from a block of wood.
The second is to the same effect, the symbol being found over each of the
figures of the lower division of Plates 26, 27, and 28 of the Cortesian
Codex and the middle division of Plates XXXI* and XXXII* of the
Manuscript Troano, where there appear to be processions of the different
deities. It is also significant that in the latter case each deity is
bearing in his hands what seems to be a block of wood from which in all
probability an idol is to be carved.
Third, we find rows or lines composed entirely of this symbol, as in the
so-called title page of the Manuscript Troano.
DISCUSSION AS TO PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE CHARACTERS.
It must be admitted, as heretofore intimated, that this question has not
as yet been satisfactorily answered. Whether what is here presented will
suffice to settle this point in the minds of students of American
paleography is doubtful; nevertheless, it is believed that it will bring
us one step nearer the goal for which we are so earnestly striving.
Something is said on this subject in my former work,[365-2] which need
not be repeated here.
As it is evident from the preceding list of characters that conventional
signs and symbols, often nothing more than abbreviated pictographs, were
used in many cases to designate objects and persons, the inference to be
drawn, unless other evidence is adduced, is, that this method prevailed
throughout. Nevertheless there is some evidence that at the date when
these manuscripts were written Maya culture was in a transition state;
that is to say, conventional symbols were passing into true
ideographs[366-1] and possibly into phonetic characters.
The lack of any satisfactory key to assist us in deciphering them makes
it exceedingly difficult to decide how far this change had progressed. We
are therefore left wholly to deductions to be drawn from the facts
obtained by laborious comparisons of the various relations in which the
characters are found and the uses which appear to be made of them in the
manuscript.
It will be admitted without question that a large number of these
characters are ideographs or conventional symbols, as distinguished from
pictures, as, for example, most of those denoting the days, months, and
cardinal points. I say most of these, as it is yet possible to learn from
some of them the objects they were intended to represent, the
characteristic features not being entirely lost, as the symbol for the
day Cimi, the "death's head" or skull; that of the day Ymix, "the grain
of maize;" that of the month Moan, "the head of the moo or ara," a
species of parrot, &c.
It is also possible to show from the manuscripts themselves evidences of
the changes from conventional pictographs to true or mnemonic symbols.
Take, for instance, the bird symbols on Plates 16, 17, and 18 of the
Dresden Codex, presented in the preceding marginal figures numbered 24,
25, 26, 27, 28, and 33. If the determination be correct as given, it is
apparent that, while one of the birds is indicated by the head as a
symbol, the others are denoted by ideographs, or by phonetic characters
bearing no resemblance to their forms or peculiar features. That numerous
examples of this kind are to be found in these manuscripts will be
admitted by all who have carefully studied them.
Another fact bearing upon this point is the difference between the
Dresden Codex and the Manuscript Troano in regard to marking with symbols
the things represented in the pictures. We fail to find in the former
(unless that on Plate 30 be a possible exception) the earth or soil
represented by any symbol, though frequently occurring in the latter and
also occasionally in the Cortesian Codex. The symbol for wood or that
appearing so often on wooden articles in the latter, and occasionally in
the Cortesian Codex, is wanting in the Dresden Codex, though wooden
articles are several times represented. From this we infer that the
Manuscript Troano is a more recent production than the Dresden Codex,
notwithstanding the evidences of greater skill in drawing and higher
mathematical attainments shown in the latter.
Before discussing the question of phonography we ask attention to one or
two facts regarding Landa's alphabet which do not appear to have been
previously noticed, yet have an important hearing on the subject.
The failure to reach any satisfactory results with this alphabet proves,
beyond a reasonable doubt, that this author was mistaken as to the
character of the Maya writing; yet the frequent occurrence in the
manuscripts of most, if not all, of the elements he presents renders it
certain that there is a basis of truth on which it rests. It is probable,
therefore, if we can find the key to his method, we may, after all,
obtain some satisfactory results by means of his alphabet.
I have already stated as my belief that--
He has undertaken to pick out of their compound or syllabic
characters the letter elements; hence it is that, while we find it
impossible to decipher the manuscripts by using them, yet we find
such frequent resemblances as to compel us to admit a fundamental
relationship.[367-1]
This opinion I still believe to be correct, but was, until very recently,
unable to get any positive evidence as to his method of obtaining these
elements.
While examining the Cortesian Codes I came across (on Plate 17) the
symbol for a turtle (the different varieties of which are shown in
marginal figure No. 4), which is nothing more or less than an attempt to
represent the head of the animal. In the more abbreviated form (_b_) I at
once recognized Landa's A (compare with _c_ and _d_, No. 4). As the Maya
name of the turtle is _Ac_ or _Aac_ it is apparent that in this instance
the old Spanish priest selected a symbol representing an object the name
of which contains a single syllable having, as its chief letter element,
A. As this symbol is simply a representation of the animal's head there
is no reason to infer that it is phonetic; on the contrary, it is more
reasonable to assume that it was used only as a conventional sign. It is
possible that after long usage it may have been adopted as a phonetic
character, though its exceedingly rare occurrence in the manuscripts
(being found only in the Cortesian Codex and with the turtle figure) and
the fact that it is seldom, if ever, used as part of a compound character
would seem to forbid this idea.
Precisely the same method was adopted in obtaining his B, which is given
in two forms, first as a foot print and second as a circle inclosing four
circular dots. The first, as all are aware, is only a conventional sign
and presumably not phonetic. The second may be phonetic, though
apparently but an abbreviation of the first. In Plate 65_c_ (see marginal
No. 20) and Plate 41_c_ the two forms are brought into such relation to
each other as to show that the latter is used as a symbol to represent
the idea conveyed by the first. The proof in these cases is too strong
to admit of doubt and explains Landa's method of obtaining his B, which,
as before stated, was by selecting the symbol of that which is denoted by
a Maya word of one syllable having B as its chief letter element, _Be_
being the Maya word for "way," "journey," "walking," &c.
The symbol for the cacao given above in marginal No. 22 contains his
eleventh letter _Ca_ twice and is probably that from which it was taken;
likewise that of the _Kukuitz_ or Quetzal (marginal No. 26) and of the
_Kuch_ or vulture (marginal No. 27_a_), each of which contains his _Ku_,
being double in the former and single in the latter. I am as yet unable
to trace these two symbols to their origin; we might suppose, from
Landa's figure of the latter, that it was intended to represent a bird's
nest containing eggs, but an examination of the symbol as found in the
manuscript renders this conclusion doubtful.
The evidences of phonography are few and, as must be admitted, not
entirely satisfactory; yet they are apparently sufficient to justify the
somewhat general belief that the writing of the Mayas had reached that
stage where characters are sometimes used to indicate sounds. That
comparatively little advance had been made in this direction at the time
of the conquest is possible; moreover there is nothing to justify the
belief that they made use of true letters as Landa supposed. If they had
a phonographic system of any kind it was very imperfect and was only in
that primary stage in which syllables are represented by single
characters and words of more than one syllable by compound characters.
Judging by the changes observed in the relation of the parts of compound
characters to one another, we conclude that the order of arranging these
parts was not uniform or essential. It is also doubtful, if any of these
characters are phonetic, whether the parts of the longer words were
always written out in full. I am led to believe, from a few slight
indications, that, in forming words of more than one syllable, they often
used only the leading phonetic elements of the single words of which they
are composed; in other words, that they followed the rebus method of the
Mexicans.
Descending to particulars and examples, the following are, perhaps, the
strongest proofs which can be presented on this point:
As there can no longer be any doubt that the symbols for the cardinal
points have been ascertained and that those relating to the polar points
are distinguishable from those relating to the equatorial points, we are
justified in referring to them in this discussion. As each of the two
assigned to the equatorial points contains the symbol for "sun" or "day"
and as the two Maya words for these points--_Likin_ or _Lakin_ and
_Chikin_--contain the Maya term for sun or day ("kin"), there is some
reason for believing that the characters are phonetic. There is to be
added to this evidence the fact that the symbol of the month _Yaxkin_
contains the same sun symbol. It would be somewhat remarkable to find the
same single character in three different combinations, representing three
different ideas expressed by words containing the same sound, yet having
no reference to the sound.
It is now generally admitted by students of American paleography, on what
appears to be satisfactory evidence, that symbol No. 7 of the preceding
list, _Cab_, is used to signify "earth" or "land" and "honey," both of
which are designated by the same Maya term, _Cab_. As there is no
similarity in the things denoted the character is probably phonetic. The
"bee" appears also to be frequently indicated by the same character with
an affix, as may be seen by reference to the lower divisions of Plates
III*--X* of the Manuscript Troano.
The symbol No. 9 (U) of the preceding list is found repeatedly on vases
and also as a prefix to both simple and compound characters. As _U_ in
Maya signifies "moon," "vase," and certain pronouns and is also used as a
euphonic particle before vowels, we are perhaps justified in concluding
that the symbol is phonetic and denotes the word _U_. I am aware that
neither Perez nor Dr. Brinton gives "vase" as one of the meanings of this
word, yet its constant appearance on vessels seems to leave no doubt that
Brasseur is correct. Even admitting that he is mistaken and that we are
in error as to the signification of the symbol, its various uses justify
the belief that it is phonetic.
The symbol No. 34 of the preceding list, which is supposed to be that of
the god Ekchuah, is probably phonetic. The name of this deity is composed
of two Maya words, _ek_, "black," and _chu_, "calabash," and hence
signifies "the black calabash," and the form and coloring of the symbol
are apparently intended to denote this signification. If this
interpretation be correct it is phonetic, as there is nothing in or
pertaining to the figure of the deity which corresponds with it, except
the color.
If the interpretation given of the preceding symbols Nos. 22, 24, 26,
27_a_, and 33 be correct, there can be scarcely a doubt that they are
phonetic. In the first--_cacau_, _cacauak_, or _cacauche_, the "cacao"--we
see Landa's letter _Ca_, which is doubled in each of the three forms taken
from the different codices. In the twenty-sixth--_Kukuitz_, the
Quetzal--Landa's _Ku_ is duplicated, as it should be if phonetic, while in
27_a_, _Kuch_, it appears but once. There is here also an additional
evidence of phoneticism in the fact that, while one of the symbols used to
denote this bird shows simply its head, and is surely not phonetic, the
other is entirely different and bears no resemblance whatever to any
feature or characteristic of the bird. Moreover, both parts of it are used
in other combinations referring to entirely different things.
If my interpretation of No. 14 (_Xamach_ or _Chimix_) be right, it is
probably phonetic also. It is composed, as will be seen by reference to
the figure, of two symbols closely resembling that for the day Ymix,
except that the top portion of one is omitted. The resemblance in sound
to a duplication of Ymix is apparent. The slight but permanent variation
of the right hand portion from the usual Ymix symbol and the omission of
the top portion of the left hand one are scarcely explainable on the
supposition that they form simply a conventional sign; but if phonetic
the reason is apparent, as the _m_ sound is not repeated in the Maya
name. This conclusion is strengthened by the fact that the month _Mac_,
found in the last or bottom line of Plate 49, is precisely the same as
the right portion of No. 14, with Landa's symbol for _Ca_ added. This
probably justifies us in concluding that the true name of this month is
_Camach_, "the jaw" or "jaws," and that Landa's figure is simply a rude
representation of the lips or mouth.
I have expressed the opinion[370-1] that the chief phonetic element of
No. 8 (the stone symbol), if used to represent sound, is _p_ or _pp_.
This opinion seems to be confirmed by the fact that this character is
found as a part of the symbol for the month _Pop_ on Plate 50 of the
Dresden Codex. (See the second character in the first transverse line
below the day columns in the preceding Fig. 362.) The method of
determining the months referred to in these plates of the codex has been
given in the preceding part of this paper.
The interpretation given above of symbol No. 24 (the moo or ara) will
probably be accepted by all students of these manuscripts, and if so its
phonetic character must be conceded. That it is used in the place above
alluded to (Dresden Codex, Plate 16_c_) to denote this bird is proved by
the parallelism of the groups and the figure of the parrot under it. If
we turn now to Plate 48 of this codex we observe that the second
character of the first line below the day columns and the first character
in the upper line of the lower group or square is, in each case, a bird's
head. It is easily proved by means of the numeral series with which these
are connected that they denote, in both cases, the month Moan (from the
moo), proving that Brasseur's surmise was correct.[370-2] If the same
bird is represented by two symbols, one pictorial and the other having no
resemblance to any feature or character of the thing denoted, it is
probable the latter is phonetic. This conclusion is strengthened in this
case by the strong resemblance of the first part of No. 24 to the symbol
for the month Mol.
I have shown above that the right portion of No. 20 of the list is
Landa's letter B, and also that in the lower division of Plate 65,
Dresden Codex (see Fig. 378), it signifies "footsteps" or the act of
walking. As the Maya word _Be_ signifies "journey," "wood," "march," and
also "journeying" and "marching," it is possible that this symbol is also
phonetic, although apparently only a modified form of the footprint. This
supposition is strongly supported by the fact that it is found in
numerous and varied relations, single and in combination.
The symbol for 20 (_Kal_), No. 1 of the preceding list, is apparently
phonetic. This view appears to be confirmed by its use otherwise than as
a numeral symbol at several points in the text of the Manuscript Troano.
For example, in the third division of Plate XVII* it appears in this
form, [Illustration: Hieroglyph] while immediately below is the
representation of an idol head in a vessel covered with a screen or
basket, as shown in Fig. 388. The Maya verb _Kal_ signifies to "imprison"
or "inclose," which is certainly appropriate to what we see in the
figure. As the symbol is over each of the three similar figures in the
division, it is probable that it is intended to denote something relating
to or observable in them. In the second division of Plates XV* and XVI*,
same codex, is this symbol, [Illustration: Hieroglyph] several times
repeated, and below each the figure of a priest or deity at work, each
carving, with a machete or hatchet, the head of an idol. The probable
signification is "Give twice twenty strokes with a machete," and hence is
but partially phonetic.
[Illustration: FIG. 388. Wooden idol in vessel with basket cover.]
Other examples bearing on this question may be found, but these are
believed to be sufficient to warrant the belief that at the time these
codices were written Maya culture had reached that stage where the idea
of phoneticism was being introduced into the writing. Yet it is certain,
and even susceptible of demonstration, that a large portion, perhaps the
majority, of the characters are symbols. The more I study these
characters the stronger becomes the conviction that they have grown out
of a pictographic system similar to that common among the Indians of
North America. The first step in advance appears to have been to
indicate, by characters, the gesture signs.
FOOTNOTES:
[345-1] See Chapter VI, Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas.
[354-1] Unfortunately the scrolls were overlooked in preparing the cut.
[358-1] Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan, p. 308.
[365-1] See Plates XVI*_b_ and XVII*_c_, Manuscript Troano.
[365-2] Study of the Manuscript Troano, pp. 141-161.
[366-1] As the term "ideograph" is somewhat broad and comprehensive, it
may be well enough to state that I use it as expressing that stage of
symbolic writing where the picture characters have so changed that all
resemblance to the objects they were originally intended to represent is
lost, and therefore they can only be considered as mnemonic signs.
[367-1] Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, pp. 142, 143.
[370-1] Study of the Manuscript Troano, p. 147.
[370-2] Landa's Relacion, pp. 382, 383, Note 1.
INDEX
Adelung, J. C. cited 262
Aglio, Augustina, fac simile of Dresden Codex by 263-266
Boettiger, C. A., mention of Dresden Codex by 262
controversy with Abert concerning Dresden Codex 267
Brasseur, copy of the Manuscript Troano by 284, 286, 343
cited 350
Calendar system, tabular view of 270-374
Charency, H. de, cited 282
Codex Cortesianus, similarity of, to Manuscript Troano and Dresden
Codex 286
Dresden Codex, numerals in 261-338
Ebert, F. A., description of Dresden Codex by 263
controversy with Boettiger concerning Dresden Codex 267
Falkenstein, K. C., preservation of Dresden Codex by 268
Fleischer, H. L., mention of Dresden Codex by 263
Foerstemann, E., citation from Die Mayahandschrift of 261-269
cited 272, 278, 280, 281, 283, 290, 292, 293, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304,
305, 320, 322, 329, 330, 339, 340
Goetze, J. C., preservation of Dresden Codex by 261
biographical sketch of 261, 262
Humboldt, A. von, notice of Dresden Codex by 262, 263
Kingsborough, Lord, Dresden Codex copied by order of 262
Mexican Antiquities of, cited 266
Landa, cited 348
Landa's alphabet, insufficiency of 259, 347
Manuscript Troano, copy of, by Brasseur 285, 286, 343
study of, by C. Thomas, cited 339, 343, 344, 345, 350, 365, 366, 367, 370
Maya and Mexican manuscripts, C. Thomas on, cited 280
Maya Codices, aids to the study of, by C. Thomas 253-371
Mexican Antiquities, by Lord Kingsborough, cited 266, 267
Rosny, L. de, cited 267, 347, 355, 357
Schellhas, P., cited 345, 359, 360, 361, 362, 364
Schultz-Sellack, K., cited 278
Silvestre, E., Paleographie universelle of, cited 267
Thomas, C., paper on aids to the study of the Maya codices by 253-371
Troano Manuscript, copy of, by Brasseur 285, 286, 343
Vater, J. S., cited 262
Transcriber's Note:
TN-1 267 "hasty and obtrusive notice." should read 'hasty and
obtrusive notice.'
TN-2 272 indi cated should read indicated
TN-3 291 "and" repeated.
TN-4 295 Plate 48, 2nd line first asterisk is missing.
TN-5 296 Period missing after FIG
TN-6 322 In the original text, the 7 is printed above the 17, with no
horizontal line separating the two numbers.
TN-7 327 Tables XXI and XXII are not labeled in the original
publication but, by context, appear to be the two sections
of table following Table XX.
TN-8 338 Sixth column should read Sixth column.
TN-9 338 Footnote number for 338-1 was missing. It was inserted
based on the context of the note.
TN-10 348 Illustration No. 6 was missing the caption.
TN-11 364 Fig. 39 should read No. 39