One of the German officers who had accompanied us from Wilhelmshaven

told me something of the history of this greatest of monoplanes.

"This flying boat," he said, while we waited for the somewhat lengthy

inspection to be completed, "was the last great gift that Count

Zeppelin" (he spoke the name with an awe that was almost adoration)

"gave to his country before he died. He was terribly disappointed by

the failure of the Zeppelin airship as an instrument for bombing,

and the last months of his life were spent in designing something to

take its place. He realized that the size of the mark the airship

offered to the constantly improving anti-aircraft artillery, together

with the invention of the explosive bullet and the increasing speed

and climbing power of aeroplanes, put an end for ever to the use of

Zeppelins where they would be exposed to attack. He set about to design

a heavier-than-air machine that would be powerful enough to carry a

really great weight of bombs, and the 'Giant' you see here is the result.

"As Count Zeppelin did not believe that it would ever be possible to

land a machine of this weight and size on the earth, he made it a flying

boat. But it was not intended for flights over water at all in the

first place--that was to be simply for rising from and landing in. It

was to be kept at one of our seaplane stations on the Belgian coast, as

near as possible to the Front, and from here it was to go for bombing

flights behind the enemy lines. But before it was completed experience

had proved that it was quite practicable to land big machines on the

earth, and so the 'Giant' found itself superseded as a bomber. It was

then that it was brought to the attention of the Naval Flying Service,

and we, recognizing in it the possibilities of an ideal machine for

long-distance reconnaissance, took it over and completed it. Now,

although a few changes have been made in the direction of making it more

of a 'sea' machine, it does not differ greatly from the original designs

of Count Zeppelin."

As to how the machine had turned out in practice he was, naturally,

rather non-committal. The monoplane, he thought, had the advantage over

a biplane for sea use that its wings were much higher above the water,

and therefore much less likely to get smashed up by heavy waves. He

admitted that this machine had proved extremely difficult to fly--or

rather to land--and that it had been employed exclusively for "school"

purposes, for the training of pilots to fly the others of the same type

that had been building. Now that the war was over, he had some doubts as

to whether these would ever be completed. "We are having to modify so

many of our plans, you see," he remarked naïvely.

On the fuselage of several of the machines there were evidences that

signs or marks had been scratched out and painted over, and I took it

that the words or pictures so recently obliterated had probably been of

a character calculated to be offensive to the visiting Allied officers.

One little thing had been overlooked, however, or else left because it

was in a corner somewhat removed from the ebb and flow of the tide of

inspection. I discovered it while passing along to the machine shops in

the rear of one of the hangars, and later contrived to manoeuvre myself

back to it for a confirmatory survey. It was nothing more or less than a

map of the United States which some angry pilot had thoroughly _strafed_

by stabbing with a penknife blade. I was not able to study it long

enough to be sure just what the method of the madness was, but--from the

fact that the environs of New York, Pittsburg, Philadelphia and Detroit

had been literally pecked to pieces--it seemed possible that it might

have been an attack on the industrial centres--perhaps because they were

turning out so much munitions for the Allies.

There were two other maps tacked up on the same wall. One was of Africa,

with the ex-German colonies coloured red, with lighter shaded areas

overflowing from them on to British, Belgian, French, and Portuguese

possessions. This may have been (I have since thought) a copy of the

famous map of "Africa in 1920," issued in Germany early in the war,

but I had no time to puzzle out the considerable amount of explanatory

lettering on it. So far as I could see, this map was unmarked, not even

a black mourning border having been added.

The third map was of Asia, and a long, winding and apparently rather

carefully made cut running from the north-west corner toward the centre

completely defeated me to account for. The fact that it ran through Asia

Minor, Northern Syria, and down into Mesopotamia seemed to point to some

connection with the Bagdad Railway--perhaps a _strafe_ at an enterprise

which, first and last, had deflected uselessly so huge an amount of

German money and material.

The inspection over and the terms of the armistice having been found

most explicitly carried out, we returned to the reception room of the

Casino for lunch. Although the Commander protested that all arrangements

had been made for serving us with _mittagessen_, our senior officer,

acting under orders, replied that we had brought our own food and that

this, with a pitcher of water, would be quite sufficient. The water

was sent, and with it two beautiful long, slender bottles of _Hock_

which--as they were never opened--only served to accentuate the flatness

of the former.

We heard the officers of the station trooping up the stairs as we

unrolled our sandwiches, and just as we were pulling up around the table

some one threw open a piano in the room above our heads and struck

three ringing chords. "Bang!"--interval--"Bang!"--interval--"Bang!"

they crashed one after the other, and the throb of them set the windows

rattling and the pictures (paintings of the station's fallen pilots)

swaying on the wall.

"Prelude in G flat," breathed Major N---- tensely, as he waited with eye

alight and ear acock for the next notes. "My word, the chap's a master!"

But the next chord was never struck. Instead, there was a gruff order,

the scrape of feet on the floor, and the slam of a closed piano,

followed by the confused rumble of several angry voices speaking at the

same time. Then silence.

"Looks like the majority of our hosts don't think 'Inspection Day's'

quite the proper occasion for tinkling Rachmaninoff on the ivories,"

observed Lieutenant-Commander L----, U.S.N., after which he and Major

N---- began discussing plans for educating the popular taste for "good

music" and the rest of us fell to on our sandwiches.

The fog--that all-pervading East Frisian fog--which had been thickening

steadily during the inspection, settled down in a solid bank while we

sat at lunch. With a scant dozen yards of visibility, the Commander

rated the prospects of crossing to the mainland so unfavourable that he

suggested our remaining for the night at one of the Norderney hotels

still open, and going over to Borkum (which we were planning to reach by

destroyer) the next morning by launch. It was the difficulty in securing

a prompt confirmation of what would have been a time-saving change of

schedule which led Captain H---- to reject the plan and decide in favour

of making an attempt to reach Norddeich in, and in spite of, the fog.

The Commander shook his head dubiously. "My men who know the passage

best have left the station," he said; "but I will do the best I can for

you, and perhaps you will have luck." He saw us off at the landing with

the same quiet courtesy with which he had received us. He was a very

likable chap, that Commander; perhaps the one individual with whom we

were thrown into intimate contact in the course of the whole visit to

whom one would have thought of applying that term.

Noticing that the launch in which we were backing away from the landing

was at least double the size of the one in which we had crossed, I asked

one of the German officers if the greater draught of it was not likely

to increase our chances of running aground.

"Of course," he replied; "but the larger cabin will also be much more

comfortable if we have to wait for the next tide to get off."

As the launch swung slowly round in the mud-and-sand stained welter of

reversed screws, I bethought me of the "Riddle" again, and fished it

forth from my pocket. It was disappointing to leave without having had

a glimpse of the town where "Dollmann" and his "rose-brown-cheeked"

daughter Clara had lived, but the fog closed us round in a grey-walled

cylinder scarcely more in diameter than the launch was long. But we were

right on the course, I reflected, of the dinghy which "Davies" piloted

with such consummate skill through just such a fog ("five yards or

so was the radius of our vision," wrote "Carruthers") to Memmert to

spy on the conference at the salvage plant on that desolate sand-spit.

I turned up the chapter headed "Blindfold to Memmert," and read how,

sounding with a notched boathook in the shallows that masterly young

sailor had felt his way across the _Buse Tief_ to the eastern outlet of

the _Memmert Balje_, the only channel deep enough to carry the dinghy

through the half-bared sandbanks between Juist and the mainland. Our

own problem, it seemed to me, was a very similar one to that which

confronted "Davies," only, in our case, it was the entrance of the

channel where the _Buse Tief_ narrowed between the _Hohes Riff_ and the

_Itzendorf Plate_ that had to be located. Failing that, we were destined

to roost till the next tide on a sandbank, and that meant we were out

for all night, as there would be no chance of keeping to a channel,

however well marked, in both fog and darkness.

Ten minutes went by--fifteen--twenty--with no sign of the buoy which

marked the opening we were trying to strike. Now the engines were eased

down to quarter-speed, and she lost way just in time to back off from

a shining _glacis_ of steel-grey sand that came creeping out of the

fog. For the next ten minutes, with bare steerage way on, she nosed

cautiously this way and that, like a man groping for a doorway in the

dark. Then a hail from the lookout on the bow was echoed by exclamations

of relief from the German officers. "Here is the outer buoy," one of

them called across to us reassuringly; "the rest of the way is well

marked and easy to follow. We will soon be at Norddeich."

Presently a fresh buoy appeared as we nosed on shoreward, then a

second, and then a third, continuing the line of the first two. Speed

was increased to "half," and the intervals of picking up the marks

correspondingly cut down. Confident that there was nothing more to worry

about, I pulled out "The Riddle" again, for I had just recalled that it

was about halfway to Norddeich, in the _Buse Tief_, that "Carruthers"

had brought off his crowning exploit, the running aground of the tug

and "invasion" lighter--with Von Brunning, Boehme, and the mysterious

"cloaked passenger"--as they neared the end of the successful night

trial trip in the North Sea. Substituting himself for the man at the

wheel by a ruse, he had edged the tug over to starboard and was just

thinking "What the Dickens'll happen to her?" when the end came; "a

_euthanasia_ so mild and gradual (for the sands are fringed with mud)

that the disaster was on us before I was aware of it. There was just

the tiniest premonitory shuddering as our keel clove the buttery medium,

a cascade of ripples from either beam, and the wheel jammed to rigidity

in my hands as the tug nestled up to her final resting-place."

And very like that it was with us. It was a guttural oath from somewhere

forward rather than any perceptible jar that told me the launch had

struck, and it was not till after the screw had been churning sand

for half a minute that there was any perceptible heel. It had come

about through one of the buoys being missing and the next in line out

of place, one of the Germans reckoned; but whatever the cause, there

we were--stuck fast. Or, at least, we would have been with any less

resourceful and energetic a crew. If their very lives had depended on

it, those four or five German seamen could not have worked harder, nor

to better purpose, to get that launch free. At the end of a quarter of

an hour their indefatigable efforts were rewarded, and a half hour later

we were settling ourselves in the warm compartment of our waiting train.

The Hun has no proper sense of humour. Reverse the _rôles_, and any

British bluejackets I have ever known would have run a German Armistice

Commission on to the first sandbank that hove in sight, and damned the

consequences.

V

NORDHOLZ, THE DEN OF THE ZEPPELINS

I have written in a previous chapter of the great contrast observed

between the _morale_ of the men at Norderney, and the other seaplane

stations visited by parties from the Allied Naval Commission, and that

of those in the remaining German warships, accounting for the difference

by the fact that the former had been kept busier than the latter, and

that they had not suffered the shame of the "Great Surrender" which has

cast a black, unlifting shadow upon the dregs of the High Sea Fleet.

Whether the airships were kept as busy as the seaplanes right up to the

end it would be difficult to say, but, whatever may be the reason for

it, we found the _morale_ of the great Zeppelin stations suffered very

little if at all in comparison with that of the working bases of the

naval heavier-than-air machines.

For all the barbarity of many of their raids, there was splendid stuff

in the officers and crews of the Zeppelins which engaged in the campaign

of "frightfulness" against England, and it is idle to deny it. In a

better cause, or even in worthier work for an indifferent cause, the

skill and courage repeatedly displayed would have been epic. Considering

what these airships faced on every one of their later raids--what their

commanders and crews must have known were the odds against them after

the night when the destruction of the first Zeppelin over Cuffley, in

September, 1916, proved that the British had effectually solved the

problem of igniting the hydrogen of the inner ballonettes--one cannot

but conclude that the _morale_ of the whole personnel must have been

very high during even this trying period. If it had not been high, there

would undoubtedly have been mutinies at the airship stations, such as

are known to have occurred on so many occasions among the submarine

crews. Even in the light of present knowledge, there is nothing to

indicate that there had ever been serious trouble in getting Zeppelin

crews for the most hazardous of raids. So far as could be gathered from

our visits to the great airship stations of the North Sea littoral,

this very excellent _morale_ prevailed to the last; indeed, practically

everything seen indicated that it still prevails.

Of the several German naval airship stations visited by parties from

the Allied Commission, the most important were Althorn, Nordholz, and

Tondern. The interest in the latter was largely sentimental, due to

the fact that it was practically wiped out last summer as the result of

a bombing raid by aeroplanes launched from the _Furious_. It was known

that little had been done to rehabilitate it as a service station since

that time, and the Commission's airship experts' desire to visit what

was left of the sheds was actuated by a wish to see what damage had been

done rather than by any feeling that the station really counted any

longer as a base of Germany's naval air service. Our visit to the ruins

of Tondern, and what we learned there of the way it was destroyed, is a

story by itself, and I will tell it in a separate chapter.

Germany had very ambitious plans for the development of the Althorn

station, and it is probable at one time that it was intended that it

should supersede even the mighty Nordholz as the premier home of naval

Zeppelins. If such were really the intention, however, there is no doubt

that it was effectually put an end to by a great fire and explosion

which occurred there about the middle of last year, the material

destruction from which--in sheds and Zeppelins--was vastly greater even

than that from the British raid on Tondern. The Germans speak of this

disaster with a good deal of bitterness, usually alluding to the cause

as "mysterious," but rather giving the impression that they believe it

to have been the work of "Allied agents." If this is true, the job will

stand as a fair offset against any single piece of work of the same

character that German agents perpetrated in France, Britain, or America.

Only the blowing up of the great Russian national arsenal in the second

year of the war is comparable to it for the amount of material damage

wrought. Althorn remained a station of some importance down to the end

of the war, however, and that the Germans still expected to do important

work from there was indicated by the fact that one of its new sheds

housed the great "L-71," the largest airship in the world at the present

time.

But it was in the great Nordholz station that the airship sub-commission

was principally interested, not only for what it was at the

moment--incomparably the greatest and most modern of German Zeppelin

aerodromes--but also for what had been accomplished from there in the

past, and even for what might conceivably be done from there in the

future. Nordholz is a name that would have been burned deep into the

memories of South and East Coast Britons had it been known three years

ago, as it is now, that practically all of the Zeppelin raids over

England were launched from there. The popular idea at the time--which

even appears to have persisted with most Londoners down to the

present--was that airship stations had been constructed in Belgium,

and that these alternated with those of Germany in dispatching raiders

across the North Sea to England. A single glimpse of such a station as

Nordholz is enough to show that the huge amount of labour and expense

involved in building even a comparatively temporary aerodrome fit for

regular Zeppelin work would have been fatal to the idea of establishing

such installations in Belgium, or anywhere else where Germany did not

feel certain of remaining in fairly permanent control. The station at

Jamboli, in Bulgaria, for instance, is known to have been able only to

dispose of one or two Zeppelins, and considerable intervals between

flights were imperative for keeping them in trim. It would never have

been equal to the strain of steady raiding.

There were other German airship stations within cruising distance of

England, but Nordholz was so much the best equipped, especially in

the first years of the war when Zeppelin raiding was the most active,

that the most of the work, and by long odds the most effective of it,

was done from there. There were grim tales to be told by that band of

hard-eyed, straight-mouthed, bull-necked pilots--all that survived

some scores of raids over England and some hundreds of reconnaissance

flights over the North Sea--who received and conducted round the

Naval Commission party, though, unfortunately, we did not meet upon a

footing that made it possible more than to listen to the account of an

occasional incident suggested by something we were seeing at the moment.

The route which our party traversed from Wilhelmshaven to the Nordholz

airship station--the latter lies six or eight miles south of the Elbe

estuary in the vicinity of Cuxhaven--was a different one from any

followed on our previous visits, all of which had taken us more to the

south or east. It was through the same low-lying, dyked-in country,

however, where the water difficulty, unlike most other parts of the

world, was one of drainage rather than of irrigation. Great Dutch

windmills turned ponderously under the impulse of the light sea-breeze,

as they pumped the water off the flooded land. Cultivation, as in the

region traversed to the south, was at a standstill, but overflowing

barns--great capacious structures they were, with brick walls and lofty

thatched roofs--proved that the harvest had been a generous one.

Instead of routing our two-car special over the all-rail route _viâ_

Bremen, distance and time were saved by leaving it at a small terminus

opposite Bremerhaven, crossing to the latter by tug, and proceeding

north in more or less direct line to our destination. Little time was

lost in getting from one train to the other. The tug, which had been

held in readiness for our arrival, cast off as soon as the last of

the party had clambered over its side, and the short run across the

grey-green tide of the estuary was made in less than a quarter of an

hour. Four powerful army cars--far better machines, these, than the

dirigible junk heaps we had been compelled to use at Wilhelmshaven--were

waiting beside the slip, and another ten minutes of what struck me as

very fast and reckless driving, considering it was through the main

streets of a good-sized city, brought us to the station and another

two-car special. Both going and returning, it was the best "clicking"

lot of connections any of the parties made in the course of the whole

visit, showing illuminatingly what our "hosts" could do in that line

when they were minded to.

Swift as was our passage through the streets of Bremerhaven, there was

still opportunity to observe many evidences of the vigorous growth it

had made the decade preceding the outbreak of the war, and of the plans

that had been made in expectation of a continuation of that growth.

Blocks and blocks of imposing new buildings--now but half-tenanted--and

the nuclei of what had been budding suburbs were more suggestive of

the appearance of a Western American mushroom metropolis after the

collapse of a boom than a town of Europe. The railway station--a fine

example of Germany's so-called "New Art" architecture--in its spacious

waiting-rooms, broad subways, and commodious train sheds looked capable

of serving the city of half a million or so which it had confidently

been expected the empire's second port would become at the end of

another few years. As things have turned out, Bremerhaven will at least

have the consolation of knowing that it is not likely to be troubled

with "station crushes" for some decades to come.

The astonishingly well-dressed and orderly crowd of a thousand or more

waiting outside the portal of the station in expectation of the arrival

of a train-load of returning soldiers made no unfriendly demonstration

of any character. On the contrary, indeed, as at Wilhelmshaven, a number

of children waved their hands as our cars drove up, and a goodly number

of men solemnly bared their heads as we filed past. The special which

awaited us at a platform reached after walking through a long vaulted

subway running beneath the tracks consisted, like the one we had left

on the other side of the river, of an engine and two cars. The rolling

stock of this one was in better shape than that of the other, however,

and with a better maintained road-bed to run over, the last leg of our

journey was covered at an average speed of over thirty miles an hour,

quite the fastest we travelled by train anywhere in Germany.

For the most of the way the line continued running through mile after

mile of water-logged, sea-level areas crossed by innumerable drainage

canals and bricked roadways gridironing possible inundation areas with

their raised embankments. At the end of an hour, however, the patches

of standing water disappeared, and presently the bulk of the great

sheds of Nordholz began to notch the northern skyline, where they stood

crowning the crest of the first rising ground in the littoral between

the Dutch frontier and the Elbe. With only a minute or two of delay in

the Nordholz yards, the train was switched to the airship station's own

spur, and at the end of another mile had pulled up on a siding directly

opposite the main entrance.

To Kiel in the 'Hercules' · 第 6 / 15 段