In several respects it was evident that the Germans had merely become

tardy converts to British practice. The tripod mast, which dates back

something like a decade in British capital ships, and which has, since

the war, been built in light cruisers and even destroyer leaders, was

only adopted by the Germans with the laying down of the _Bayern_ and

_Hindenburg_. Similarly, the armament--both main and secondary--of the

respective classes of battleship and battle-cruiser to which these two

ships give the name, is a frank admission on the part of the Germans

that the British were five years ahead of them in the matter of guns.

Gunnery control, the one thing above all others which the British Navy

was interested in when it came to an intimate study of the German

ships, is, unfortunately, one of the things upon which the least light

has been shed. The German, since he had to disarm, did the job with

characteristic Teutonic thoroughness. The transmitting stations in all

of the modern ships--the one point where there would have been a great

concentration of special instruments of control--looked like unfurnished

rooms in their emptiness. So, too, the foretops and what must have

been the director towers. One moot point may, however, be regarded as

settled. There have been many who maintained that, since the German fire

was almost invariably extremely accurate in the opening stages of an

action, and tended to fall off rapidly after the ship came under fire

herself, the enemy gunnery control involved the use of a very elaborate

and highly complicated installation of special instruments, many of

which were too delicate to stand the stress of continued action. The

British and American officers who went over the latest of the enemy's

ships, however, are agreed that all the evidence available points

to this not being the case--that the German gunnery control, on the

contrary, was undoubtedly as simple as it was efficient, and that the

fact that it had not stood up well in action was probably more due to

human than mechanical failure.

It is considered as by no means improbable that the good shooting of

the German ships was largely traceable to the excellence of their

range-finders and the special training of those who used them. Whether

it is true or not that France and England have succeeded since the war

in making optical glass equal to that of Jena, there is no doubt that

the latter was superior in the first years of the war. The German ships

unquestionably had more accurate range-finders than did the British,

and it is also known now that the Germans took great care in testing the

eyesight of the men employed to handle these instruments, and that much

attention was given to their training. It is believed that upon these

simple points alone, rather than upon the use of a highly complicated

system of control, the admitted excellence of German gunnery was based.

There is no reason to believe that they had anything better than the

British for laying down the "rate of change," and keeping the enemy

under fire once he had been straddled.

Although it was known to the British sailor in a general sort of way

that the Germans only spent a comparatively small part of their time

aboard their ships, the tangible evidence of this remarkable state of

affairs--in the vast blocks of barracks at Wilhelmshaven and the very

crude, inadequate living quarters in even the most modern of the ships

searched--gave him only less of a shock, and aroused in him only less

contempt, than did the filth and indiscipline of the German sailors. The

German officer who assured one of the searching parties that their ships

were made "to fight in, not to live in," told the literal truth, and it

only accentuates the bitter irony of the fact that, when finally they

refused to fight, they had to begin to be lived in willy-nilly.

"You can't tell me there isn't a God in Israel, now that we've got the

Huns at Scapa living in their own ships," said an officer on coming off

to the _Hercules_ one night after his first day spent in going over

some of the remnants of the German Navy at Wilhelmshaven. That same

thought is awakening no end of comfort in the breast of many a British

naval officer this winter, who would otherwise have been down on his

luck for having still to stand to his guns after the war was over. In a

previous chapter I have told how we intercepted a wireless from Admiral

Von Reuter, saying that he had "gone sick" at Scapa and asking to be

relieved. That was not the last by any means that we were to hear of

the "hardships" of life in those German "fighting ships" at good old

Scapa. The veritable howls of protest rising from the Orkneys were

echoing in Wilhelmshaven and Kiel during all the time the Commission

spent in German waters. Some mention of the "sad plight" of the German

sailors there was made at every conference, and it was at the final

one, I believe, that Admiral Goette said that the "cruel conditions"

under which the men in the interned ships were being compelled to live

at Scapa Flow was alone responsible for the fact that it had been so

far impossible to find a crew to man the _Baden_, which he had agreed

some days previously should be delivered in place of the uncompleted

_Mackensen_.

Except for the several modern ships I have mentioned, the search of the

naval units remaining in German ports resolved itself into a more or

less monotonous clambering over a lot of obsolete hulks--from many of

which even the guns had been removed--to see that no munitions remained

in their magazines. There was always the same inevitable filth to be

waded through, always the same gloweringly sullen--or, worse still by

way of variation, cringingly obsequious--officers to be endured. The

sullen ones usually improved when they found that no "indignities" were

to be heaped upon them, and that they had only to answer a few questions

and show the way round; but you had to keep a weather eye lifting for

the obsequious ones to prevent their helping you up ladders by steadying

your elbow, rubbing imaginary spots of grease off your monkey jacket,

and--the invariable finale--offering you a limp, moist hand to shake at

parting. The latter, like the ruthless U-boat warfare, was dangerous

principally on account of its unexpectedness. When adequate "counter

measures" were devised against it, it became less threatening, but had

always to be looked out for. I don't recall, though, hearing any one

confess to having been "surprised" into shaking hands after the first

day or two.

The search of the warships at Wilhelmshaven was finished in a couple of

days, while the few old cruisers and destroyers at Emden were inspected

in the three hours between going and returning railway journeys,

taking about the same length of time. At Hamburg and Bremen there

were principally merchant ships and U-boats, and the search of--and

for--both of these is a story of its own. The remainder of the work on

the North Sea side consisted in journeys--by train, motor, destroyer,

or launch--to, and the inspection of, Germany's principal seaplane and

airship stations, and of these highly interesting visits I shall write

in later chapters.

III

FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF "STARVING GERMANY"

Our visit to the island of Norderney was a memorable one for two

reasons--first, because we inspected there what is not only the largest

of Germany's seaplane stations, but also probably the largest and best

equipped in all Europe; and second, because the journey there gave

us, all in the course of a few hours, our first after-the-war glimpse

of a German city, German countryside, a German railway, and what had

once been a German summer resort. The couple of days spent in the

search of the German warships had given no opportunity whatever to see

anything more than an interminable succession of dirty mess decks, empty

magazines, disgruntled officers, slovenly sailors, and cluttered docks.

Steeples and factory chimneys and the loom of lofty barracks located

Wilhelmshaven without revealing it. The steady dribble of pedestrians

along the waterfront road might have been made up of Esquimaux or

Kanakas, for all that we could see. One wondered if their emaciated

frames were dressed in paper suits, and if their tottering feet clumped

along in wooden clogs. The excellence of the material of the untidy

garb of the sailors, and the well-fed appearance of the latter, seemed

to point to the contrary. But still one couldn't be sure. We knew that

Germany had never made the mistake of under-feeding or under-clothing

her soldiers and sailors, and that where any one had to go without

it was always the civilians who suffered. We wanted to see how those

civilians had stood the "starvation blockade" against which they had

protested so loudly, and now--through our visits to the various naval

air stations--the veil was about to be lifted.

The fog--the interminable fog which never lifted for more than a

few hours at a time during the whole of our three weeks in German

waters--banked thick above the green stream of the swift-running tide

as our picket boat shoved off from the _Hercules_ at eight o'clock

that morning, and there was just sufficient visibility to pick up the

successive buoys marking the course to the entrance to the basin.

Running in just ahead of an antique torpedo-boat with the usual indolent

sailors slouching along its narrow decks, we stepped out upon the

longest pontoon landing I have ever seen. Twenty yards wide, and over a

hundred in length, it was constructed so as to rise and fall with flow

and ebb of what must have been a very considerable tide.

No one being on the landing to receive the party, we started walking

in toward its shoreward end. The men on the torpedo-boats stared at

us with insolent curiosity, without the suggestion of the shuffle of

a foot toward standing at attention as even the "brassiest" of our

several "brass-hats" passed by; but from the galley of a tug moored

on the opposite side the cook grinned wide-mouthed welcome. She was a

fine, upstanding, double-braided blonde of generous proportions, and the

bulging bulk of her overflowed the narrow companion-way into which she

was wedged as the raw red flesh of her arm swelled over the line of its

rolled-up sleeve.

"No traces of under-feeding in that figure," said a British flying

officer, with the critically impersonal glance he would have given to

the wings of a machine he was about to take the air in. "No," acquiesced

one of the Americans; "and there's no fear of _schrecklichkeit_ in that

face, either. Pipe that 'welcome-to-our-fair-city' grin, won't you.

Could you beat it for a display of ivories?"

And so we came to "starving Germany."

A bustling young flying lieutenant came hurrying to meet us at the shore

end of the landing, apologizing for his tardiness by saying that it was

due to "trouble about the cars." After seeing the motley collection

of motors which awaited us outside the gate, one had no difficulty in

believing him; indeed, it was hard to see how there could be anything

but "trouble about the cars." The best of them was an ancient Mercedes,

the pneumatic tyres of which, worn down to the treads, looked as

though they would puncture on the smooth face of a paving stone. Two

others--one of them looked like a sort of "perpetuation" of a collision

between a Daimler lorry and a Benz runabout, and the other was an

out-and-out mongrel with no visible marks of ancestry--had the remains

of what had once been solid tyres of _ersatz_ rubber bound to the rims

with bits of tarred rope. The fourth and last was _ersatz_ throughout.

That is to say, it seemed to be made--from its paper upholstery to its

steel-spring tyres--of "other things" than those from which the normal

cars one has always known are made of.

I had heard much of those spring tyres, so, taking advantage of

the general rush for the pneumatically tyred Mercedes and the

"rheumatically" tyred nondescripts, I lifted an oiled-paper curtain and

plumped down on the woven paper cushion of old "_Ersatz_." As the other

cars were quite filled up with the remainder of our party, the escorting

German officer came in with me.

"The imitation rubber," he began slowly and precisely, "makes many good

things, but not the good motor tyres. It is resilient, but not elastic.

It will stand the pushing but not the pulling. It is not strong, not

tough, like the rubber from the tree. Ah, the English were very lucky

always to have the real rubber. If that had been so with Germany--"

Just to what extent a continuous supply of real rubber would have

modified the situation for Germany I did not learn, for we started up

just then, and the rest of the sentence was lost in the mighty whirl of

sound in which we were engulfed. The best comparison I can make of the

noise that car made--as heard from within--is to a sustained crescendo

of a super-Jazz band, the cymbals of which were represented by the

clankity-clank of the component parts of the steel tyres banging against

each other and the pavement, and the drums of which were the rhythmic

thud-thud of the _ersatz_ body on the lifeless springs. Although the

other cars were rattling heavily on their own account, the ear-rending

racket of the steel-tyres dominated the situation completely, and at the

first turn I caught an impressionistic blend of blue and khaki uniforms

as their occupants leaned out to see what was in pursuit of them.

"It was unlike any sound I ever heard before," said one of them in

describing it later. "It was positively Bolshevik!" All in all, I

think "Bolshevik" is more fittingly descriptive than "Jazz-band-ic." It

carries a suggestion of "savageness" quite lacking in the latter, and

"savage" that raucous tornado of sound surely was. I could never allow

myself to contemplate the primal chaos one of the American officers

tried to conjure up by asking what it would be like to hear two motor

convoys of steel-tyred trucks passing each other during a bombardment.

The only sensible comment I heard on that question was from the

officer who cut in with, "Please tell me how you'd know there _was_ a

bombardment?"

There was one thing that steel-tyred car did well, though, and that

was to respond to its emergency brake. The occasion for the use of

the latter arose when a turning bridge was suddenly opened fifteen or

twenty yards ahead of the leading car, imposing upon the latter the

necessity of stopping dead inside that distance or taking a header into

a canal. The Mercedes, skating airily along on its wobbly tyres, managed

it by inches after streaking the pavement with two broad belts of the

last "real tree rubber" left in Germany. The leading nondescript--the

Benz-Daimler blend--gave the Mercedes a sharp bump before losing

the last of its momentum, and all but the last of its fluttering

"rope-_ersatz_-rubber" tyres, while its mate only came to a standstill

after skidding sideways on its rims. But my steel-tyred chariot, the

instant its emergency brake was thrown on, simply set its teeth into the

red brick pavement, and, spitting sparks like a dragon, stopped as dead

as though it had run against a stone wall. My companion and I, having

nothing to set _our_ teeth into, simply kept going right on. I, luckily,

only butted the chauffeur, who--evidently because the same thing had

happened to him before--took it all in good part; but the dapper young

officer, who planted the back of his head squarely between the shoulder

blades of the august Workmen's and Soldiers' representative riding

beside the driver, got a good swearing at for not aiming lower and

allowing the back of the seat to absorb his inertia. Quite apart from

the sparks kicked up by the tyres, and the stars shaken down by my jolt,

it was a highly illuminating little incident.

We ran more slowly after we crossed the bridge--which also meant more

quietly, or rather, less noisily--and for the first time I noticed what

a new world we seemed to have come into since we left the immediate

vicinity of the docks. It was not so much that we were now passing down

a street of small shops, where before we had been among warehouses and

factories, as the difference in appearance and spirit of the people. No

one--not even the labourer going to his morning work--had anything of

the slovenly hang-dog air of the sailors we had seen in the ships and

about the dockyard. The streets and the shops were clean, and even the

meanest of the people neatly and comfortably dressed. We had come out of

the atmosphere of revolution into that of ordinary work-a-day Germany.

As we rounded a corner and came clattering into the main street of the

city, the change was even more marked. At first blush there was hardly a

suggestion of war, or of war's aftermath. The big shop-windows were full

of goods, with here and there the forerunning red-and-green decorations

of the coming holidays. Here was an art shop's display of etchings and

coloured prints, there a haberdasher's stock of scarves and shirts

and gloves. Even a passing glance, it is true, revealed a prominently

displayed line of false shirt fronts; but, then, your German always was

partial to "dickeys." A florist's window, in which a fountain plashed

above a basin of water-lilies, was golden with splendid chrysanthemums,

and in the milliner's window hard by a saffron-plumed confection of

ultra-marine held high revel with a riotous thing of royal purple plush.

Noting my eager interest in the gay window panorama, my companion,

leaning close to my ear to make himself heard above the clatter of the

tyres, shouted jerkily with the jolt of the car, "We are fond of the

bright colours, we Germans, and we make the very good dyes. I think you

have missed very much the German dyes since the war, and will now be

very glad of the chance to have them again. We have learned much during

the war, and they are now better than ever before. We laugh very much

when we capture the French soldier with the faded blue uniform, for then

we know that the French cannot make the dye that will hold its colour.

But the German--"

"Waiting with the goods," I said to myself as I drew away from the

dissertation to watch a tramcar disgorging its load at a crossing.

We were now running through the heart of Wilhelmshaven, and it was the

early office crowd that was thronging the streets. How well they were

dressed, and how well fed they looked! There were no hollow eyes or

emaciated forms in that crowd. One who has seen famines in China and

India knows the hunger look, the hunger pallor, the hunger apathy. There

is no mistaking them. But we had not seen any of them in the German

ships or dockyards, we did not see them that day in Wilhelmshaven,

and we were not destined to see them in Bremen, Hamburg, Kiel, or

anywhere else we went in the course of our many hundreds of miles

of travel in Northern Germany. So far as Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, and

Schleswig-Holstein were concerned, I have no hesitation in saying that

the starvation whine, which arose from the moment the ink was dry upon

the armistice agreement and which still persists, was sheer--to be

charitable, let us say--panic.

Presently, as we began to pass some huge masses of buildings which,

four or five stories in height, appeared to run on through two or three

blocks of the not unattractive park-like grounds with which they were

surrounded, my companion, indicating them with a proud wave of his

hand, started speaking again. I could not hear him distinctly--for we

were speeding up faster now, and consequently making more noise--but I

thought I caught the drift of what he was trying to say.

"Ja, ja," I roared back. "Ich verstehe sehr gut. Der naval barracks.

Der German High Sea Fleet Base." I think that was hardly the way he

was trying to put it, but his vigorous nod of assent showed that I had

at least gathered the sense of his observations. As we slowed down at

the next corner he put me completely right by saying, "Not for the

ships themselves, the big barracks, but for the men when the ships were

here. I think you make a joke." I admitted the shrewd impeachment

with a grin, but hardly thought it necessary to add that I was afraid

he had still missed the best part of the joke. He was a diverting lad,

that young flying officer, and he told me many interesting things in

the course of the day. Some of them were true, as subsequent events

or observations proved; but one of them at least was a calculated and

deliberate lie, told with the purpose of inducing one of the "air"

parties to give up the plan it had formed of visiting a certain station.

I will set down that significant little incident in its proper place.

Although, as we learned later, the fact that a party from the Allied

Commission was to land and pass through the city that day had been

carefully withheld from the people, the latter exhibited very little

surprise at the appearance of officers in uniforms which they seemed to

recognize at once as foreign. They had been instructed that they were to

make no demonstration of any kind when Allied officers were encountered

in the streets, and, docile as ever, they carried out the order to the

letter. A mild, unresentful curiosity would perhaps best describe the

attitude of all the people who saw us that day, both in Wilhelmshaven

and at the country stations.

The fact that many of the streets were dressed with flags and greenery,

and that all of the children, both boys and girls, trudging along

to school carried the red, white, and black emblem in their hands,

suggested to me at first that it was part of a patriotic display, a sort

of flaunting the new-found freedom in the face of the "invader." But my

companion assured me that the decorations were in honour of the expected

arrival home of two regiments of Wilhelmshaven Marines from the Front.

"We have been _en fête_ for a week now in hourly expectation of their

coming, and every day the children have put on their best clothes and

carried flags in their hands. But the railway service is very bad, and

always are they disappointed. You will see the arch of welcome at the

railway station. Wilhelmshaven is very proud of its Marine soldiers."

The "arch" at the station turned out to be the evergreen and

bunting-decorated entrance to a long shed set with tables, at which

refreshments were to be served to the returning warriors. It was

surmounted with a shield bearing the words "Willkommen Soldaten," and an

eight-line stanza of verse which I did not have time to copy. The gist

of it was that the soldiers were welcomed home to "Work and Liberty."

It was thoroughly bad verse, said one of our interpreters, but the

sentiments were--for Germany--"restrained and dignified." There was

nothing about the "unbeaten soldiers," of whom we had been reading as

welcomed home in Berlin and other parts of Germany.

There was a small crowd at the station entrance as our cars drove

up, but it parted quietly and made way for us to pass inside. One or

two sailors stood at attention and saluted--though whether German or

Allied officers it was impossible to tell--and several civilians bowed

solemnly and took off their hats. One of these reached out and made

temporary captive an irreverent street gamin who--purely in a spirit

of fun, apparently--started "goose-stepping" along in our wake. A bevy

of minxes of the shop-girl type giggled sputteringly, getting much

apparent amusement the while out of pretending to keep each other

quiet. One gaudily garbed pair, standing easily at gaze in the middle

of the waiting-room, stared brazenly and ogled frank invitation. An

austere dame--she might have been an opulent naval captain's frau--drew

a languid hand from what looked like a real ermine muff to lift a

tortoise-shell lorgnette and pass us one by one in critical review. Then

the old ticket-puncher, touching his cap as though he had recognized the

party as the Board of Directors on a surreptitious tour of inspection,

passed us through the gate and on the platform and our waiting train.

To Kiel in the 'Hercules' · 第 3 / 15 段