Political Unrest—The Press—Press Laws—Conciliation and Repression—Legal
Reforms—Failure of Yezo Colonization Scheme—Ōkuma’s Withdrawal—Increased
Political Agitation.
When the main thread of our narrative was interrupted in order to enable
the reader to form some idea of Japanese religions, and their relation
to the modern progress of the country, the train of events which
resulted in the concentration of authority in the hands of the Satsuma
and Chōshiū clans, and the formation of a regular opposition party of
advanced reformers, had been briefly described. At this time, as was
pointed out, there was no great difference of principle, so far as
domestic reforms were concerned, between progressive politicians in the
Government and those outside. Both were agreed on the importance of
widening the basis of administration and of associating the people in
the work of government. The idea, also, of what was meant by _the
people_ had grown so as to include all classes of the nation. The point
of disagreement was simply the rate at which progress in the shape of
reform on Western lines should proceed. As between moderate and advanced
reformers, therefore, matters should have been open to compromise. But
the situation was not so simple as it appeared to be. One circumstance
that stood in the way of compromise between the two sections of
reformers was the large number of disbanded _samurai_ which the
abolition of feudalism had thrown upon the country, and for the
absorption of which in other occupations under the new order of things
there had not yet been time. Many men of this class had really nothing
in common with the advanced reformers save in the matter of discontent.
Idle and impecunious, they were ready for mischief of any kind, and
joined eagerly in an agitation for things of which they were mostly
ignorant. Moved by the mere desire to fish in troubled waters, these
people did much harm to the cause they espoused, giving to it a
character of turbulence which excited the apprehension of the
authorities. A further consideration which may have influenced the
situation was the reaction following upon the troubled period through
which the country had passed. Fully alive to the serious nature of the
crisis it had successfully surmounted, and, at the same time, conscious
of its newly found strength, the Government was probably in no mood to
brook any opposition, however well-intentioned, to its now settled
policy of gradual reform. The fact, too, that the Ministry was now one
of two clans, and not, as originally, of four, sharpened the line of
cleavage between those who directed affairs and those who, perforce,
looked on from outside. Clan feeling embittered the movement set on foot
by the advanced reformers not only at the outset, but throughout its
whole course. Much of the sympathy and support they received from many
quarters, as the agitation progressed, had little connection with their
declared objects, being due largely to dislike and jealousy of the
continued predominance of men of these two clans in the Ministry, which
was nicknamed the “Satchō Government.”
The final withdrawal of Itagaki from the Government in the spring of
1876 has been mentioned as the moment from which the organized agitation
for representative government may be considered to have commenced. It is
difficult to assign exact dates for political movements of this kind. It
may with equal correctness be considered as having begun in 1873, when
the Tosa leader first resigned office, which is the view taken by Mr.
Uyéhara in _The Political Development of Japan_. The point is of small
importance, but it seems permissible to regard the agitation as not
having assumed the form of an organized movement until after Itagaki’s
final secession from the Ministry.
Before that happened the Government, doubtless well informed of the
intentions of the advanced reformers, had taken the first step in a
series of repressive measures designed to check the agitation. This was
the Press law promulgated in July, 1875. It is difficult to see how the
Government could at this time have done otherwise, and remained in
power. The attempted assassination of Iwakura by Tosa malcontents had
revealed the danger to be feared from extremists of a dangerous class,
whose dissatisfaction at the pacific settlement of the Korean difficulty
had, it was known, been shared by the Tosa leader. The disturbed
condition of the country had also been shown by the abortive provincial
risings, and was to be demonstrated still more clearly by the Satsuma
rebellion.
Up to that time there had been little interference with the Press. The
first newspapers had appeared in the late ’sixties. These were of an
ephemeral kind, but a few years later the press in its more developed
and permanent form came into existence. It increased very rapidly, while
its vitality may be gauged by the fact that some of the papers which
then made their appearance are in circulation to-day. In the Capital
alone there were soon six or seven daily papers of some standing, all of
which, with one exception, lent their aid to the agitation. Into the
crusade for popular rights the young Press flung itself with enthusiasm,
finding its advantage in the very circumstances which were embarrassing
to the Government. Amongst the former military class—the educated
section of the nation—which the abolition of feudalism had left stranded
with but scanty means of subsistence, there were many men of literary
attainments, as such were understood in those days. From these the Press
could draw an ample supply of writers, all with real or fancied
grievances, some with a bias in favour of popular reforms, others again
with a veneer of Western knowledge which did duty for learning. The
political articles which appeared in the newspapers of that time were
hardly of the quality noticeable to-day. They were full of quotations
from European writers on the subject of equality and the rights of man,
interspersed with phrases from the Chinese classics, which were the
stock-in-trade of all journalists; and, strange as was the contrast
presented by materials culled from sources so different, they were all
equally effective for the purpose intended, which was to denounce what
was described as the tyrannical policy of the Government.
Educational influences, other than those working through the medium of
the Press, lent force to the agitation. The fusion of classes, one of
the first results of the Restoration, had the effect of opening public
and private schools alike to all sections of the people, thus bringing
within reach of everyone the education which before had been the
privilege only of the military class and Buddhist clergy. By teachers in
these schools, by educationalists writing for the express purpose of
disseminating Western ideas, and by lecturers, the work of educating the
nation proceeded apace.
By none were greater services rendered in this direction than by
Fukuzawa Yūkichi. Conspicuous in each of these rôles, as schoolmaster,
author and lecturer, as well as in the double capacity of founder of a
school, which has attained the dimensions of a university, and chief
teacher therein; and as the proprietor and editor of one of the best
Japanese newspapers, the _Jiji Shimpō_, his name will always be famous
in the history of his time. The “Sage of Mita,” as he was called from
the quarter of the city in which he lived, will be remembered as one
who, besides helping the cause of education, strove from the first to
give effect to the fusion of classes by encouraging a spirit of
independence in those sections of the people whose self-respect had been
weakened by centuries of feudalism. For purely party politics Fukuzawa
had little taste, owing perhaps to the fact that he had no clan
connection with political affairs, nor was his newspaper ever identified
with any political association. But it was an active champion of popular
rights, and his voluminous writings, the popularity of which was so
great that of one book more than three million copies were printed, gave
much indirect encouragement to the agitation for popular reforms.
The public indignation excited by the Press law was succeeded by
consternation at the rigorous manner in which it was enforced.
Imprisonment of editors for what would now be regarded as trifling
infringements of the law was of common occurrence, while journals
publishing any matter considered by the authorities to be objectionable
were promptly suspended. To such lengths was interference with the Press
carried that at one time more than thirty journalists were in prison in
Tōkiō alone. The constant depletion of the staffs of newspapers which
incurred official displeasure resulted in the evolution of a class of
dummy editors, whose duty it was to be the “whipping boys” of the papers
they represented, and undergo the sentences of imprisonment imposed. The
agitation, nevertheless, continued unabated, and political associations,
in whose programmes a demand for representative government—never very
clearly defined—occupied the first place, sprang up in various places. A
leading figure in the movement, who came into notice soon after its
inception, and for several years took a prominent part, in company with
Itagaki both as a lecturer and in the formation of political clubs, was
Kataoka Kenkichi, also a native of Tosa. His arrest and that of other
members of the party at the height of the political disturbances which
culminated in the Satsuma rebellion, brought about a temporary cessation
of agitation, and checked for a time the growth of political clubs. But
with the restoration of order in the country the agitators resumed their
activity. The leaders made tours of the provinces to stimulate local
effort, as a result of which twenty-seven provincial associations,
representing some 90,000 members, were formed; and at a meeting held in
Ōsaka these were amalgamated under the name of “Union for the
establishment of a parliament.” The Government replied by promulgating
in 1880 the Law of Public Meetings, which restricted considerably the
rights hitherto enjoyed by the public in this respect. But the agitators
continued to work with undiminished energy, and the fact that, in spite
of the issue of this law, a meeting held in Tōkiō in the autumn of the
same year was attended by representatives from more than half of the
prefectures into which Japan was then divided shows how strong a hold on
the country the movement had by this time acquired.
We have seen how the work of reconstruction carried on by the
Government, though hindered, never stopped during the period of civil
commotions. It was the same during the long course of popular agitation
which followed it. Side by side with repression there went always
reform. Steady progress was made with the long and difficult business of
land-tax revision. Involving, as it did, a resurvey and the valuation of
all land, as well as the investigation of titles to land, and
boundaries, this was a task of the first magnitude. At the same time
attention was given to the reorganization of local government. This
included, besides the readjustment of local taxation, the arrangements
necessary for the eventual establishment of the prefectural and other
local assemblies, forming part of the general scheme of local
self-government, which, it was considered, must necessarily precede the
creation of a national parliament. It was not until after the
restoration of order, when it was at length possible for the task of
reconstruction to proceed more rapidly, that the results of this tedious
and little-noticed work became apparent.
In the spring of 1878 the first of these results was seen in the
completion at the second conference of Prefects, to which reference has
already been made, of drafts of the “three great laws,” as they were
called at the time. These, which conceded a large measure of local
autonomy, concerned local taxation, prefectural assemblies, and similar
smaller bodies to be created in urban and rural districts, towns and
villages.
The law establishing prefectural assemblies came into force in 1880; the
arrangements relating to smaller bodies not until some years later.
These measures will be referred to again when we come to deal with the
whole question of the revision of local government.
It has been said that in the earlier stages of agitation for popular
reforms no concession was ever made by the Government till it was
compelled to do so by the force of circumstances. And the assertion has
been supported by the suggestion of a connection in point of time
between certain manifestations of popular feeling, and some of the
liberal measures adopted by the Government. The attempted assassination
of Iwakura was certainly followed shortly afterwards by the decree
establishing the annual conferences of Prefects. On the other hand the
completion of the drafts of the three laws above mentioned at the second
of these conferences occurred only a month before Ōkubo’s assassination.
In that case there was no possible connection. Nor in subsequent years
does it seem possible to establish any connection of the kind suggested.
If traceable at all, it may be regarded as due simply to coincidence.
A somewhat similar view as to the pressure put upon the Government by
the agitation is taken by Mr. Uyéhara, the author already quoted, who
does not conceal his sympathy with the advanced reformers. He speaks of
the movement as being from its inception a struggle for constitutional
reform, in which the agitators were successful, and regards the
introduction of representative government when it came as a proof of
their success. It is indeed more than probable that the agitation they
conducted for so long, fortified as it was by an increasing measure of
support from the public, hastened in some degree the establishment of
the representative institutions for which they clamoured. But the
impression one derives from studying the course of action adopted by the
Government is that, while not hesitating to control the agitation by
repressive measures, as occasion demanded, they were ready to conciliate
public feeling by meeting the views of the advanced party whenever it
seemed expedient to do so; thus pursuing on the whole, consistently,
under circumstances of unusual difficulty, the policy of gradual reform
which it had marked out for itself. Assuming the correctness of this
impression, the progressive stages by which the establishment of
representative government was eventually reached may with more reason be
regarded as a successful vindication of that policy, than as a triumph
for the agitators. It is important to bear in mind that the latter were
not the only advocates of reform. The Government itself was a government
of reformers, who had more than justified their title to be regarded as
such. Some of its members had thought of representative institutions
even before the Restoration. The men in power were in a better position
than others to estimate correctly the extent of preparation, the
spade-work which was necessary before any step of practical reform could
be accomplished; and if they were reluctant to move as fast as more
eager, and, possibly, ill-balanced enthusiasm desired, their hesitation
may not unfairly be ascribed to prudent statesmanship.
Nevertheless, in the adoption by the Government of this twofold policy
of conciliation and repression the influence of the conservative element
in the Ministry should not be overlooked. It doubtless modified earlier
ministerial impulses towards a more advanced programme; increased the
hesitation to make what were regarded as dangerous experiments in view
of the nation’s recent emergence from feudalism; and created the
tendency which ultimately showed itself in the decision to look for
guidance in framing representative institutions, as well as in other
matters of administrative reorganization, to countries less governed by
democratic ideas than those from which the leaders of the Restoration
movement had drawn their first inspiration. Another reason for the
cautious trend of ministerial policy may also be found in the experience
gained by some, at least, of the members of the Government in studying
the growth and development of the Western institutions it was proposed
to copy.
The year 1880 saw the completion of the first legal reforms. In the
course of that year a new Penal Code, and a Code of Criminal Procedure,
in the preparation of which the services of a French jurist, Monsieur
Boissonade, had been utilized, were promulgated. The first steps in the
framing of these important laws, based, it should be noted, on French
models, had been taken seven years before, when a committee of
investigation had been formed in the Department of Justice. Both of
these Codes came into operation early in 1882. The Code of Criminal
Procedure was replaced by a later Code in 1890. The Penal Code also
underwent subsequent revision, coming into force in its revised form in
1908.
In the autumn of 1881 the ranks of the advanced party were reinforced by
the retirement from the Ministry of Ōkuma. Since the rupture of 1873,
when the leading Tosa and Hizen politicians withdrew from office, he had
been the sole representative of the province and clan of Hizen. Rumour
assigned more than one reason for his withdrawal. Disagreement on
various questions with Chōshiū statesmen, whose influence was
increasing; umbrage at the conduct of affairs by two clans; the holding
of views on reform which were in advance of those of the Government as a
body; and intrigues with the Court were points to which prominence was
given in the political gossip of the day. That Ōkuma’s liberalism was of
a more pronounced type than that of his colleagues seems very probable
in the light of after events. Personal considerations, however, had
possibly something to do with his leaving the Government. The force of
character, coupled with exceptional and versatile talent, which marked
him out as a leader, made it hard for him to accept the leadership of
others, and detracted from his usefulness as a colleague.
Shortly before his resignation an administrative scandal had occurred in
connection with the abolition of the Board for the development of the
_Hokkaidō_, to which reference has already been made. Its abolition
involved the disposal of Government property, and in the course of the
examination of a scheme for this purpose which had been submitted to the
Government grave official irregularities were disclosed. The scheme,
which he had been among the first to condemn, was consequently
abandoned, but the incident brought discredit on the Ministry.
The retirement of Ōkuma was followed almost immediately by the issue of
a decree fixing the year 1890 as the date for the establishment of a
Parliament.
This definite promise at this juncture of a Parliament was interpreted
in some quarters as a concession necessitated by the discredit which the
Government had incurred through the administrative scandal, and from its
position being weakened by Ōkuma’s retirement. But the almost
simultaneous issue of the law imposing restrictions on public meetings,
and freedom of speech, seems to justify the view that both measures were
simply an illustration of the twofold policy of repression alternating
with reform which the Government was pursuing.
With the important concession now made by the Government the first
period, so to speak, of the agitation for popular rights may be regarded
as drawing to its close. The chief features of this period have been
noted; the outbreak and suppression of grave disorders, which at one
time threatened to put a stop to all national progress; the creation of
a strong Government of two clans; the growth of a political movement
which derived a large measure of support from public feeling; and the
measures taken for its control by the Government. We have also seen how
little homogeneous in its character was the opposition party conducting
the movement; how it comprised genuine reformers, others actuated mainly
by clan jealousy, disappointed politicians, and impecunious _shizoku_,
the wreckage of the feudal system, who were long a disturbing element in
politics, and developed later on into the class of political rowdies
known as _sōshi_.
For all of these ill-assorted associates the demand for popular rights
was a convenient rallying cry. To the opposition thus formed, which grew
gradually more compact as it shed its less desirable elements, the
withdrawal of Ōkuma from the Ministry meant the accession of a powerful
ally, though his independence of thought and somewhat uncompromising
temperament never allowed him to identify himself too closely with the
views of other politicians. With the energy and versatility that marked
all his actions he threw himself into the movement led by the advanced
reformers, and soon appeared in the new rôle of educationalist.
Following the example set by Fukuwaza fifteen years earlier, he
established the Waséda College, now a University, which remains a
monument to his abilities. Like his predecessor, he was a voluminous
author, never, however, writing himself but dictating to an amanuensis,
and founded a daily paper which is still in circulation. Like him,
again, he could lay claim to having trained a very large number of those
who now fill official posts in Japan.
The political creeds of the advanced reformers, with whom Ōkuma was to
be associated for the seven years during which he remained in
opposition, were necessarily shaped to some extent by the foreign
influences with which the Japanese people first came into touch after
the reopening of the country to foreign intercourse. Western political
literature of all kinds, in which the product of advanced American
thought figured largely, was then eagerly studied by a people shut out
for centuries from contact with the outside world. Under these
circumstances it is only natural that the republican atmosphere of
Japan’s nearest Western neighbour—the first to enter into Treaty
relations with her—should have coloured in some degree the political
aspirations of those who were clamouring for popular reforms, and have
even affected the studies of students in the educational institutions to
which attention has been drawn.