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[Illustration:

PRINCE IWAKURA.

Descended from an ancient family of Court Nobles; he was a leading

figure in the Restoration Movement, and in the Government

subsequently formed.

]

THE MAKING OF MODERN JAPAN

AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF JAPAN FROM PRE-FEUDAL DAYS TO

CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT & THE POSITION OF A GREAT POWER, WITH CHAPTERS

ON RELIGION, THE COMPLEX FAMILY SYSTEM, EDUCATION, &c.

BY

J. H. GUBBINS, C.M.G., HON. M.A.(OXON.)

LATE FIRST SECRETARY & JAPANESE SECRETARY OF BRITISH EMBASSY, TOKIO,

AUTHOR OF “A DICTIONARY OF CHINESE-JAPANESE WORDS IN THE JAPANESE

LANGUAGE,” “THE PROGRESS OF JAPAN,” “THE CIVIL CODE OF JAPAN,” &c., &c.,

&c.

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS

LONDON

SEELEY, SERVICE & CO. LIMITED

38 GREAT RUSSELL STREET

1922

TO

THE MEMORY

OF

MY WIFE

PREFACE

The Author’s thanks are due to His Excellency Baron G. Hayashi, H.I.J.M.’s

Ambassador in London, for most kindly referring to a competent authority

in Japan, for confirmation, a doubtful point in feudal land tenure; to

Prince Iwakura, Marquis Ōkubo, and Marquis Kido for photographs of three

of the eminent statesmen whose portraits appear; to the Right Honorable

Sir Ernest Satow for the trouble he took in reading the MS. of the book;

to Sir E. F. Crowe, C.M.G., Commercial Counsellor of the British Embassy

in Tōkiō, for very useful help given in various ways; and to Miss Maud

Oxenden for valuable assistance in proof-correcting.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

PAGE

Early History—The Great Reform—Adoption of Chinese Culture 17

CHAPTER II

Establishment of Feudalism and Duarchy—The Shōgunate and the

Throne—Early Foreign Relations—Christian Persecution and Closure

of Country 24

CHAPTER III

The Tokugawa Shōguns—Consolidation of Duarchy 32

CHAPTER IV

Political Conditions—Reopening of Japan to Foreign

Intercourse—Conclusion of Treaties—Decay of Shōgunate 42

CHAPTER V

Anti-Foreign Feeling—Chōshiū Rebellion—Mikado’s Ratification of

Treaties—Prince Kéiki—Restoration Movement—Civil War—Fall of

Shōgunate 53

CHAPTER VI

Japanese Chronology—Satsuma and Chōshiū Clans—The “Charter Oath” 68

CHAPTER VII

New Government—Clan Feeling in Satsuma—Administrative

Changes—Reformers and Reactionaries 77

CHAPTER VIII

Abolition of Feudal System—Reconstitution of Classes—Effects of

Abolition of Feudalism 87

CHAPTER IX

Effects of Abolition of Feudalism on Agricultural Class—Changes in

Land Tenure—Land-Tax Revision 97

CHAPTER X

Missions to Foreign Government—Hindrances to Reform—Language

Difficulties—Attitude of Foreign Powers 107

CHAPTER XI

Changes and Reforms—Relations with China and Korea—Rupture in

Ministry—Secession of Tosa and Hizen Leaders—Progress of

Reforms—Annexation of Loochoo—Discontent of Former Military

Class 117

CHAPTER XII

Local Risings—Satsuma Rebellion—Two-Clan Government 129

CHAPTER XIII

Japanese Religions before Restoration: Shintō and Buddhism 139

CHAPTER XIV

Japanese Religions after Restoration:

Christianity—_Bushidō_—Religious Observances 145

CHAPTER XV

Political Unrest—The Press—Press Laws—Conciliation and

Repression—Legal Reforms—Failure of Yezo Colonization

Scheme—Ōkuma’s Withdrawal—Increased Political Agitation 152

CHAPTER XVI

Promise of Representative Government—Political Parties—Renewed

Unrest—Local Outbreaks 162

CHAPTER XVII

Framing of Constitution—New Peerage—Reorganization of

Ministry—English Influence—Financial Reform—Failure of

Conferences for Treaty Revision 172

CHAPTER XVIII

Imperial Authority—Privy Council—Local

Self-Government—Promulgation of Constitution—Imperial

Prerogatives—The Two Houses of Parliament—Features of

Constitution and First Parliamentary Elections 181

CHAPTER XIX

Working of Representative Government—Stormy Proceedings in

Diet—Legal and Judicial Reform—Political Rowdyism—Fusion of

Classes 192

CHAPTER XX

Working of Parliamentary Government—Grouping of Parties—Government

and Opposition—Formation of _Seiyūkai_—Increasing Intervention

of Throne—Decrease of Party Rancour—Attitude of Upper House 197

CHAPTER XXI

Treaty Revision—Great Britain takes Initiative—Difficulties with

China 204

CHAPTER XXII

China and Korea—War with China—Naval Reform—Defeat of China—Treaty

of Shimonoséki—Peace Terms 214

CHAPTER XXIII

Militarist Policy—Liaotung Peninsula—Intervention of Three

Powers—Leases of Chinese Territory by Germany, Russia, Great

Britain and France—Spheres of Interest 223

CHAPTER XXIV

American Protest against Foreign Aggression in China—Principle of

“Open Door and Equal Opportunity”—Financial Reform—Operation of

Revised Treaties—The Boxer Outbreak—Russia and Manchuria 234

CHAPTER XXV

Agreement between Great Britain and Germany—The Anglo-Japanese

Alliance 245

CHAPTER XXVI

War with Russia—Success of Japan—President Roosevelt’s

Mediation—Treaty of Portsmouth—Peace Terms 254

CHAPTER XXVII

Weakening of Cordiality with America—Causes of Friction—Expansion

and Emigration—Annexation of Korea—New Treaties 265

CHAPTER XXVIII

Rise of Japan and Germany Compared—Renewal of Anglo-Japanese

Alliance—Japan and the Great War—Military and Naval

Expansion—Japan and China—The Twenty-one Demands—Agreement with

Russia regarding China—Lansing-Ishii Agreement—Effects of Great

War on Situation in Far East 274

CHAPTER XXIX

The Japanese Family System 283

CHAPTER XXX

Education 292

CHAPTER XXXI

The Makers of Modern Japan—How Japan is Governed 300

Index 307

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PRINCE IWAKURA _Frontispiece_

PAGE

ŌKUBO ICHIZŌ 72

KIDO JUNICHIRŌ 80

MARQUIS INOUYÉ 104

MARQUIS ŌKUMA 104

PRINCE ITŌ 176

MARQUIS MATSUGATA 184

FIELD-MARSHAL PRINCE ŌYAMA 184

FIELD-MARSHAL PRINCE YAMAGATA 216

MARQUIS SAIONJI 248

GENERAL PRINCE KATSURA 248

The Making of Modern Japan

CHAPTER I

Early History—The Great Reform—Adoption of Chinese Culture.

There is much speculation, but no certainty, regarding the origin of the

Japanese people. It is, however, generally held that the Japanese race

is made up of two main elements—one Mongolian, which came to Japan from

Northern Asia by way of Korea, and the other Malayan; a third strain

being possibly supplied to some small extent by the Ainu aborigines,

whom the invaders found in occupation of the country. The prevailing

type of feature is Mongolian, though scientific research claims to have

discovered traces of the physical characteristics of other Asiatic

races.

If the earliest Japanese records provide little trustworthy material for

the historian, they show how the legendary heroes of oral tradition

became in the hands of successive chroniclers the deified ancestors of

the reigning dynasty, and indicate the process of transition by which

the feelings of respect and admiration they inspired developed into a

popular belief in the quasi-divinity of Japanese Sovereigns. It is in

this no-man’s-land, where no clear boundaries divide fable from history,

that we are from the first confronted with the primitive native

religion, and realize its weakness as a civilizing influence. From these

same records, nevertheless, as well as from scanty Chinese sources, we

glean certain general facts bearing on the early development of Japan.

Chinese culture is seen trickling in at a very early date; we hear of

the adoption at some time in the fifth century of Chinese ideographs,

the Japanese following in this respect the example of their Korean

neighbours, who, like themselves, had originally no written language of

their own; and we learn of the introduction of Buddhism a century later.

The advent of Buddhism was a notable factor in Japan’s progress. Its

missionaries assisted the spread of the Chinese written language, and

thus paved the way for the introduction in A.D. 645 of what is known as

the Great Reform.

The Great Reform gave its name to the first year-period of Japanese

chronology, and to Japanese history its first certain date. It was the

outcome of a movement having for its object the repair of the authority

of the Throne, which had been weakened by the separatist tendencies of

the Sōga family. The new form of government then established, in

imitation of changes made under the T’ang dynasty in China, was a

centralized bureaucracy. The supreme control of affairs was vested in

the Council of State. In this Council the Prime Minister presided, and

with him were associated the two assistant Ministers of State and the

President of the Privy Council. Of the eight Boards, or Departments of

State, five dealt mainly, but by no means exclusively, with matters

relating to Ceremonial, Religion, the Army, Finance and Taxation

respectively; the other three having the direction of business connected

more immediately with the Imperial Court. There seems, however, to have

been no very clear-cut division of business, Court interests being

apparently mixed up with the affairs of every department. This change in

the form of government was only one of many results caused by the inrush

of Chinese ideas at this time. The influence of the wave of Chinese

culture which swept over the country permeated every part of the

national fabric, remodelling the social system, and laying the

foundations of Japanese law, education, industries and art.

Later on provision was made for the establishment of a regency during

the minority of a reigning Sovereign, the regent (_Sesshō_) by virtue of

his office ranking at the head of the official hierarchy. When the

regency expired, the ex-regent assumed the title of _Kwambaku_ (or

_Sesshō-Kwambaku_), retaining his official precedence. The two posts

were subsequently separated, and, like all other Court offices, became,

as the authority of the Court declined, mere honorary titles. Both posts

and honorary titles were hereditary in certain branches of the Fujiwara

family, the only exception to this rule occurring in the sixteenth

century.

It was not till the eighth century that the Japanese elaborated a

written language of their own. The Koreans had done so already, but the

two written languages thus superadded to what was borrowed from China

have nothing in common. That of the Japanese consists of two different

scripts, each adapted from Chinese characters. The Korean script bears

no resemblance to Chinese. Both countries have good reason to regard as

a very doubtful blessing the possession of two spoken and two written

languages.

At this early stage in Japanese history three things stand out

prominently: the welcome given to foreign ideas; the duality of religion

and language; and the curious atmosphere of divinity surrounding the

Throne, which by an easy process of transition came to be regarded by

the people as a natural attribute of their country and of themselves. It

is not surprising, therefore, to find in the development of Japan two

opposite tendencies constantly at work—the assimilation of new ideas

from abroad, and reaction in favour of native institutions. Together

with the readiness to adopt foreign ideas, to which the seventh century

bears such striking witness, there existed an intense national pride—a

belief in the superiority of Japan, “the country of the Gods,” to all

other lands. The existence of these two contrary currents of popular

feeling, in which religion, politics and language all play their part,

may be traced through the whole course of Japanese history.

The strengthening of the Throne’s authority, which was effected by the

Great Reform, lasted but a short time, the ruling power soon passing

again into the hands of another powerful family, the House of Fujiwara.

But the centralized bureaucratic form of government borrowed from China

survived, and with it the fiction of direct Imperial rule.

During the long ascendancy, covering more than three centuries, of the

House of Fujiwara the Sovereigns, despite their assumption of the

recognized titles of Chinese Emperors, sank into the position of mere

puppets, removable at the will of the patrician rulers. It is important

to note, however, that neither the nominal authority of the occupant of

the Throne nor the power of the _de facto_ Government during this

period, and for many years after, extended much beyond the centre of

Japan. The loyalty of district governors in the south and west was

regulated by their distance from the seat of administration. To the

north and east, again, the country was in the possession of the Ainu

aborigines, with whom a desultory warfare was carried on until their

eventual expulsion to the northern island of Yezo.

Early in the twelfth century the Fujiwara _régime_ came to an end. The

succeeding administrators were members of the Taira family, which had

gradually risen to importance, and wielded the predominant influence in

the country. Fifty years later their position was successfully

challenged by the rival House of Minamoto, which, like its two

predecessors, could claim royal descent. The long struggle between these

two houses ended in the final overthrow of the Taira family in the sea

battle of Dan-no-Ura (A.D. 1155) and the establishment of the feudal

system, in other words, of a military government.

Yoritomo, the Minamoto leader, who then rose to power, received from the

Court the title of Shōgun (or General), a contraction of the fuller

appellation _Sei-i-Tai-Shōgun_. This may be rendered Barbarian-quelling

Generalissimo, and was the term originally applied to generals employed

in fighting the Ainu aborigines in the North-Eastern marches. With the

assumption of this title the term itself developed a new meaning, for it

was not as the general of an army that he thenceforth figured, but as

the virtual ruler of Japan. His advent to power marks a new phase in

Japanese history, the inception of a dual system of government based on

feudalism, which lasted, except for a short period in the sixteenth

century, until modern times.

With the establishment of a military government the classification of

society was changed. Thenceforth there were three recognized divisions

of the people—the _Kugé_, or Court aristocracy, constituting the former

official hierarchy, which, becoming more and more impoverished as the

connection of its members with the land ceased, gradually sank into the

position of a negligible factor in the nation; the _Buké_, or military

class, which included both daimiōs and their retainers, and out of which

the new official hierarchy was formed; and the _Minké_, or general

public, which comprised farmers, artizans and tradesmen, or merchants,

ranking in the order named.

Feudalism was no sudden apparition. It was no mushroom growth of a

night. The importance of the military class had been growing steadily

during the prolonged civil strife from which the Minamoto family had

emerged victorious. This and the increasing weakness of the Government

had brought about a change in provincial administration. Civil

governors, dependent on the Capital, had gradually given place to

military officials, with hereditary rights, who looked elsewhere for

orders; manorial estates were expanding into territories with castles to

protect them; and local revenues no longer flowed with regularity into

State coffers. Thus in more than one manner the way had been prepared

for feudalism.

The same may be said of the dual system of administration, though here

the question is less simple. From all that history tells us, and from

its even more eloquent silence, there is good reason to question the

existence at any time of direct Imperial rule. We hear of no Mikado ever

leading an army in the field, making laws or dispensing justice, or

fulfilling, in fact, any of the various functions associated with

sovereignty, save those connected with public worship. This absence of

personal rule, this tendency to act by proxy, is in keeping with the

atmosphere of impersonality which pervades everything Japanese, and is

reflected in the language of the people. Everything tends to confirm the

impression that the prestige of sovereignty in Japan thus lay rather in

the institution itself than in the personality of the rulers. The casual

manner in which succession was regulated; the appearance on the Throne

of Empresses in a country where little deference was paid to women; the

preference repeatedly shown for the reign of minors; the _laisser-aller_

methods of adoption and abdication; the easy philosophy which saw

nothing unusual in the association of three abdicated, or cloistered,

monarchs with a reigning sovereign; and the general indifference of the

public to the misfortunes which from time to time befel the occupant of

the Throne, all point in the same direction—the withdrawal of the

Sovereign at an early date from all active participation in the work of

government. In so far, therefore, as the personal rule of the Sovereign

was concerned it seems not unreasonable to regard the dual system of

government established at this time as the formal recognition of what

already existed. Its association with feudalism, however, brought about

an entirely new departure. Kiōto, indeed, continued to be the national

capital. There the former Ministers of State remained with all the empty

paraphernalia of an officialdom which had ceased to govern. But a new

seat of administration was set up at Kamakura, to which all men of

ability were gradually attracted. Thenceforth the country was

administered by a military government directed by the Shōgun at

Kamakura, while the Sovereign lived in seclusion in the Capital,

surrounded by a phantom Court, and an idle official hierarchy.

In this question of government there is still something further to be

explained. It should be understood that the Shōgun did not personally

rule any more than the Mikado. What for want of a better name may be

termed the figure-head system of government is noticeable throughout the

whole course of Japanese history. Real and nominal power are rarely seen

combined either socially or politically. The family, which is the unit

of society, is nominally controlled by the individual who is its head.

But practically the latter is in most cases a figure-head, the real

power being vested in the group of relatives who form the family

council. The same principle applied to the administration of feudal

territories. These were not administered by the feudal proprietors

themselves. The control was entrusted to a special class of hereditary

retainers. Here again, however, the authority was more nominal than

real, the direction of affairs being left, as a rule, to the more active

intelligence of retainers of inferior rank. Similarly the Shōgun was

usually a mere puppet in the hands of his Council, the members of which

were in turn controlled by subordinate office-holders. This predilection

for rule by proxy was encouraged by the customs of adoption and

abdication, the effects of which, as regards Mikado and Shōgun alike,

were seen in shortness of reign, or administration, and the frequency of

the rule of minors.

The highly artificial and, indeed, contradictory character which

distinguished all Japanese administration had certain advantages.

Abdication was found to be not incompatible in practice with an active,

though unacknowledged, supervision of affairs. It also provided a

convenient method of getting rid of persons whose presence in office was

for any reason inconvenient. In a society, too, where adoption was the

rule rather than the exception the failure of a direct heir to the

Throne, or Shōgunate, presented little difficulty. It was a thing to be

arranged by the Council of State, just as in less exalted spheres such

matters were referred to the family council. Questions of succession

were thus greatly simplified. In this contradiction, moreover, between

appearance and reality, in the retention of the shadow without the

substance of power, lay the strength of both monarchy and Shōgunate. It

was, in fact, the secret of their stability, and explains the unbroken

continuity of the dynasty on which the nation prides itself. Under such

a system the weakness or incompetence of nominal rulers produced no

violent convulsions in the body politic. The machinery of government

worked smoothly on, unaffected by the personality of those theoretically

responsible for its control; and as time went by the tendency of office

to divorce itself from the discharge of the duties nominally associated

with it increased everywhere, with the result that in the last days of

the Shōgunate administrative policy was largely inspired at the seat of

government by subordinate officials, and in the clans by retainers of

inferior standing.

The question of dual government, which has led to this long digression,

was more or less of a puzzle to foreigners from the time when Jesuit

missionaries first mistook Shōguns for Mikados; and it was not until

after the negotiation of the first treaties with Western Powers that it

was discovered that the title of Tycoon given to the Japanese ruler in

these documents had been adopted for the occasion, in accordance with a

precedent created many years before, in order to conceal the fact that

the Shōgun, though ruler, was not the Sovereign.

The Making of Modern Japan An Account of the Progress of Japan from Pre-feudal Days to Constitutional Government & the Position of a Great Power, With Chapters on Religion, the Complex Family System, Education, &c. · 第 1 / 31 章